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Peacekeeping is defined by the United Nations as "a unique and dynamic instrument
developed by the Organization as a way to help countries torn by conflict create the
conditions for lasting peace".[4] It is distinguished from both peacebuilding and

Peacekeepers monitor and observe peace processes in post-conflict areas and assist ex-
combatants in implementing the peace agreements they may have signed. Such assistance
comes in many forms, including confidence-building measures, power-sharing
arrangements, electoral support, strengthening the rule of law, and economic and social
development. Accordingly UN peacekeepers (often referred to as Blue Beret because of
their light blue berets or helmets) can include soldiers, police officers, and civilian

The United Nations Charter gives the United Nations Security Council the power and
responsibility to take collective action to maintain international peace and security. For
this reason, the international community usually looks to the Security Council to
authorize peacekeeping operations.

Most of these operations are established and implemented by the United Nations itself,
with troops serving under UN operational control. In these cases, peacekeepers remain
members of their respective armed forces, and do not constitute an independent "UN
army", as the UN does not have such a force. In cases where direct UN involvement is
not considered appropriate or feasible, the Council authorizes regional organizations such
as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Economic Community of West
African States, or coalitions of willing countries to undertake peacekeeping or peace-
enforcement tasks.

The United Nations is not the only organization to implement peacekeeping missions.
Non-UN peacekeeping forces include the NATO mission in Kosovo (With United
Nations authorization) and the Multinational Force and Observers on the Sinai Peninsula.

Alain Le Roy currently serves as the head of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations
(DPKO). DPKO's highest level doctrine document, entitled "United Nations
Peacekeeping Operations: Principles and Guidelines" was issued in 2008.[5]

[edit] Nature of peacekeeping
Peacekeeping is anything that contributes to the furthering of a peace process, once
established. This includes, but is not limited to, the monitoring of withdrawal by
combatants from a former conflict area, the supervision of elections, and the provision of
reconstruction aid. Peacekeepers are often soldiers, but they do not have to be. Similarly,
while soldier-peacekeepers are sometimes armed, they are not obligated to engage in

Peacekeepers were not at first expected to ever fight. As a general rule, they were
deployed when the ceasefire was in place and the parties to the conflict had given their
consent. They were deployed to observe from the ground and report impartially on
adherence to the ceasefire, troop withdrawal or other elements of the peace agreement.
This gave time and breathing space for diplomatic efforts to address the underlying
causes of conflict.

Thus, a distinction must be drawn between peacekeeping and other operations aimed at
peace. A common misconception is that activities such as NATO's intervention in the
Kosovo War are peacekeeping operations, when they were, in reality, peace enforcement.
That is, since NATO was seeking to impose peace, rather than maintain peace, they were
not peacekeepers, rather peacemakers.

[edit] Process and structure
[edit] Formation

Australian peacekeepers in East Timor.

Once a peace treaty has been negotiated, the parties involved might ask the United
Nations for a peacekeeping force to oversee various elements of the agreed upon plan.
This is often done because a group controlled by the United Nations is less likely to
follow the interests of any one party, since it itself is controlled by many groups, namely
the 15-member Security Council and the intentionally-diverse United Nations Secretariat.

If the Security Council approves the creation of a mission, then the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations begins planning for the necessary elements. At this point, the
senior leadership team is selected (see below). The department will then seek
contributions from member nations. Since the UN has no standing force or supplies, it
must form ad hoc coalitions for every task undertaken. Doing so results in both the
possibility of failure to form a suitable force, and a general slowdown in procurement
once the operation is in the field. Romeo Dallaire, force commander in Rwanda during
the Rwandan Genocide there, described the problems this poses by comparison to more
traditional military deployments:

"He told me the UN was a 'pull' system, not a 'push' system like I had been used to with
NATO, because the UN had absolutely no pool of resources to draw on. You had to make
a request for everything you needed, and then you had to wait while that request was
analyzed...For instance, soldiers everywhere have to eat and drink. In a push system, food
and water for the number of soldiers deployed is automatically supplied. In a pull system,
you have to ask for those rations, and no common sense seems to ever apply." (Shake
Hands With the Devil, Dallaire, pp. 99-100)

While the peacekeeping force is being assembled, a variety of diplomatic activities are
being undertaken by UN staff. The exact size and strength of the force must be agreed to
by the government of the nation whose territory the conflict is on. The Rules of
Engagement must be developed and approved by both the parties involved and the
Security Council. These give the specific mandate and scope of the mission (e.g. when
may the peacekeepers, if armed, use force, and where may they go within the host
nation). Often, it will be mandated that peacekeepers have host government minders with
them whenever they leave their base. This complexity has caused problems in the field.

When all agreements are in place, the required personnel are assembled, and final
approval has been given by the Security Council, the peacekeepers are deployed to the
region in question.

[edit] Cost

Peacekeeping costs, especially since the end of the Cold War, have risen dramatically. In
1993, annual UN peacekeeping costs had peaked at some $3.6 billion, reflecting the
expense of operations in the former Yugoslavia and Somalia. By 1998, costs had dropped
to just under $1 billion. With the resurgence of larger-scale operations, costs for UN
peacekeeping rose to $3 billion in 2001. In 2004, the approved budget was $2.8 billion,
although the total amount was higher than that. For the fiscal year which ended on June
30, 2006, UN peacekeeping costs were about US$5.03 billion.

All member states are legally obliged to pay their share of peacekeeping costs under a
complex formula that they themselves have established. Despite this legal obligation,
member states owed approximately $1.20 billion in current and back peacekeeping dues
as of June 2004.

[edit] Structure

A United Nations peacekeeping mission has three power centers. The first is the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General, the official leader of the mission. This person is
responsible for all political and diplomatic activity, overseeing relations with both the
parties to the peace treaty and the UN member-states in general. They are often a senior
member of the Secretariat. The second is the Force Commander, who is responsible for
the military forces deployed. They are a senior officer of their nation's armed services,
and are often from the nation committing the highest number of troops to the project.
Finally, the Chief Administrative Officer oversees supplies and logistics, and coordinates
the procurement of any supplies needed.

[edit] History
Main article: History of United Nations Peacekeeping

[edit] Cold War Peacekeeping

United Nations peacekeeping light armed mechanised vehicle in Bovington tank
museum, Dorset, England.

United Nations peacekeeping was initially developed during the Cold War as a means of
resolving conflicts between states by deploying unarmed or lightly armed military
personnel from a number of countries, under UN command, to areas where warring
parties were in need of a neutral party to observe the peace process. Peacekeepers could
be called in when the major international powers (the five permanent members of the
Security Council) tasked the UN with bringing closure to conflicts threatening regional
stability and international peace and security. These included a number of so-called
"proxy wars" waged by client states of the superpowers. As of February 2009, there have
been 63 UN peacekeeping operations since 1948, with sixteen operations ongoing.
Suggestions for new missions arise every year.

The first peacekeeping mission was launched in 1948. This mission, the United Nations
Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO), was sent to the newly created State of Israel,
where a conflict between the Israelis and the Arab states over the creation of Israel had
just reached a ceasefire. The UNTSO remains in operation to this day, although the
Israeli-Palestinian Conflict has certainly not abated. Almost a year later, the United
Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) was authorized to
monitor relations between the two nations, which were split off from each other
following the United Kingdom's decolonization of the Indian subcontinent.
As the Korean War ends with the Korean Armistice Agreement in 1953, UN forces
remained along the south side of demilitarized zone until 1967, when American and
South Korean forces took over.[citation needed]

Returning its attention to the conflict between Israel and its Arab neighbors, the United
Nations responded to Suez Crisis of 1956, a war between the alliance of the United
Kingdom, France, and Israel, and Egypt, which was supported by other Arab nations.
When a ceasefire was declared in 1957, Canadian diplomat (and future Prime Minister)
Lester Bowles Pearson suggested that the United Nations station a peacekeeping force in
the Suez in order to ensure that the ceasefire was honored by both sides. Pearson had
initially suggested that the force consist of mainly Canadian soldiers, but the Egyptians
were suspicious of having a Commonwealth nation defend them against the United
Kingdom and her allies. In the end, a wide variety of national forces were drawn upon to
ensure national diversity. Pearson would win the Nobel Peace Prize for this work, and he
is today considered a father of modern peacekeeping.

In 1988 the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to the United Nations peacekeeping forces.
The press release stated that the forces "represent the manifest will of the community of
nations" and have "made a decisive contribution" to the resolution of conflict around the

[edit] Since 1991

Norwegian Peacekeeper during the Siege of Sarajevo, 1992 - 1993, photo by Mikhail

The end of the Cold War precipitated a dramatic shift in UN and multilateral
peacekeeping. In a new spirit of cooperation, the Security Council established larger and
more complex UN peacekeeping missions, often to help implement comprehensive peace
agreements between protagonists in intra-State conflicts and civil wars. Furthermore,
peacekeeping came to involve more and more non-military elements that ensured the
proper functioning of civic functions, such as elections. The UN Department of
Peacekeeping Operations was created in 1992 to support this increased demand for such

By and large, the new operations were successful. In El Salvador and Mozambique, for
example, peacekeeping provided ways to achieve self-sustaining peace. Some efforts
failed, perhaps as the result of an overly optimistic assessment of what UN peacekeeping
could accomplish. While complex missions in Cambodia and Mozambique were ongoing,
the Security Council dispatched peacekeepers to conflict zones like Somalia, where
neither ceasefires nor the consent of all the parties in conflict had been secured. These
operations did not have the manpower, nor were they supported by the required political
will, to implement their mandates. The failures — most notably the 1994 Rwandan
genocide and the 1995 massacre in Srebrenica and Bosnia and Herzegovina — led to a
period of retrenchment and self-examination in UN peacekeeping.

[edit] Gallantry Awards

Captain Salaria - Congo

In November 1961 the UN Security Council moved to prevent hostilities by Katangese
troops in Congo. This caused Moise Tshombe, the Katanga secessionist leader to step up
attacks on UN troops. On 5 December 1961, an Indian UN company supported by 3-inch
(76 mm) mortar attacked a Katangese road-block between the Katangese HQ and the
Elisabethville airfield. A Gurkha platoon attempted to link up with the company and
reinforce the road-block, but ran into opposition near the old airfield. The platoon attack
on the rebel position, manned by about 90 Katangese troops, was led by Indian Captain
Gurbachan Singh Salaria. Despite having only 16 soldiers and being outgunned, Captain
Salaria and his Gurkha soldiers' ferocity overwhelmed the enemy, who fled. In this
engagement, Captain Salaria was shot in his neck, but continued to fight till he
succumbed to his injuries. Due to his selfless act of courage, the UN Headquarters in
Elisabethville was saved from encirclement and Captain Salaria was awarded India's
highest military award, the Param Vir Chakra.[6][7]

[edit] Non-United Nations Peacekeeping

See also: NATO peacekeeping

Canadian CH135 Twin Hueys assigned to the Multinational Force and Observers non-
UN peacekeeping force, at El Gorah, Sinai, Egypt, 1989.

Not all peacekeeping forces have been directly controlled by the United Nations. In 1981,
an agreement between Israel and Egypt formed the Multinational Force and Observers
which continues to monitor the Sinai Peninsula.
Six years later, the Indian Peace Keeping Force entered Sri Lanka to help maintain peace.
The situation became a quagmire, and India was asked to withdraw in 1990 by the Sri
Lankan Prime Minister having formed a pact with the Tamil Tiger rebels.

In November 1988, India also helped restore government of Maumoon Abdul Gayoom in
Maldives under Operation Cactus.

On 20 December 1995, under a UN mandate, a NATO-led force (IFOR) entered Bosnia
in order to implement The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. In a similar manner, a NATO operation (KFOR) continues in the former
Serbian province of Kosovo.

The NATO-led mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina has since been replaced by a
European Union peacekeeping mission, EUFOR.

The African Union has also had some limited involvement in peacekeeping within Africa
since 2003.

In South Ossetia, Russia and Georgia each deployed their own sets of peacekeepers to the
region under the Sochi agreement. The 2008 South Ossetia War resulted in the expulsion
of all Georgian forces from the region, including peacekeepers, as well as the deaths of
18 Russian peacekeepers.

[edit] Participation

Alpine Helicopters contract Bell 212 on UN peacekeeping duty in Guatemala, 1998.

San Martin Camp in Cyprus. The Argentine contingent includes troops from other Latin
American countries.
Indian Army T-72 tanks with UN markings as part of Operation CONTINUE HOPE.

The UN Charter stipulates that to assist in maintaining peace and security around the
world, all member states of the UN should make available to the Security Council
necessary armed forces and facilities. Since 1948, close to 130 nations have contributed
military and civilian police personnel to peace operations. While detailed records of all
personnel who have served in peacekeeping missions since 1948 are not available, it is
estimated that up to one million soldiers, police officers and civilians have served under
the UN flag in the last 56 years. As of March 2008, 113 countries were contributing a
total 88,862 military observers, police, and troops.[8]

Despite the large number of contributors, the greatest burden continues to be borne by a
core group of developing countries, who often profit financially from their participation
in such missions.[citation needed] The 10 main troop-contributing countries to UN
peacekeeping operations as of September 2010 were Bangladesh (10,736), Pakistan
(10,691), India (8,935), Nigeria (5,709), Egypt (5,458), Nepal (5,044), Jordan (3,826),
Ghana (3,647), Rwanda (3,635), Uruguay (2,489).[9]

The head of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Under-Secretary-General Jean-
Marie Guéhenno, has reminded Member States that “the provision of well-equipped,
well-trained and disciplined military and police personnel to UN peacekeeping operations
is a collective responsibility of Member States. Countries from the South should not and
must not be expected to shoulder this burden alone”.

As of March 2008, in addition to military and police personnel, 5,187 international
civilian personnel, 2,031 UN Volunteers and 12,036 local civilian personnel worked in
UN peacekeeping missions.[10]

Through April 2008, 2,468 people from over 100 countries have been killed while
serving on peacekeeping missions.[11] Many of those came from India (127), Canada
(114) and Ghana (113). Thirty percent of the fatalities in the first 55 years of UN
peacekeeping occurred in the years 1993-1995.

Developing nations tend to participate in peacekeeping more than developed countries.
This may be due in part because forces from smaller countries avoid evoking thoughts of
imperialism. For example, in December 2005, Eritrea expelled all American, Russian,
European, and Canadian personnel from the peacekeeping mission on their border with
Ethiopia. Additionally, an economic motive appeals to the developing countries. The rate
of reimbursement by the UN for troop contributing countries per peacekeeper per month
include: $1,028 for pay and allowances; $303 supplementary pay for specialists; $68 for
personal clothing, gear and equipment; and $5 for personal weaponry.[12] This can be a
significant source of revenue for a developing country. By providing important training
and equipment for the soldiers as well as salaries, UN peacekeeping missions allow them
to maintain larger armies than they otherwise could. About 4.5% of the troops and
civilian police deployed in UN peacekeeping missions come from the European Union
and less than one percent from the United States (USA).[1]

Both personnel and financial contributions to peacekeeping opeations are included in the
Commitment to Development Index, which ranks donor governments on their policies to
the developing world.[citation needed]

[edit] Criticism
[edit] Potential for harm to troops

There is some concern about the harm caused to troops, as peacekeeping can be very
stressful. The peacekeepers are exposed to danger caused by the warring parties and often
in an unfamiliar climate. This gives rise to different mental health problems, suicide, and
substance abuse as shown by the percentage of former peacekeepers with those problems.
Having a parent in a mission abroad for an extended period is also stressful to the
peacekeepers' family.[13] In addition, peacekeepers, even when acting on UN mandate,
may become a target for attacks by some of the parties in a conflict.

Another viewpoint raises the problem that the peacekeeping may soften the troops and
erode their combat ability, as the mission profile of a peacekeeping contingent is totally
different from the profile of a unit fighting an all-out war.[14][15]

[edit] Peacekeeping, human trafficking, and forced prostitution

Main article: Peacekeeping child sexual abuse scandal

Reporters witnessed a rapid increase in prostitution in Cambodia, Mozambique, Bosnia,
and Kosovo after UN and, in the case of the latter two, NATO peacekeeping forces
moved in. In the 1996 U.N. study The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children, former first
lady of Mozambique Graça Machel documented: "In 6 out of 12 country studies on
sexual exploitation of children in situations of armed conflict prepared for the present
report, the arrival of peacekeeping troops has been associated with a rapid rise in child

Gita Sahgal spoke out in 2004 with regard to the fact that prostitution and sex abuse crops
up wherever humanitarian intervention efforts are set up. She observed: "The issue with
the UN is that peacekeeping operations unfortunately seem to be doing the same thing
that other militaries do. Even the guardians have to be guarded."[17]
[edit] Criticisms of scandals
[edit] Oil-for-Food Programme scandal

In addition to criticism of the basic approach, the Oil-for-Food Programme suffered from
widespread corruption and abuse. Throughout its existence, the programme was dogged
by accusations that some of its profits were unlawfully diverted to the government of Iraq
and to UN officials.[18]

[edit] Peacekeeping child sexual abuse scandal

Reporters witnessed a rapid increase in prostitution in Cambodia, Mozambique, Bosnia,
and Kosovo after UN and, in the case of the latter two, NATO peacekeeping forces
moved in. In the 1996 U.N. study The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children, former first
lady of Mozambique Graça Machel documented: "In 6 out of 12 country studies on
sexual exploitation of children in situations of armed conflict prepared for the present
report, the arrival of peacekeeping troops has been associated with a rapid rise in child

[edit] Human Rights in United Nations missions

The following table chart illustrates confirmed accounts of crimes and human rights
violations committed by United Nations soldiers, peacekeepers and

      A comparison of incidents involving United Nations peacekeepers, troops, and
   Conflict     United Nations Mission               1    Murder2 Extortion/Theft3
               United Nations Mission in
Second Congo
               the Democratic Republic of            150          3                 44
Somali Civil United Nations Operation in
                                                        5        24                  5
War            Somalia II
Sierra Leone United Nations Mission in
                                                       50         7                 15
Civil War      Sierra Leone
Eritrean-      United Nations Mission in
                                                       70        15            unknown
Ethiopian War Ethiopia and Eritrea
Burundi Civil United Nations Operation in
                                                       80         5            unknown
War            Burundi
Rwanda Civil United Nations Observer
                                                       65        15            unknown
War            Mission Uganda-Rwanda
Second         United Nations Mission in               30         4                  1
Liberian Civil   Liberia
                 United Nations Mission in
Sudanese Civil                                        400            5           unknown
Côte d'Ivoire    United Nations Operation in
                                                      500            2           unknown
Civil War        Côte d'Ivoire
2004 Haiti       United Nations Stabilization
                                                      110          57            unknown
rebellion        Mission in Haiti
                 United Nations Interim
Kosovo War       Administration Mission in            800          70                 100
                 United Nations Interim
Lebanese                                         unknown             6           unknown
                 Force in Lebanon

[edit] Proposed reform
[edit] Brahimi analysis

In response to criticism, particularly of the cases of sexual abuse by peacekeepers, the
UN has taken steps toward reforming its operations. The Brahimi Report was the first of
many steps to recap former peacekeeping missions, isolate flaws, and take steps to patch
these mistakes to ensure the efficiency of future peacekeeping missions. The UN has
vowed to continue to put these practices into effect when performing peacekeeping
operations in the future. The technocratic aspects of the reform process have been
continued and revitalised by the DPKO in its 'Peace Operations 2010' reform agenda.
This included an increase in personnel, the harmonization of the conditions of service of
field and headquarters staff, the development of guidelines and standard operating
procedures, and improving the partnership arrangement between the Department of
Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) and the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP), African Union and European Union. 2008 capstone doctrine entitled "United
Nations Peacekeeping Operations: Principles and Guidelines"[5] incorporates and builds
on the Brahimi analysis.

[edit] Rapid reaction force

One suggestion to account for delays such as the one in Rwanda, is a rapid reaction force:
a standing group, administered by the UN and deployed by the Security Council, that
receives its troops and support from current Security Council members and is ready for
quick deployment in the event of future genocides.

[edit] Restructuring of the UN secretariat
The UN peacekeeping capacity was enhanced in 2007 by augmenting the DPKO with the
new Department of Field Support (DFS). Whereas the new entity serves as a key enabler
by co-ordinating the administration and logistics in UN peacekeeping operations, DPKO
concentrates on policy planning and providing strategic directions.[citation needed]

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This is article about a concept for conflict resolution. For information on international
military peace-making missions, see Peacebuilding.

Peacemaking is a form of conflict resolution which focuses on establishing equal power
relationships that will be robust enough to forestall future conflict, and establishing some
means of agreeing on ethical decisions within a community that has previously had
conflict. In order to do so there must be reconciliation among adversaries by bringing
understanding to both parties. When applied in criminal justice matters it is usually called
transformative justice. When applied to matters that do not disrupt the community as a
whole, it may be called mindful mediation.

The term peacemaking however is reserved for large, systemic, often factional conflicts
in which no member of the community can avoid involvement, and in which no faction or
segment can claim to be completely innocent of the problems. For instance, a post-
genocide situation, or extreme oppression such as apartheid.

The process of peacemaking is distinct from the rationale of pacifism or the use of non-
violent protest or civil disobedience techniques, though they are often practiced by the
same people. Indeed, those who master the nonviolent techniques under extreme violent
pressure, and who lead others in such resistance, have demonstrated the rare capacity not
to react to violent provocation in kind, and the difficult skill of keeping a group of people
suffering from violent oppression, coordinated and in good order through such
Given that, and a track record of not advocating violent responses, it is these leaders who
are usually most qualified for peacemaking when future conflict breaks out between the
previously warring sides.

[edit] Gandhi
Mohandas Gandhi is widely recognized as an important theorist of the peacemaking
strategy. He noted in particular that leaders who had been successful at violent strategies
were counter-productive in peace time, simply because these strategies now had to be
abandoned. But if a movement had adulated and emulated these people, it was unlikely
ever to be able to make permanent peace even with those factions it had conquered or
dominated, simply because the leaders lacked the skills and had become leaders in part
for their suppression of the other side. Accordingly, even if a movement were to benefit
from violent action, and even if such action was extremely effective in ending some other
oppression, no movement that sought long-term peace could safely hold up these acts or
persons as a moral example or advise emulating either. Gandhi's views have influenced
modern ethicists in forming a critique of terrorism, in which even those who support the
goals must decry the methods and avoid making, for instance, a suicide bomber into a

Peacebuilding is a term used within the international development community to
describe the processes and activities involved in resolving violent conflict and
establishing a sustainable peace.

It is an overarching concept that includes conflict transformation, restorative justice,
trauma healing, reconciliation, development, and leadership, underlain by spirituality and
religion. It is similar in meaning to conflict resolution but highlights the difficult reality
that the end of a conflict does not automatically lead to peaceful, stable social or
economic development. The word has gained substantial meaning through the actions of
organizations such as United States Institute of Peace and The Alliance for
Peacebuilding. A number of national and international organizations describe their
activities in conflict zones as peacebuilding.

Peacebuilding includes:

      Providing technical assistance for democratic development
      Promoting conflict resolution and reconciliation
      Re-integrating former combatants into civilian society
      Strengthening the rule of law
      Improving the standard of living and protecting human rights
      Security sector reform
The United Nations Peacebuilding Commission, through the Peacebuilding Fund
maintains peacebuilding operations in Burundi, Central African Republic, Comoros, Côte
d'Ivoire, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia and Nepal.

One definition of peacebuilding as used by the Alliance for Peacebuilding is:

Peacebuilding is the set of initiatives by diverse actors in government and civil society to
address the root causes of violence and protect civilians before, during, and after violent
conflict. Peacebuilders use communication, negotiation, and mediation instead of
belligerence and violence to resolve conflicts. Effective peacebuilding is multi-faceted
and adapted to each conflict environment. There is no one path to peace, but pathways
are available in every conflict environment. Peacebuilders help belligerents find a path
that will enable them to resolve their differences without bloodshed. The ultimate
objective of peacebuilding is to reduce and eliminate the frequency and severity of
violent conflict.

Peacebuilding Commission
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 (Redirected from United Nations Peacebuilding Commission)
Jump to: navigation, search

The Peacebuilding Commission was established in December 2005 by the United
Nations General Assembly and the Security Council acting concurrently.[1][2] It is an
inter-governmental advisory body that will help countries in post-conflict peace building,
recovery, reconstruction and development.

      1 Current members of the PBC
      2 Origins
           o 2.1 The High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change
           o 2.2 High-Level Threat Panel members
      3 Structure and mandate of the Peace Building Commission
           o 3.1 Institutional Framework
           o 3.2 The Peacebuilding Support Office
      4 The PBC takes its first steps
      5 See also
      6 External links
      7 References

[edit] Current members of the PBC
The current composition of the Peacebuilding Commission's Organizational Committee is
as follows :

      7 members of the Security Council, including all permanent members:
          1. China
          2. France
          3. the Russian Federation
          4. Mexico
          5. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
          6. United States of America
          7. Burkina Faso

      7 members elected by the General Assembly[3]:
          1. Benin
          2. Chile
          3. Georgia
          4. Jamaica
          5. South Africa
          6. Thailand
          7. Uruguay

      5 members chosen as top providers of military personnel and civilian police to
       United Nations missions:
          1. Bangladesh
          2. Nigeria
          3. India
          4. Nepal
          5. Pakistan

      7 members elected by the United Nations Economic and Social Council[4]:
          1. Algeria
          2. El Salvador
          3. Guinea-Bissau
          4. Luxembourg
          5. Morocco
          6. Poland
          7. Republic of Korea

      5 members chosen as top providers of contributions to United Nations budgets,
       funds programmes and agencies:
          1. Canada
          2. Germany
          3. Japan
          4. the Netherlands
          5. Sweden
[edit] Origins
The Peace Building Commission (PBC) is one of the new entities created by the reform
process initiated during the 60th session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
The debate over the reform of the United Nations systems is not a recent one. Since the
creation of the organization (June 1945), most of delegates and commentators believed
that the structure they had given birth to was a merely temporary one as a first step
towards the establishment of the new multilateral system. Indeed, the third paragraph of
article 109 is a clear clue of this initial orientation, as it states that a General Conference
aimed at reviewing the UN Charter should be called from the tenth annual session of the
General Assembly onward. But, the first attempt to reform the UN structure failed at the
very 10th session, when the General Assembly, even though aware of the need of a
reform, decided to postpone any decision. Various attempts to reform the UN took place
during the decades but the core issues (Security Council reform, veto power, UN
enforcement) failed to be properly addressed.

[edit] The High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change

The new environment and challenges brought by the post-September 11 system of
international relations spurred the Secretary-General Kofi Annan to seek for new
proposals and solutions in order to reform certain sensitive area of the UN system. This
approximately was the mandate of the High Level Threat Panel.

Annan announced the membership of the 16-member Panel in a letter, dated November 3,
2003, addressed to the President of the General Assembly, Julian Robert Hunte (Saint
Lucia). Mr Anand Panyarachun, former Prime Minister of Thailand, was appointed to
chair the high-level panel on global security threats and reform of the international
system. The other 15 members were as well political leading figures and diplomats, like
Gro Harlem Brundtland (former prime minister of Norway and chair of the World
Commission on Environment and Development (Brundtland Commission), which in
1987 issued its final report, "Our Common Future" (Brundtland Report), which
articulated the idea of sustainable development) and Gareth Evans (former Minister for
Foreign Affairs of Australia and President of the International Crisis Group).

The Panel was asked to analyse and assess future threats to peace and security and to
evaluate existing approaches, instruments and mechanisms, including the organs of the
UN system. In this view, the Panel was specifically asked to:

       Examine today's global threats and provide an analysis of future challenges to
        international peace and security;
       Identify clearly the contribution that collective action can make in addressing
        these challenges;
       Recommend the changes necessary to ensure effective collective action, including
        but not limited to a review of the principal organs of the United Nations.
The list above makes clear that the panel was not asked to formulate policies on specific
issues. Rather it was asked to make an assessment of current challenges and to
recommend proper changes in order to meet them effectively. The final report of the
High-level Panel, named "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility," set out a
number of recommendations to address problems and issues in six main areas of concern
on which the multilateral system should concentrate its action now and in the decades

   1.   war between States;
   2.   violence within States (civil wars, gross violations of human rights and genocide);
   3.   poverty, infectious diseases and environmental degradation;
   4.   nuclear, radiological, chemical and biological weapons;
   5.   terrorism; and
   6.   transnational organized crime[5].

Considering the second point, the analysis of the panel identified "a key institutional gap:
there is no place in the United Nations system explicitly designed to avoid State collapse
and the slide to war or to assist countries in their transition from war to peace" (reference:
report, paragraph 261). Since the United Nations should be able to act coherently and
effectively from preventive action through post-conflict peace-building, the panel
recommended to establish a Peacebuilding Commission as a subsidiary body of the
Security Council itself. As it is stated in the report, "the core functions of the
Peacebuilding Commission should be to identify countries which are under stress and risk
sliding towards State collapse; to organize, in partnership with the national Government,
proactive assistance in preventing that process from developing further; to assist in the
planning for transitions between conflict and post-conflict peacebuilding; and in
particular to marshal and sustain the efforts of the international community in post-
conflict peacebuilding over whatever period may be necessary"[6]. For what concern more
practical and in-depth aspects of this new body, the panel just recommends that the
Commission should be reasonably small, meet in different configurations in order to
consider both general policy issues and country-by-country situations and strategies,
involve the main relevant actors in different fields (UN organs such as ECOSOC and
representative from UN agencies, International Financial and Economic Institutions,
representatives of regional and subregional organizations) and it should be assisted by
Peacebuilding Support Office established in the Secretariat.

[edit] High-Level Threat Panel members

       Anand Panyarachun (Thailand), former Prime Minister of Thailand (chair)
       Robert Badinter (France), French Senator and former Minister of Justice
       João Clemente Baena Soares (Brazil), former Secretary-General of the
        Organization of American States;
       Gro Harlem Brundtland (Norway), former Prime Minister of Norway and former
        Director-General of the World Health Organization;
       Mary Chinery-Hesse (Ghana), Vice-Chairman, National Development Planning
        Commission of Ghana and former Deputy Director-General, International Labour
       Gareth Evans (Australia), President of the International Crisis Group and former
        Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs;
       David Hannay (United Kingdom), former Permanent Representative of the United
        Kingdom to the United Nations and United Kingdom Special Envoy for Cyprus;
       Enrique V. Iglesias (Uruguay), President of the Inter-American Development
       Amr Moussa (Egypt), Secretary-General of the Arab League;
       Satish Nambiar (India), former Indian Army lieutenant general and United
        Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) commander;
       Sadako Ogata (Japan), former United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees;
       Yevgeny Primakov (Russia), former Prime Minister of the Russian Federation;
       Qian Qichen (China), former Vice Premier and Foreign Minister of the People's
        Republic of China;
       Nafis Sadik (Pakistan), former Executive Director of the United Nations
        Population Fund;
       Salim Ahmed Salim (United Republic of Tanzania), former Secretary-General of
        the Organization of African Unity; and
       Brent Scowcroft (United States), former United States Air Force lieutenant
        general and National Security Advisor.

[edit] Structure and mandate of the Peace Building
[edit] Institutional Framework

The Peacebuilding Commission is a subsidiary organ of both the General Assembly and
the Security Council, thus the legal basis for its institution is to be found in artt. 22 and 29
of the UN Charter, devoted respectively to GA and SC subsidiary bodies. For this reason
the Security Council adopted on December 20, 2005 its 1645 resolution in concurrence
with an analogue act approved by the General Assembly, the 60/180 resolution of
December 30, 2005. In both texts the Peacebuilding Commission is described as an
intergovernmental advisory body, and among its tasks there is the duty to submit an
annual report to the General Assembly which is supposed to hold an annual session to
discuss it.

The main task of the new Peacebuilding Commission is that of taking care of post-
conflict actions to be adopted and enforced in countries emerging from conflicts, whose
Governments choose to ask for relief from the International Community. It is up to the
PBC to collect all available resources and funds directed to support recovery projects in
those countries, and to draft long-term strategies in order to guarantee reconstruction,
institution-building and sustainable development.
As said, this new body represents an innovation to the UN traditional approach to
conflicts situations: for the first time there is a single organ charged with a mission that
relies on a complex of capacities and expertise which used to be of many UN subjects'
concern, without any substantial coordination set out. For this reason the Commission can
benefit by all the UN experience on such matters as conflict prevention, mediation,
peacekeeping, respect for human rights, the rule of law, humanitarian assistance,
reconstruction and long-term development.

Obviously, as it is an advisory body, its natural role is that of proposing action patterns to
be followed from the countries involved in the peace-building operations, and it is not
entitled to take effective action. Another important task the PBC is supposed to fulfill is
the one of ensuring actual funding both for early reconstruction activities and for longer-
term strategies. This last mission is aimed at fixing the previous general praxis, according
to which Countries were often more disposable to engage themselves to offer resources
for short-term interventions (mainly devoted to peace-keeping operations) than to keep
their promises of supporting peace-building operations once the conflict had been
soothed and the hype on it had ceased to affect international public opinion.

[edit] The Peacebuilding Support Office

The Outcome Document of the 2005 World Summit requested the Secretary-General “to
establish, within the Secretariat and from within existing resources, a small peacebuilding
support office staffed by qualified experts to assist and support the Peacebuilding
Commission and drawing from the best expertise available.”

The PBSO is headed by Judy Cheng-Hopkins Assistant Secretary-General for
Peacebuilding Support. Ms.Cheng-Hopkins provides overall management of the PBSO
and the PBF, and advises the Secretary-General on peace-building issues.

PBSO comprises three sections: Strategic Planning Section, Policy Analyses Section and
External Relations Section.

[edit] The PBC takes its first steps
In its first year of operations, the Commission has focused its attention on Burundi and
Sierra Leone.[7]

In Burundi, the PBC and the Government of Burundi agreed on four critical
peacebuilding areas to form the basis of a strategic framework: promoting good
governance, strengthening the rule of law, reform of the security sector, and ensuring
community recovery with a special focus on youth.

In Sierra Leone, the PBC and national partners identified reform of the justice and
security sectors, youth employment and empowerment, and capacity-building in
governance institutions as key priorities. Effective partnership between national and
international actors helped ensure that recent elections in Sierra Leone were conducted in
a peaceful, orderly and genuinely contested manner.

As the PBC begins its second year of work, the critical challenge ahead will be to ensure
continued support to Burundi and Sierra Leone, while continuing to implement its
mandate and meet the high expectations of its performance, most importantly with
respect to the populations of countries emerging from conflict. It is expected that other
countries will be referred for the Commission’s consideration in the near future.

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