The Face of Modern Chinese Consumption

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					                        The Face of Chinese Consumption

Analyzing the How and Why Behind Contemporary Chinese Gen Y Consumption Attitudes




                  Issues in Contemporary Chinese Consumption

                                Professor Julie Starr

                     Alliance-SUFE & NEU-BSIB Dialogue 2012




                                   Composed by

                                  Michal Gasiorek

                       Northeastern University, Class of 2014

                International Marketing & East Asian Studies\Chinese




                                August 15th, 2012
                                                                         The Face of Chinese Consumption
                                                                                           Michal Gasiorek

                                                 INTRODUCTION
       Since 1978, after Deng Xiao Ping's pro-free market reforms, the People's Republic of China has been almost
invincibly booming: production and consumption, exports and imports, and most of all quality of life are at some of
the highest levels China has experienced in the 20th century (Davis) -- and yet for centuries before and since Deng
Xiao Ping's great opening of the once "closed empire," the rest of the world has been vying for a slice of the pie. To
that end, the past 40 years have indeed been very good for "Western" consumption in China, and continues to be,
often touted by the endlessly increasing Chinese demand for luxury Western goods: in 2010, Chinese consumers
spent over USD$50 billion on luxury foreign goods from Europe alone, and given the high import taxes on such
products, 56% of these purchases were coupled with lavish getaways to overseas locations like Paris, Rome, and
Milan for the actual act of consumption (Thomas 2012). However, these goods aren't just popular among the well-
established: while China's 2.7 million millionaires, at an average age of 39, are very high consumers of luxury
foreign brands, two out of every three Western luxury purchases were by first-time-buyers, 45% of them between
ages 18 and 34 (Thomas 2012).
       At first glance, one may assume the American dream is alive and well in China, with high and growing
aspirational consumption and, if the nature of modern Chinese advertising is to be any indication, evident
globalization of the ancient Chinese culture and its associated deep-seated values. However, not only does the
presence of global images and foreign attitude appeals in these ads assume this shift in Chinese values, but to less
probing eyes, in itself incorrectly implies the overwhelming success of Western market globalism as a matter-of-
fact in "the new China." In truth, the above figures, usually touted by Western marketing conglomerates, only tell
part of the story. The complex reality of persistent and shifting Chinese principles presents, as always, a
competently ambivalent perspective, with the growth of Western values of consumption-driven individualism and
distinction blending with traditional Chinese Confucian-inspired values of moral discipline and a necessarily
integrative social state slow to independent change. In fact, despite their accrued wealth, China's 2.7 million
millionaires account for only 0.2% of China's over 1.34 billion consumers, and the $50B spent on European luxury
goods doesn't hold even a flickering candle to the nation's USD$7.3 trillion GDP (World Bank 2012). The modern
Chinese consumer is no open book: raised by parents who survived the period of China's greatest cultural, social,
and economic upheaval; born under the pressure-filled auspices of the one-child policy; confronted by the daily
rigors of sometimes as many as 14 or more hours of schooling, extracurricular, study, and enrichment, all in
preparation for the life-deciding GaoKao college entry exam; and confronted by being the first generation of cradle-
to-grave Chinese consumers being forced to pit Chinese thrift and pragmatism against Western consumerism and
hedonism (Davis, D. & Sensenbrenner, J.), China's unique new buyers demand equally unique inquisition. This
report will attempt to offer a small taste of this demanding perspective by examining the attitudes of the latest
generation of Chinese consumers - Gen Y, aged between 18-26 as of 2012 - by focusing firstly on the generational
influences imparted on Gen Ys by their parents, who first-hand experienced the start shift from Mao-era
Communism to market capitalism; followed by a brief look into the influence of traditional Chinese values on
purchasing behaviors, and the Western influences simultaneously swaying them.

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                                                      FINDINGS
Context of Consumption: Parents and Childhood of Gen-Y


        While Deng Xiao Ping's economic reforms have and continue to irrevocably shape the nature of Chinese life,
the social reforms of Mao's era are having just as striking an effect on Gen Y - through their parents. As discussed
later in this paper, the role of the family in Chinese culture continues to be paramount. While it is true that in
almost every culture, it is through the medium of their families that children consume not just sustenance, shelter,
and their first goods (such as clothes, toys, and even overheard media), but also ideas, values, beliefs, and the
brands associated with any of the aforementioned -- in Chinese Confucian thought, the family is the very inner
circle of the core defining human institutions, taking every otherwise relatably global family influence to a Chinese
nth degree. This is clear even in my own experiences with Chinese locals: in getting to know them, be they
"Westernized" or traditional, and beginning to distinguish aspects of their individual personality, upon eventually
asking about their family lives and values, the complex interplay of socially imparted family, neighborhood, school,
societal, and political value influences gradually becomes revealed. However, with little to no exception, in
personal and much of second-hand research, it remains consistently true that in the act of making daily and large-
scale decisions such as choice and style of personal education, the pursuit of relationships, engagement in nightlife
and drinking, and a slew of subtle and often difficult to perceive personality traits originate first within the family,
and are only then acted upon by outside forces. That said, the forces and implications of the values expressed
within the modern Chinese family explored here are in brief, but even so, result from some specific examinable
social and economic situations that shaped the lives of every Chinese parent of today.
        Born around the 1950s and 60s, the parents of today's Generation Y had, to say it gently, difficult lives. For
most, excepting those within the political elite, daily life revolved around surviving within material shortages and
stagnant incomes, political suffering and social upheaval, and, importantly, maintaining family bonds within
variously medium-to-very large family units almost universally supported on standardized incomes (Davis, D.).
Very little entertainment was available to any, and what little existed was doled out through politicized work or
education units, leaving little room for choice. Clothing for the children of this era, now parents to a generation
overwhelmed by hyperchoice in fashion, was slightly more limited: most kids wore hand-me-downs from older
siblings, some were lucky to have parents able to produce clothing for them, and it was common to modulate and
size down adult clothes for kidswear. In their vestments, colored various styles of drab, these children bore witness
to the economic devastation brought about by the Great Leap Forward (some may have even helped melt the pots
in the backyard furnaces). They inevitably observed first-hand the painful and often violent political reformation of
established society during the Cultural Revolution, and found themselves without options for personal reformation




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during the stringent period of anti-intellectualism following, which caused the shuttering of schools and colleges
(Lee C. 2003).
        Following Deng Xiao Ping's commercial revolution, the hierarchal political dependency, the standardization
of not just wages but lifestyle, and the impossibility of social maneuverability did not immediately vanish, but over
time have liberalized greatly. With the opening of the market, individual desires and social networks allowed some
of today's parents to secure comfortable futures for their kids by starting their own businesses: in an economy of
low competition, and one not used to the role of marketing, some self-made incredible (or at least comfortable)
fortunes by being quick-moving, persistent, and obeying the fundamental law of supply and demand (Zhang, L.
2010). However, for their nimbleness, these social movers received profit, but even wealth did not open them up to
a true social ascent: coming from humble beginnings, self-made families lacked the cultural capital necessary for
advancement into China's modernizing upper brackets. These hardships, but also the opportunities they presented,
defined the childhood of today's parents, and are defining the family values impressed upon today's children.
        The implication of the lives of their parents on Gen Y is significant. Being unable to pursue education during
their young adulthood, now coupled with the limitation of the one-child policy and the increasing intellectual and
skill demands of the free market, parents have a vested interest in making education the core of their children's
lives. Modern parents spend large portions of their income not only on their children's education, which is directly
tied to future success in the minds of both children and parents (Lee, C. 2003), but also on all manner of
individualizing and personifying extracurricular activities for their kids. These commonly reflect ambitious class
desires through activities like playing instruments, ballet, or artistry, but also include athletic pursuits. Parents are
not supporting and attempting to distinguish their children strictly for their sake: given their own inability to, as it
were, travel back in time and gain culture capital through education, their rely on their children to serve the role of
family cultural ambassadors. This means consumption of often Western and "globalized" goods, highly-regarded
personifying skills, and the best education available (earned or purchased) (Davis, D. & Sensenbrenner, J.)..
However, the kids are no slouches: given the self-made nature of their parents, kids are inundated with a demand
for perseverance, self-discipline, and educational rigor in an effort to "safely" attain a competitively sought "good"
job capable of bringing both honor and money to the family, sometimes at the expense of social skills emphasized
in Western countries. Thus, through their parents, reinforced by society, and independently valued, kids value
knowledge, hard work, and pragmatism. They, also through their parents, know and gradually come to understand
Western brands, but also many Chinese ones. Finally, they maintain their bonds of family throughout their entire
lives, and maintain persistently the values impressed upon them. As such, these values have the greatest appeal to
the Chinese in ads, among the most popular being a cognac piece showing a family bringing luck to a communal
Mahjongg game and enjoying victory after opening a bottle, most of all because of the familial focus (Davis, D. &
Sensenbrenner, J.). And of advertising, there is much.


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        "China's headlong plunge into "market socialism" immersed an entire generation of "singletons" into an
increasingly commodified environment deeply engaged with the products and advertising of global capitalism."
(Davis, D. & Sensenbrenner, J. p.54). New movies, music, and advertising have shaped China's young consumers
from birth. Unheard of just a few decades ago, instances of children as young as three not only shopping with their
parents but even picking out a toy together for an educational or behavioral reward are common, but kids running
into the store to the very toy they want (and sometimes getting it) are, too, becoming less rare. In one instance,
I've observed a child of around 5 point to a large R.C. truck easily over USD$30 and get it without much fuss. Yet
still, in another, a child of no more than three began crying so endlessly in a major mall after being denied his
choice treat of chips that his mother eventually bought him a small sweet as she was checking out, much to his
quieting delight.
        These typically, maybe regrettably, Western consumption behaviors are seemingly becoming standard
practice in a China where 10-year-olds have impressive familiarity with the KFC menu, Western toys resembling
Toy Story's Woody and Buzz are being replaced monthly by the new trend (Yan, Y.), and fashions celebrating
Western celebrities and brands (previously Mickey Mouse, now Spongebob Squarepants) are staples. These trends
may borrow from Europe or the US, where market changes before China's reemergence also made children larger
consumers and, above all, began allowing them to dictate or at least consider their own consumption -- a
phenomenon to which their parents, again considering the childhoods discussed previously, cannot relate.
However, given the importance of children to their parents' social mobility and future wellbeing, the costs are
rising -- but given the one-child policy, in an unexpected way. Same as the US and Europe in emergent youth
consumption, China differs in not only the larger size of the "proportional claims of family wealth" children are
demanding, but also in the "uniform[ness] among different economic classes" versus different societies (Davis, D. &
Sensenbrenner, J. p 57). They are consuming products and brands, but also meaning: through consumption,
Douglas-Isherwood argues human individuals and societies build meaning and establish purpose. Given the lack of
fixed class structure especially during their childhood (making Burdieu's parentage-based class-building outlook
not yet relevant), their consumption style even from a young age allows them to define their intended social strata
(Davis, D. & Sensenbrenner, J.), and given that, upon allowance-empowered young adulthood, much of this
consumption happens outside the family unit, Gen Y has gained a new meaning-building outlet that is the core
vehicle for absorbing not necessarily Western, but modern capitalistic and even democratic values of
independence and personal freedom.




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Through Western Eyes - The Macro Perspective of Chinese Societal Values


       In 1980, Geert Hofstede introduced the Hofstede social model by collecting the responses of, initially, IBM
employees from 40 countries and aligning their responses along 4 sociological planes measuring unique aspects of
their respective national cultures. After many more surveys administered to a progressively diverse pool of
respondents, a total count of 93 examined countries, the addition of another sociological plane measuring a societal
perspective Hofstede himself admitted omitting in his research, the 2010 third edition of Hofstede's body of work
reflects the most current and complete "Western" perspective of Chinese society to date (Hofstede, G. 2012). The
scales analyzed by Hofstede's research examine 5 values, discussed in depth below, and, strictly for perspective,
are compared against the same American values in Appendix, Table 1.
       The first measured value is power distance, which examines the level of authoritative distancing between a
given individual and his superior, be it in a family, work, or social setting -- and each actor's acceptance of said
power distribution. Ranking with a high 80, on a general but uncapped range of 1 to 100, China's power distance
ranking implies the nation perceives inequalities as not just inevitable, but acceptable and respected, giving
credence to able authority. In deeper observation, this social phenomenon goes hand-in-hand with another: the
susceptibility of Chinese buyers on the guidance of opinion leaders, especially official figures of authority in given
fields. Asking two Chinese friends about whether they bought anything because of a celebrity endorsement, one
immediately burst out that he loves Yao Ming and would maybe try something he endorsed, and on further
discussion said he has tried a Western cereal -- an unconventional Chinese breakfast -- once after seeing Yao Ming's
charming grin on the bag, although he did not like it and has not purchased the brand or any other cereals since.
The power of opinion leaders is especially important considering Chinese brand preferences: 63% of Chinese
consumers have a personal shortlist of preferred brands (in itself a major development) -- but these opinions can
be altered, given 78% of shoppers decide what they will buy in-store and only 22% stick to their original
purchasing intention (Giele, F. 2009)!
       Next, Hofstede tested individualism against collectivism, or the independence a society maintains amongst
its members, on which China revealed the highly collective and deeply interdependent nature of their culture with
the striking low score of a 20. The society, still upholding of ancient Confucian values of socially-established norms
and ordered relationships, generally undertakes actions for the good of the group, and decides what those actions
should be through implicit consensus. This again raises the difficulty of entering the Chinese market as a new
brand given conformity norms and normative consumption standards for one's reference group (Wang, C. & Lin, X.
2009), and in consumption terms demands the appeal of a brand to one's friends or family unit rather than to one's
own values.




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       Two other facets complicate the analysis, those being masculism/feminism and uncertainty avoidance. The
former analyzes society from the viewpoint of possessing either stereotypically masculine features -- those being
personal glory, self-sacrifice, and competition for success -- versus stereotypically feminine features -- which place
greater emphasis on egalitarianism, high quality of life for all, and harmony. Uncertainty avoidance, on the other
hand, defines society's level of comfort with ambiguity in daily situations, and the avoidance or pursuit thereof.
China came out as a masculine society with, post-Communism, a high level of competition in education, the
workforce, marriage, and even daily relationships outside of one's closest circles. It echoes the effort put in by Gen
Y on their daily studies, but also the plight of the rural immigrant worker who leaves his family for the large cities
in search of a better future not for himself, but for his family. In the case of the latter, on certainty, the Chinese
seem to bask in ambivalence, with ambiguity expressed in language, social interactions, and indeed, their very
shopping habits, as expressed by their daily frugality contrasted against seemingly irrational high-cost luxury
purchases.
       Finally, in the most recent update to the model, Hofstede included a new measure: long term orientation, or
the evaluation of a society's long-term, pragmatic versus conventionally historical short-term perspective in terms
of investments, social planning, politics, and every other major implication. China, ranking within the top margin of
the list, scored a staggering 118. Founded and pervasively anchored in Confucian values of perseverance, tradition,
frugality, and conservatism, not only is the implication of this ranking that the traditional virtues of the Chinese
culture are continuing on undeterred, but that the effect these values have on Chinese consumption are and will
continue to be pivotal.
       More than that, the long-term outlook implies another major point, this time with regards to all the other
social strata: they, too, are here to stay. The collectivist nature of Chinese society, the hierarchal influence and
respect of power, the striving masculinity of society for a brighter tomorrow, and even the uncertain ambivalence
surrounding these very understandings are and will continue to be key aspects of the Chinese culture, and of their
respective consumption habits. Truly, even a century of capitalism would not thousands of years of innately
perseverant Chinese culture -- and the only actionable reaction is not to act to change it with a further barrage of
capitalistic Western modernism, but to understand and serve it. These aspects serve not to fully answer the
question of what it means to be a Chinese consumer, but rather to present the distant viewpoint of what it means
to be a consumer within the setting of Chinese society. Indeed, one of Hofstede's greatest critics, Professor Meiyu
Fang of Taiwan, argues that in average (perhaps meaning more individual, in this case) societies, only as much as 4
percent of personal, individual values are explained by national differences (Wang, C. & Lin, X. 2009).




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Through Eastern Eyes - A Micro Perspective of Chinese Individually Expressed Values


       With allegedly 4% covered by society, Michael Bond's 4 Dimensions of Chinese values aims to probe the
remaining 96% by presenting respondents with a request to hierarchically arrange values within the 4 major
pillars of Chinese thought (Table 2): integration, focusing on tolerance of and harmony with others, non-
competitiveness, trustworthiness, and conservativeness; Confucian dynamism, espousing the ordered relationship,
thrift, persistence, reciprocation, and a sense of "face,"; human heartedness, expressing courtesy, patience, and
patriotism; and finally, moral discipline, standing for Confucian virtues of moderation, limited desires, and
adaptability. After an initial battery of 100 respondents each from 23 countries (20 overlapped with Hofstede),
Bond conducted a separate experiment, sending the hierarchal questionnaire to 368 Chinese business leaders in
Singapore and to 135 Shanghai residents of various ages, at a nearly perfect 50/50 gender split (Lee, C. 2003). His
results were intended to showcase the most present screenshot of "modern" Chinese-Asian thought, taking to
heart the globalized nature of these two cities, but also the rich history and background of those he was examining.
Limiting the results to the most relevant age group, between 21-30, the blending of Western and Eastern tracks of
thought became apparent.
       In ordering the given values, the youngest age group of respondents selected filial piety and social cohesion
as the topmost unequivocally important and relevant values, again giving weight to the influence of parents on
their children's lives and consumption habits. The second most important virtue emerged to be pragmatism,
expressed through the value of education, hard work, and a clear life direction. Finally, a moral obligation by way of
kindness and trustworthiness in business and social dealings finished off the youth's virtue priorities (Wang, C. &
Lin, X. 2009). The importance of loyalty to one's family and network reinforces Chinese consensus-building in
consumption, but also much more. Besides noting that which is most important, respondents listed what they
considered least relevant: individual, but especially selfish, desires (personal morality, all for themselves, man
conquering nature, living for the moment), and -- unexpectedly -- conservatism (in desires, in behaviors, in
conservation of face).
       Again, the notion of advertising messages perceived relationally versus independently stands clear, making
the most effective messages those that contextualize consumption of a good either as in a group or for the good of a
group, allowing the consumer to express their values of kindness and generosity. Supported by other bodies of
work, shopping also becomes expressed as a social experience, especially in the powerful role of a salesperson who
becomes not just personified consumption socialization but also an authoritative figure capable of assisting
purchasing decisions (Xiao Lu, P. 2008). Brand loyalties established within the family and maintained as part of the
social norm again make themselves known, and with an emphasis on Chinese goods, 30% of respondents to a 2008
McKinsey survey stated they would only trust Chinese brands to begin with (Giele, F. 2009). The Chinese buyer is


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on average slow to accept new offerings - so slow, in fact, a report of western Chinese consumption posed a case of
20th century consumers still using products they first tried in the 1930s -- at least implying brand loyalty upon
market penetration, but showing a strong respect for tradition (Li, J. & Su C. 2007). The Chinese buyer also stands
out as a pragmatist, frugally buying for utility rather than extravagance, and in cases they do, doing so for
communal enjoyment rather than selfish gain. In a modern context, patriotism is also playing a role in
consumption, along with familiarity and public consensus, pulling Chinese consumers to local goods that have
arisen as alternatives to previously unchallenged and often expensive Western products (Xiao Lu, P. 2008). Their
expressed pragmatism also calls to the link between education and a good job, success, and eventually wealth for
the benefit of self and family: Chinese Gen Ys are willing to struggle and dedicate themselves to working hard and
consuming little now so as to be able to live comfortably -- if not luxuriously -- in the future (Davis, D. &
Sensenbrenner, J.). Their rejection of conquering their environment speaks to a Chinese adaptability, and their
desire to work hard, educate, and eventually succeed serve as the foremost examples of this philosophy.


The True Face of Consumption - Mianzi, or the Exception to the Rule
       Despite any opposition to conservatism or conservation of face in the respondents to Bond's surveys, the
Chinese consumer culture again presents a picture of ambivalence. On one hand, social attitudes and embedded
culture support thrift, and the average Chinese citizen indeed lives their life rejecting needless luxury: the average
Chinese consumer saves or invests a quarter of total income and spends an equivalent amount strictly on food
according to a 2005 6 city, 2,700-respondent consumer survey (Wang, C. & Lin, X. 2009). However, the first-
mentioned luxury consumption statistics are indeed true, and are indeed set within a context of thrift. So, truly,
what drives this needless spending? One answer is mianzi, or "face." Face is a deeply collectivist Chinese value that
in some way influences every aspect of social interaction between independent, but not strictly speaking
individual, actors, based on actual relationship type and proximity, and the idealized expressions thereof (Kipins,
A.). Face is comparable to a prestige gained from maturing in life, amassing personal, family, and social successes,
and raising one's social status through the acquisition of wealth, position, or power -- and through certain actions
such as conspicuous consumption, especially of expensive or respectably branded products, face can be outwardly
emphasized and communicated to others (Wang, C. & Lin, X. 2009). According to Julie Li and Chenting Su, "due to
the heavy influence of face, Asian consumers must purchase luxury products to enhance, maintain, or save face...
provid[ing] a useful way to understand why Asian consumers are very thrifty in their everyday life... buy on the
other hand spend - and sometimes waste - large amounts of money on luxury consumption" (p 251-252). Present
in almost every expression of idealized relationship building, conspicuous face consumption not only affects every
economic class of consumer (even those without adequate funding for necessities), adequately explains the high
propensity for luxury spending in an otherwise frugal culture, but when taken alongside low disposable incomes,


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reveals the reasoning behind China's booming counterfeit manufacturing (Wang, C. & Lin, X. 2009). For the average
Chinese consumer seeking to differentiate oneself and gain face on a middling budget, it allows the consumer to
stock their closets with cheap yet still face-gaining knockoffs -- or even mix counterfeit goods into their wardrobes
to gain the best of both luxury and pragmatism. It lies outside the scope of this paper to comment further on the
complex nature of face consumption, but in summary the phenomenon of face consumption in Chinese societies is
most relatable to the phenomenon of Western materialism (undertaken for self-actualization in an individualistic
context), but set against the collective social plane upon which Chinese values are drawn.


                                                   CONCLUSION
       Despite the massive purchasing potential and seemingly invincible economic growth, Chinese consumers
are actually buying relatively little, continue to adhere to the values of frugality and pragmatism in purchasing
decisions, and only a small portion of Chinese consumers is both willing and able to spend their money on luxury
products -- unless the implicit face benefit outweighs the explicit monetary cost. Again, the average Chinese
consumer's income is a quarter saved, a quarter eaten, and much of the rest spent on necessities and family. In fact,
despite the purported Westernization of the Eastern consumer expressed both in headlines and through
advertising mediums, since as early as 2009 a movement towards re-instilling Chinese culture in the consumption
process has been taking place (Wang, C. & Lin, X. 2009), again refocusing on the notions of both sociologically
Confucian virtues, especially of integration versus cosmopolitan individualism, as well as a nationalistic Chinese
pride in local products, local production, and local consumption. While both Hofstede and Bond offer deep insights
into modern Chinese society and the values of its population, the current state of China is one of flux: Western
goods have only entered the market a few decades ago, consumerism has only recently become a potential outlet
for personal expression and value development, and Gen Y is but the first of many who will grow up deeply
embedded in both consumer and classical culture -- although it will be the last one with the parenting of those who
lived through the transition. Nevertheless, even lacking the all-important paternal unit with the experience of
upheaval and poverty to impress upon the new youth, the nature of society in China -- built upon thousands of
years of sociologically persistent culture, as herein confirmed by experts from both West and East -- is not to
change too much too soon. As Chinese growth begins to slow, foreign brands fall back to equal footing with local
competitors, and Chinese consumers have a chance to taste and (in a nod to the West) decide for their very own
selves the nature of their values, China will enter a period of stabilized consumption modernity. Not modernity as
it is knows it in the nebulous "West" -- for to be Western does not necessarily mean to be modern -- but a truly
modern Chinese empire built on the foundation of ancient culture, intersected by political idealism and reality, and
perhaps patterned in the latest branded self-expressive trend.




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                                            APPENDIX

Table 1:Geert Hofstede's 5-D Model of Chinese Values




Source: Hofstede, G. (2012). The 5-D Model: China. Geert Hofstede. Retrieved from http://geert-
       hofstede.com/china.html

Table 2:Michael Bond's 4 Dimensions of Chinese values

          Integration                   Confucian               Human           Moral Discipline
                                        Dynamism             Heartedness
       Tolerance of Others                Ordering             Kindness            Moderation
                                        relationship
      Harmony with others                  Thrift              Patience           Limiting desires
      Solidarity with others            Persistence              Courtesy          Adaptability
      Non-competitiveness        Having sense of Shame          Sense of            Prudence
                                                             righteousness
        Trustworthiness             Personal steadiness       Patriotism         Keeping oneself
                                       and stability                           disinterested/pure
         Contentedness                Reciprocation
       Being conservative         Protecting your “face”
         A close friend             Respect for tradition
           Filial piety
Source: Lee, C. (2003). Traditional Values and Modern Chinese Society: The Cases of Singapore and
       China. Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.


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                                            REFERENCES

Davis, D. "Introduction: A Revolution in Consumption."

Davis, D. & Sensenbrenner, J. "Commercializing Childhood: Parental Purchases for Shanghai's Only
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Giele, F. (Feb. 2009). "Chinese Consumer Behavior: An Introduction."

Hofstede, G. (2012). The 5-D Model: China. Geert Hofstede. Retrieved from http://geert-
       hofstede.com/china.html

Lee, C. (2003). Traditional Values and Modern Chinese Society: The Cases of Singapore and China.
         Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

Li, J. & Su C. (2007). How Face Influences Consumption, A comparative study of American and
          Chinese consumers. International Journal of Market Research. Retrieved from
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Kipins, A. Producing Guanxi: Sentiment, Self, and Subculture in a North China Village.

Thomas, O. (Jul. 2012). Here's Why China Is The Future Of The Luxury-Goods Market. Business
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Yan, Y. (2000). Of Hamburger and Social Space: Consuming McDonalds in Beijing. The Consumer
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Wang, C. & Lin, X. (2009). Migration of Chinese Consumption Values: Traditions, Modernization, and
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World Bank, The. (2012). China: GDP and Population. Retrieved from
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Xiao Lu, P. (2008). Elite china luxury consumer behaviour in china. Singapore, SG: John Wiley &
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Zhang, L. (2010). In Search of Paradise: Middle Class Living in a Chinese Metropolis.




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DOCUMENT INFO
Description: A summary insight into the individual and societal modern and historical influences shaping consumption in Mainland China today.