ThePlotToOverthrowTheWhiteHouse-Wikipedia by VegasStreetProphet


									Business Plot
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Business Plot (also the Plot Against FDR and the White House Putsch) was an alleged political conspiracy in 1933.
Retired Marine Corps Major General Smedley Butler claimed that wealthy businessmen were plotting to create a fascist
veterans' organization and use it in a coup d’état to overthrow United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt, with Butler as
leader of that organization. In 1934 Butler testified to the McCormack–Dickstein Congressional committee on these
claims.[1] In the opinion of the committee, these allegations were credible. One of the purported plotters, Gerald MacGuire,
vehemently denied any such plot. In their report, the Congressional committee stated that it was able to confirm Butler's
statements other than the proposal from MacGuire which it considered more or less confirmed by MacGuire's European
reports.[1] No one was prosecuted.

While historians have questioned whether or not a coup was actually close to execution, most agree that some sort of "wild
scheme" was contemplated and discussed.[2][3][4][5][6] Contemporaneous media initially dismissed the plot, with a New York
Times editorial characterizing it as a "gigantic hoax".[7] When the committee's final report was released, the Times said the
committee "purported to report that a two-month investigation had convinced it that General Butler's story of a Fascist
march on Washington was alarmingly true" and "It also alleged that definite proof had been found that the much publicized
Fascist march on Washington, which was to have been led by Major. Gen. Smedley D. Butler, retired, according to
testimony at a hearing, was actually contemplated".[8]

       1 Background
            1.1 Butler and the veterans
            1.2 Reaction to Roosevelt
       2 Events
            2.1 1933
            2.2 1934
       3 McCormack–Dickstein Committee
            3.1 Final resolution
       4 Other testimony
       5 Contemporary reaction
       6 Later reactions
             6.1 Historians
             6.2 Other commentators
       7 Bibliography
       8 References
       9 Further reading
       10 External links

Butler and the veterans
On July 17, 1932, thousands of World War I veterans converged on
Washington, D.C., set up tent camps, and demanded immediate payment of
bonuses due them according to the Adjusted Service Certificate Law of 1924.
This "Bonus Army" was led by Walter W. Waters, a former Army sergeant.
The Army was encouraged by an appearance from retired Marine Corps Major
General Smedley Butler, who had some influence over the veterans, being a
popular military figure of the time. A few days after Butler's arrival, President
Herbert Hoover ordered the marchers removed, and their camps were
destroyed by US Army cavalry troops under the command of General Douglas

Butler, although a self-described Republican, responded by supporting Franklin      Shacks, put up by the Bonus Army on the
D. Roosevelt in the 1932 US presidential election.[9]                               Anacostia flats, Washington, DC, burning
                                                                                     after being set on fire by the US military
By 1933 Butler was denouncing capitalism and bankers, confessing that as a                             (1932)
Marine general "I was a racketeer for capitalism."[10]

Reaction to Roosevelt

The election of Roosevelt was upsetting for many conservative businessmen of the time, his "campaign promise that the
government would provide jobs for all the unemployed had the perverse effect of creating a new wave of unemployment by
businessmen frightened by fears of socialism and reckless government spending."[11] This combined with fear that he would
begin tinkering with the currency.

The Herbert Hoover administration had steadfastly defended the gold standard even when Britain abandoned it in September
1931. With a devalued currency British manufactured goods became cheaper than American counterparts, resulting in more
economic hardship for American industry. Roosevelt's campaign had promised to re-evaluate America's commitment to the
gold standard, and through a series of actions from March 6 to April 18, 1933 abandoned it.

Conservative businessmen and other supporters of the gold standard were dismayed. Hoover who had championed the
standard wrote that its abandonment was the first step toward "communism, fascism, socialism, statism, planned
economy."[11] He argued that the standard was needed to stop governments from "confiscating the savings of the people by
manipulation of inflation and deflation....We have gold because we cannot trust Governments."[11]

Roosevelt also dissolved any "gold clause" within contracts public or private that guaranteed payment in gold. This clause
was part of every government bond and most corporate bonds, "It was a standard feature of mortgage agreements and other
contracts. For creditors, it offered protection against inflation or congressional tinkering with the currency." For debtors
though it was dangerous as "The gold dollar, before Roosevelt reduced it, was $1.69. This meant that a bank, for example,
could suddenly require a farmer to make mortgage payments in gold coin-transferring a $10,000 mortgage into one worth
$16,900, raising the farmer's debt burden by nearly 70 percent."[12] Likewise the U.S treasury could be required to pay the
bearer of a $10,000 Liberty Bond $16,900 in gold coins.[12] (The constitutionality of this Roosevelt policy was later
challenged before the Supreme Court in the Gold Clause Cases.)

With the end of the gold standard "conservative financiers were horrified. They viewed a currency not solidly backed by
gold as inflationary, undermining both private and business fortunes and leading to national bankruptcy. Roosevelt was
damned as a socialist or Communist out to destroy private enterprise by sapping the gold backing of wealth in order to
subsidize the poor."[13]

Ending the gold standard allowed the country to escape the cycle of deflation, but the shift was not painless, "Since higher
prices were not yet accompanied by higher wages, inflation meant lower incomes for those fortunate enough to be employed.
Until the effects of increased investment spending ramified through the economy, there was little reason for investment
incomes and hence consumption to rise dramatically. Industrial production remained volatile".[14] The problem was a lack of
any measures for stimulus to accompany the new policy, there was no increased provision of money and credit.

To encourage foreign investment Roosevelt had the Reconstruction Finance Corporation purchase gold with dollars thereby
driving up the price of gold and reducing the value of the dollar. Still this did not immediately affect the balance of trade.
Those considering buying American goods anticipated that there would be a further depreciation which would allow their
own currency further purchasing power and therefore greater profits, so they held back their orders. At the same time
Americans fearing additional depreciation purchased more foreign commodities in fear they would lose purchasing power in
the future; "The volume of U.S. imports rose by 10 percent between 1932 and 1933. In contrast, exports stagnated. The
consequence was a deteriorating balance of trade."[14]

Another Roosevelt policy also had an unanticipated effect on the recovery, the National Industrial Recovery Act of June 16,
1933 provided established minimum wages of 40 cents an hour and revised upward the entire wage structure of many of the
industries it covered, this placed upward pressure on labor costs.

The sustained recovery of Industrial production "had to await stabilization of the dollar in 1934, along with the concomitant
growth of commodity exports and capital imports."[14] So, at the time of the scheme, flaws in Roosevelt's polices had
hindered their effectiveness to stimulate the economy while many feared the policies about labor and the end of the gold
standard were moving the country towards communism.


On July 1, 1933, Butler met with MacGuire and Doyle for the first time. Gerald C. MacGuire was a $100 a week bond
salesman for Murphy & Company,[15][16] and member of the Connecticut American Legion.[17][18] Bill Doyle was
commander of the Massachusetts American Legion.[19] Butler stated he was asked to run for National Commander of the
American Legion.[20]

On July 3 or 4, Butler held a second meeting with MacGuire and Doyle. He stated they offered to get hundreds of supporters
at the American Legion convention to ask for a speech.[21] MacGuire left a typewritten speech with Butler that they
proposed he read at the convention "It urged the American Legion convention to adopt a resolution calling for the United
States to return to the gold standard, so that when veterans were paid the bonus promised to them, the money they received
would not be worthless paper."[13] The inclusion of this demand further increased Butler's suspicion.

Around August 1 MacGuire visited Butler alone. Butler stated that MacGuire told him Col. Murphy underwrote the
formation of the American Legion in New York, and Butler told MacGuire that the American Legion was "nothing but a
strike breaking outfit."[22] Butler never saw Doyle again.

On September 24,[23][24] MacGuire visited Butler's hotel room in Newark.[25] In late-September Butler met with Robert
Sterling Clark.[26] Clark was an art collector and an heir to the Singer Corporation fortune.[27][28] MacGuire had known
Robert S. Clark when he was a second lieutenant in China during the Boxer Rebellion. Clark had been nicknamed "the
millionaire lieutenant.[28]


During the first half of 1934 MacGuire traveled to Europe, and mailed post cards to Butler.[29] On March 6, MacGuire wrote
Clark and Clark's attorney a letter describing the Croix-de-Feu.[30]

On August 22, Butler met MacGuire at a hotel, the last time Butler met MacGuire.[31][32] According to Butler's account, it
was on this occasion that MacGuire asked Butler to run a new veterans organization and lead a coup attempt against the

On September 13, Paul Comly French, a reporter who had once been Butler's personal secretary,[33] met MacGuire in his
office.[34] In late September, Butler told Van Zandt that co-conspirators would be meeting him at an upcoming Veterans of
Foreign Wars convention.
On November 20, the Committee began examining evidence. Journalist Paul Comly French broke the story in the
Philadelphia Record and New York Post on November 21.[35] On November 22, The New York Times wrote its first article
on the story and described it as a "gigantic hoax."

McCormack–Dickstein Committee
The Committee began examining evidence on November 20, 1934. On November 24 the committee released a statement
detailing the testimony it had heard about the plot and its preliminary findings. On February 15, 1935, the committee
submitted to the House of Representatives its final report.[36]

During the McCormack–Dickstein Committee hearings, Butler testified that MacGuire[37] attempted to recruit him to lead a
coup, promising him an army of 500,000 men for a march on Washington, D.C., and financial backing.[38] Butler testified
that the pretext for the coup would be that the president's health was failing.[39]

Despite Butler's support for Roosevelt in the election,[9] and his reputation as a strong critic of capitalism,[40] Butler said the
plotters felt his good reputation and popularity were vital in attracting support amongst the general public, and saw him as
easier to manipulate than others.

Though Butler had never spoken to them, Butler implicated several prominent businessmen, including chemical industrialist
Irénée du Pont, and veteran leaders as backers of the plot. The committee chose not to publish these allegations because
they were hearsay.[41][42]

Given a successful coup, Butler said that the plan was for him to have held near-absolute power in the newly created
position of "Secretary of General Affairs," while Roosevelt would have assumed a figurehead role.

Those implicated in the plot by Butler all denied any involvement. MacGuire was the only figure identified by Butler who
testified before the committee. Others Butler accused were not called to appear to testify because the "committee has had no
evidence before it that would in the slightest degree warrant calling before it such men... The committee will not take
cognizance of names brought into testimony which constitute mere hearsay."[41]

In response, Butler said that the committee had deliberately edited out of its published findings the leading business people
whom he had named in connection with the plot.[43] He said on February 17, 1935 on Radio WCAU, "Like most committees
it has slaughtered the little and allowed the big to escape. The big shots weren't even called to testify. They were all
mentioned in the testimony. Why was all mention of these names suppressed from the testimony?"[43]

On the final day of the committee,[44] January 29, 1935, John L. Spivak published the first of two articles in the Communist
magazine New Masses, revealing portions of the Congressional committee testimony that had been redacted as hearsay.
Spivak argued that the plot was part of a Fascist conspiracy of financiers and Jews to take over the USA.[36][45]

Final resolution

The Congressional committee preliminary report said:

      This committee has had no evidence before it that would in the slightest degree warrant calling before it such men as
      John W. Davis, Gen. Hugh Johnson, General Harbord, Thomas W. Lamont, Admiral Sims, or Hanford MacNider.

      The committee will not take cognizance of names brought into the testimony which constitute mere hearsay.

      This committee is not concerned with premature newspaper accounts especially when given and published prior to the
      taking of the testimony.

      As the result of information which has been in possession of this committee for some time, it was decided to hear the
      story of Maj. Gen. Smedley D. Butler and such others as might have knowledge germane to the issue. ...

The Congressional committee final report said:
      In the last few weeks of the committee's official life it received evidence showing that certain persons had made an
      attempt to establish a fascist organization in this country. No evidence was presented and this committee had none to
      show a connection between this effort and any fascist activity of any European country. There is no question that
      these attempts were discussed, were planned, and might have been placed in execution when and if the financial
      backers deemed it expedient.

      This committee received evidence from Maj. Gen Smedley D. Butler (retired), twice decorated by the Congress of the
      United States. He testified before the committee as to conversations with one Gerald C. MacGuire in which the latter
      is alleged to have suggested the formation of a fascist army under the leadership of General Butler.

      MacGuire denied these allegations under oath, but your committee was able to verify all the pertinent statements made
      by General Butler, with the exception of the direct statement suggesting the creation of the organization. This,
      however, was corroborated in the correspondence of MacGuire with his principal, Robert Sterling Clark, of New York
      City, while MacGuire was abroad studying the various forms of veterans organizations of Fascist character.[46]

Other testimony
Some parts of Gen. Butler's story were supported by the statements of others. Reporter Paul Comly French, reporter for the
Philadelphia Record and the New York Evening Post, testified to the same effect.[47]

Contemporary reaction
Prior to the committee's final report, a New York Times editorial dismissed Butler's story as "a gigantic hoax" and a "bald and
unconvincing narrative."[7][48] Thomas W. Lamont of J.P. Morgan called it "perfect moonshine."[48] General Douglas
MacArthur, alleged to be the back-up leader of the putsch if Butler declined, referred to it as "the best laugh story of the
year."[48] Time magazine and other publications also scoffed at the allegations.

However after the committee released its report, Time wrote "Also last week the House Committee on Un-American
Activities purported to report that a two-month investigation had convinced it that General Butler's story of a Fascist march
on Washington was alarmingly true." The New York Times reported that the committee "alleged that definite proof had been
found that the much publicized Fascist march on Washington, which was to have been led by Major. Gen. Smedley D.
Butler, retired, according to testimony at a hearing, was actually contemplated". [8][49]

Separately, Veterans of Foreign Wars commander James E. Van Zandt stated to the press that, "Less than two months" after
General Butler warned him, "he had been approached by ‘agents of Wall Street’ to lead a Fascist dictatorship in the United
States under the guise of a ‘Veterans Organization’ ".[50]

Later reactions

Prominent, Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. said, "Most people agreed with Mayor La Guardia of
New York in dismissing it as a ‘cocktail putsch’...[51] As for the House committee, headed by John McCormack of
Massachusetts, it declared itself "able to verify all the pertinent statements made by General Butler", except for MacGuire's
direct proposal to him, and it considered this more or less confirmed by MacGuire's European reports. No doubt, MacGuire
did have some wild scheme in mind, though the gap between contemplation and execution was considerable, and it can
hardly be supposed that the Republic was in much danger".[4]

Robert F. Burk said, "At their core, the accusations probably consisted of a mixture of actual attempts at influence peddling
by a small core of financiers with ties to veterans organizations and the self-serving accusations of Butler against the enemies
of his pacifist and populist causes." [2]

Hans Schmidt said, "Even if Butler was telling the truth, as there seems little reason to doubt, there remains the
unfathomable problem of MacGuire's motives and veracity. He may have been working both ends against the middle, as
Butler at one point suspected. In any case, MacGuire emerged from the HUAC hearings as an inconsequential trickster
whose base dealings could not possibly be taken alone as verifying such a momentous undertaking. If he was acting as an
intermediary in a genuine probe, or as agent provocateur sent to fool Butler, his employers were at least clever enough to
keep their distance and see to it that he self-destructed on the witness stand." [3]

Jules Archer spoke to McCormack, whom he characterized as a "veteran politician", an adviser to Roosevelt as well as other
presidents.[43] He said McCormack told him, "General Smedley Butler was one of the outstanding Americans in our history.
I cannot emphasize too strongly the very important part he played in exposing the Fascist plot in the early 1930s backed by
and planned by persons possessing tremendous wealth."[43]

In a book about art collector Robert Sterling Clark, art historian and non-profit executive Nicholas Fox Weber said, "Butler's
testimony to the House Committee , which was played down in the newspaper and magazine accounts at the time, and made
to seem largely specious by influentional commentators, seems credible about the attempt to overthrow FDR, and Robert
Sterling Clark's role in it. Butler's Claims, moreover, were supported by the committee's subsequent investigations and

James E. Sargent, reviewing The Plot to Seize the White House by Jules Archer, said "Thus, Butler (and Archer) assumed
that the existence of a financially-backed plot meant that fascism was imminent, and that the planners represented a
widespread and coherent group, having both the intent and the capacity to execute their ideas. So, when his testimony was
criticized, and even ridiculed, in the media, and ignored in Washington, Butler saw (and Archer sees) conspiracy
everywhere. Instead, it is plausible to conclude that the honest and straightforward, but intellectually and politically
unsophisticated, Butler perceived in simplistic terms what were, in fact, complex trends and events. Thus, he leaped to the
simplistic conclusion that the President and the Republic were in mortal danger. In essence, Archer swallowed his hero

Other commentators

The BBC online précis for their documentary program The Whitehouse Coup, says "The coup was aimed at toppling
President Franklin D Roosevelt with the help of half-a-million war veterans".[43] In that documentary, author and conspiracy
theorist[52] John Buchanan said, "The investigations mysteriously turned to vapor when it comes time to call them to testify.
FDR's main interest was getting the New Deal passed, and so he struck a deal in which it was agreed that the plotters would
walk free if Wall Street would back off of their opposition to the New Deal and let FDR do what he wanted".[43] The
program connected major companies to the American Liberty League, formed by Al Smith (who, the program asserted, was
to be the fascist ruler).[53]

      Archer, Jules (1973, pub.2007). The Plot to Seize the White House. Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 1-60239-036-3.
      Schlesinger Jr., Arthur M. (2003). The Politics of Upheaval: 1935–1936, The Age of Roosevelt, Volume III (The Age
      of Roosevelt). Mariner Books. ISBN 0-618-34087-4.
      Schmidt, Hans (1998). Maverick Marine: General Smedley D. Butler and the Contradictions of American Military
      History. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 0-8131-0957-4. Excerpts of Schmidt's book dealing with the plot are
      available online.[54]

   1. ^ a b Schlesinger, p. 85                   ISBN 0-674-17272-8.                        by Jules Archer"
   2. ^ a b Burk, Robert F. (1990). The       3. ^ a b Schmidt p. 226, 228, 229, 230        (
      Corporate State and the Broker          4. ^ a b Schlesinger, p. 83                   /bailey83221/47815.html) . The
      State: The Du Ponts and American        5. ^ a b Sargent, James E.; Archer,           History Teacher (The History
      National Politics, 1925–1940.              Jules (November 1974). "Review of:         Teacher, Vol. 8, No. 1) 8 (1):
      Harvard University Press.                  The Plot to Seize the White House,         151–152. doi:10.2307/491493
    (                                         12. ^ a b Jeff Shesol (2010). Supreme            /Mennonite%20Central%20Committee,%20192
    /10.2307%2F491493) .                                           Power: Franklin Roosevelt Vs. the            /Civilian%20Public%20Service%20(CPS)%20                               Supreme Court. NY, NY: W.W.                  13-2-2)
    /bailey83221/47815.html.                                       Norton & Co.                                 /General,%20Paul%20C%20French%20(1-2a)
 6. ^ a b Weber (2007). The Clarks of                          13. ^ a b Jules Archer (1973). Skyhorse          /French,%20Paul%20Comly%20-%200D2%20
    Cooperstown. Knopf.                                            Publishing. p. The Plot to Seize the   34.   ^ Wikisource: McCormack–
    ISBN 0-307-26347-9.                                            White House: The Shocking True               Dickstein Committee report, pg. 5
 7. ^ a b "Credulity Unlimited". The                               Story of the Conspiracy to             35.   ^ Archer, p. 139
    New York Times. November 22,                                   Overthrow FDR.                         36.   ^ a b Archer, p. x (Foreword)
    1934.                                                      14. ^ a b c Barry J. Eichengreen (1992).   37.   ^ Wikisource: McCormack–
 8. ^ a b "Plot Without Plotters"                                  Golden Fetters: The Gold Standard            Dickstein Committee report,
    (                              and the Great Depression,                    Testimony of Maj. Gen. S. D. Butler
    /bailey83221/47109.html) . Time                                1919–1939. NY, NY: Oxford                    (ret)
    magazine. 1934-12-03.                                          University Press.                      38.   ^ Wikisource: McCormack–                           15. ^ Schmidt, p. 224                            Dickstein Committee report, pg. 2
    /bailey83221/47109.html.                                   16. ^ s:McCormack–Dickstein                39.   ^ Archer, p. 155.
    "Gen. Butler Bares 'Fascist Plot' To                           Committee#Testimony of Gerald C.       40.   ^ Schmidt, p. 231
    Seize Government by Force; Says                                Macguire                               41.   ^ a b Public Statement on
    Bond Salesman, as Representative of                        17. ^ Archer, p. 6.                              Preliminary findings of HUAC,
    Wall St. Group, Asked Him to Lead                          18. ^ This contradicts MacGuire's                November 24, 1934, page 1
    Army of 500,000 in March on                                    testimony: "You are a past             42.   ^ Beam, Alex (2004-05-25). "A
    Capital – Those Named Make                                     department commander in the                  Blemish Behind Beauty at The
    Angry Denials – Dickstein Gets                                 American Legion?" "No, sir; never            Clark". The Boston Globe: E1.: "In his
                                                                                                                congressional testimony, Butler described Clark as
    Charge.". The New York Times: 1.                               held an office in the American               being "known as the "millionaire lieutenant" and was
    1934-11-21.;                                                   Legion I have just been a                    sort of batty, sort of queer, did all sorts of extravagant
                                                                                                                things. He used to go exploring around China and
    Philadelphia Record, November 21                               Legionnaire—oh, I beg your pardon.           wrote a book on it, on explorations. He was never
    and 22, 1934;Time magazine,                                    I did hold one office. I was on the          taken seriously by anybody. But he had a lot of
    February 25, 1935: "Also last week the                         distinguished guest committee of the         money." "Clark was certainly eccentric. One of the
    House Committee on Un-American Activities                                                                   reasons he sited his fantastic art collection away from
                                                                   Legion in 1933, I believe."                  New York or Boston was that he feared it might be
    purported to report that a two-month investigation had
    convinced it that General Butler's story of a Fascist          Wikisource: McCormack–Dickstein              destroyed by a Soviet bomber attack during the Cold
    march on Washington was alarmingly true."                                                                   War..."(Clark) was pointed out to me during a trip to
                                                                   Committee report, testimony of               Paris," says one on his grandnieces. "He was known to
    The New York Times February 16,                                Gerald C. MacGuire                           be pro-fascist and on the enemy side. Nobody ever
    1935. p. 1, "Asks Laws To Curb Foreign                     19. ^ Archer, p. 6                               spoke to him.""
    Agitators; Committee In Report To House Attacks                                                           Wikisource: McCormack–Dickstein
    Nazis As The Chief Propagandists In Nation. State          20. ^ Wikisource: McCormack–
    Department Acts Checks Activities Of An Italian                Dickstein Committee report, pg. 1          Committee
    Consul – Plan For March On Capital Is Held Proved.
                                                               21. ^ Wikisource: McCormack–               43. ^ a b c d e f BBC Radio 4 Document
    Asks Laws To Curb Foreign Agitators, "Plan for
    “March” Recalled. It also alleged that definite proof          Dickstein Committee report                 "The White House Coup –
    had been found that the much publicized Fascist march
                                                               22. ^ Wikisource: McCormack–                   Greenham's Hidden Secret"
    on Washington, which was to have been led by Major.
    Gen. Smedley D. Butler, retired, according to testimony        Dickstein Committee report                 (
    at a hearing, was actually contemplated. The               23. ^ Archer, p. 178                           /document
    committee recalled testimony by General Butler, saying                                                    /document_20070723.shtml)
    he had testified that Gerald C. MacGuire had tried to      24. ^ Wikisource: McCormack–
    persuade him to accept the leadership of a Fascist             Dickstein Committee report, pg. 20     44. ^ Archer, p. 189
    army."                                                     25. ^ Wikisource: McCormack–               45. ^ National Archives: The Special
 9. ^ a b Schmidt, p. 219 "Declaring himself a                     Dickstein Committee report                 Committee on Un-American
    "Hoover-for-Ex-President Republican," Smedley used
                                                               26. ^ Wikisource: McCormack–                   Activities Authorized To Investigate
    the bonus issue and the army's use of gas in routing the
    (Bonus Expeditionary Force) B.E.F – recalling                  Dickstein Committee report                 Nazi Propaganda and Certain
    infamous gas warfare during the Great War – to
                                                               27. ^ Schmidt, p. 239, 241                     Other Propaganda Activities
    disparage Hoover during the 1932 general elections.
    He came out for the Democrats "despite the fact that       28. ^ a b Archer, p. 14                        (
    my family for generations has been Republican," and                                                       /guide/house/chapter-22-select-
    shared the platform when Republican Senator George
                                                               29. ^ Wikisource: McCormack–
                                                                   Dickstein Committee report, pg. 3          propaganda.html) (73A-F30.1) "The
    W. Norris opened a coast-to-coast stump for FDR in                                                          (McCormack–Dickstein Committee) conducted public
    Philadelphia....Butler was pleased with the election       30. ^ Wikisource: McCormack–                     and executive hearings intermittently between April 26
    results that saw Hoover defeated; although he admitted                                                      and December 29, 1934, in Washington, DC; New
    that he had exerted himself in the campaign more "to           Dickstein Committee report, pg. 10           York; Chicago; Los Angeles; Newark; and Asheville,
    get rid of Hoover than to put in Roosevelt," and to        31. ^ Archer, p. 153                             NC, examining hundreds of witnesses and
    "square a debt." FDR, his old Haiti ally, was a "nice
    fellow" and might make a good president, but Smedley       32. ^ Wiksource: McCormack–                      accumulating more than 4,300 pages of testimony."
    did not expect much influence in the new                       Dickstein Committee report, pg. 3      46. ^ 74th Congress House of
    administration."                                               and pg. 20                                 Representatives Report, pursuant to
10. ^ Schmidt p. 2                                             33. ^ Mennonite Church Historical              House Resolution No. 198, 73d
11. ^ a b c Peter L. Bernstein (2000).                             Archives Paul French Biographical          Congress, February 15, 1935.
    The Power of Gold: the history of                              Information (http://www.mcusa-             Quoted in: George Seldes, 1000
    an obsession. NY, NY: John Wiley                                           Americans (1947), pp. 290–292. See
    & Sons.                                                        /scannedphotos                             also Schmidt, p. 245
 47. ^ Wikisource: McCormack–                                       3. 1934-11-23.                                                    p_field_direct-0=document_id&
     Dickstein Committee, testimony of                                                    p_perpage=10&
     Paul Comly French                                              /68822.html. Quoted material from                                 p_sort=YMD_date:D&
 48. ^ a b c Schmidt, Hans (1998).                                  the NYT                                                           s_trackval=GooglePM) . Atlanta
     Maverick Marine (reprint, illustrated                          Schmidt, p. 224 But James E. Van Zandt,                           Journal-Constitution. 2006-01-14.
                                                                    national commander of the Veterans of Foreign Wars      
     ed.). University Press of Kentucky.                            and subsequently a Republican congressman,
     pp. 224. ISBN 0813109574.                                      corroborated Butler's story and said that he, too, had            /we/Archives?p_product=AT&
 49. ^ Archer, p. 173                                               been approached by "agents of Wall Street."                       p_theme=at&p_action=search&
     Philadelphia Post, November 22,                               Archer, p.3, 5, 29, 32, 129, 176.                                  p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&
     1934                                                      51. ^ Wolfe, Part IV: "New York's Mayor Fiorello                       p_text_direct-
                                                                    LaGuardia, who was known as the "Little Flower" . . .
 50. ^ Schlesinger, p 85; Wolfe, Part IV:                           a (supporter) of the fascist program of Mussolini,                0=10F22E88D02842D0&
     "But James E. Van Zandt, national commander of the             coined the term cocktail putsch to describe the Butler            p_field_direct-0=document_id&
     Veterans of Foreign Wars and subsequently a                    story: It's a joke of some kind, he told the wire services,
     Republican congressman, corroborated Butler's story            "someone at a party had suggested the idea to the                 p_perpage=10&
     and said that he, too, had been approached by "agents
                                                                    ex-marine as a joke".                                             p_sort=YMD_date:D&
     of Wall Street." "Zandt had been called immediately
     after the August 22 meeting with MacGuire by Butler       52. ^ "Controversial editor fired"                                     s_trackval=GooglePM. Retrieved
     and warned that...he was going to be approached by            (                                  2009-03-02.
     the coup plotters for his support at an upcoming VFW
     convention. He said that, just as Butler had warned, he       /we/Archives?p_product=AT&                                     53. ^
     had been approached "by agents of Wall Street" who            p_theme=at&p_action=search&                                        /TheWhitehouseCoup
     tried to enlist him in their plot.""Says
                                Butler                             p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&                                      54. ^ Maverick Marine: Excerpt
     Described. Offer."                                            p_text_direct-                                                     (
     (                           0=10F22E88D02842D0&                                                /links/53/butler03-by_schmidt.html)
     /68822.html) . The New York Times:                                                                                               at

Further reading
     Archer, Jules (1973, pub.2007). The Plot to Seize the White House (
     /plot/plottoseizethewhitehouse.htm) . Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 1-60239-036-3. "Book Information and Chapter Summaries,
     Executive summary and/or extensive quotes of Jules Archer's book (
     /10/298735.shtml) on the subject, mostly on Butler's testimony concerning attempts to bribe him into speaking on
     behalf of the gold standard"
     Colby, Gerard (1984). Du Pont Dynasty: Behind the Nylon Curtain. L. Stuart. ISBN 0-8184-0352-7. "pp. 324–330
     Excerpts of the book about the plot found here ( "
     Feran, Tim (1999-02-12). "History Channel Looks At Plot to Oust FDR" (
     /index.jhtml?search=The+Plot+to+Overthrow+FDR&itemType=All&x=15&y=10) . Columbus Dispatch (Ohio): 1H.
     "While The Plot To Overthrow FDR will astonish those who never learned about this story in school, in the end many
     viewers may feel as if they are trying to handcuff a shadow".
     Seldes, George (1947). 1000 Americans: The Real Rulers of the U.S.A.. Boni & Gaer. ASIN: B000ANE968. "pp.
     292–298 Excerpts of the book can be found here ( "
     Spivak, John L. (1967). A Man in His Time. Horizon Press. ASIN: B0007DMOCW. pp. 294–298 Excerpts:
     Socioeconomic and Political Context of the Plot ( ,
     General Smedley Butler ( .

External links
     U.S. House of Representatives, Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Public Statement, 73rd Congress, 2nd
     session, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1934)s:McCormack–Dickstein Committee#Public Statement
     on Preliminary findings of HUAC, November 24, 1934
     U.S. House of Representatives, Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Investigation of Nazi Propaganda
     Activities and Investigation of Certain Other Propaganda Activities, Hearings 73-D.C.-6, Part 1, 73rd Congress, 2nd
     session, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1935).
     Adams, Cecil (2005-11-18). "Oh, Smedley: Was there really a fascist plot to overthrow the United States
     government?" ( . The Straight Dope.
     Cramer, Clayton (November 1995). "An American Coup d'État? Plot against Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1934"
     ( . History Today 45 (11): 42.
      /popular/amcoup.html. Examines Butler's testimony from both sides
      LaMonica, Barbara (March–April 1999). "The Attempted Coup Against FDR" ( .
      Sanders, Richard (March 2004). "Facing the Corporate Roots of American Fascism" (
      /links/53/53-index.html) . Press for Conversion! (53).
      Spivak, John L. (1935-01-29; 1935-02-05). "Wall Street's Fascist Conspiracy: Testimony that the Dickstein
      MacCormack Committee Suppressed; Wall Street's Fascist Conspiracy: Morgan Pulls the Strings" (
      /our_magazine/links/53/spivak-NewMasses.pdf) (PDF). New Masses.
      "The Plot Against FDR" History Channel documentary (
      Thomson, Mike (2007-07-23). "The Whitehouse Coup" (
      /document_20070723.shtml) . BBC.
      Retrieved 2007-07-24.
      Nasser, Alan (2007-10-03). "FDR's Response to the Plot to Overthrow Him" (
      /nasser10032008.html) . Retrieved
Retrieved from ""
Categories: Conflicts in 1933 | 1933 in the United States | Great Depression in the United States | Political history of the
United States | Presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt | Conspiracy theories | Attempted coups

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