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Religion and Politics in Pre-Modern and Modern Cultures Cluster of Excellence Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics in Pre-Modern and Modern Cultures Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität WWU Münster Funding Period 01.11.2007 – 31.10.2012 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Proposal for the Establishment and Funding of the Cluster of Excellence "Religion und Politik in den Kulturen der Vormoderne und der Moderne" "Religion and Politics in Pre-Modern and Modern Cultures" Host university: Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität / WWU Münster Rector of the host university: Coordinator of the cluster of excellence: Prof. Dr. Ursula Nelles Prof. Dr. Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger Schlossplatz 2 Historisches Seminar 48149 Münster Domplatz 20-22 48143 Münster Phone: +49 (251) 8322211 Phone: +49 (251) 8324315 Fax: +49 (251) 8322125 Fax: +49 (251) 8324332 E-Mail: Rektorin@uni-muenster.de E-Mail: email@example.com Münster, April 12, 2007 Münster, April 12, 2007 Prof. Dr. Ursula Nelles Prof. Dr. Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger Rector Coordinator I Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics 1 General Information about the Cluster of Excellence Principal Investigators Surname, first name, acad. Year Institute Research title of area birth Albertz, Rainer, Prof. Dr. theol. 1943 Old Testament C, D Althoff, Gerd, Prof. Dr. phil. 1943 Medieval History A, B, D Basu, Helene, Prof. Dr. phil. 1954 Ethnology (Social B, C Anthropology) Bauer, Thomas, Prof. Dr. phil. 1961 Arabic and Islamic Studies A, B Berges, Ulrich, Prof. Dr. theol. 1958 Contemporary and Religious D History of the Old Testament Freitag, Werner, Prof. Dr. phil. 1955 Comparative Regional History B, C, D Funke, Peter, Prof. Dr. phil. 1950 Ancient History C, D Fürst, Alfons, Prof. Dr. phil. Dr. 1961 Early Church History D theol. Gabriel, Karl, Prof. Dr. soz.wiss. 1943 Christian Social Sciences A, C, D Dr. theol. Gutmann, Thomas, Prof. Dr. iur. 1964 Civil Law, Philosophy of Law A, C and Medical Law Hahn, Johannes, Prof. Dr. phil. 1957 Ancient History C, D Hensel, Silke, Prof. Dr. phil. 1964 History of the Non-European C, D World Jansen, Nils, Prof. Dr. iur. 1967 Legal History A, C Meier-Staubach, Christel, Prof. 1942 Medieval and Modern Latin A, B Dr. phil. Philology Oestmann, Peter, Prof. Dr. iur. 1967 Legal History A, C Pfister, Ulrich, Prof. Dr. phil. 1956 Economic and Social History C, D Reuter, Hans-Richard, Prof. Dr. 1947 Ethics and Related Social A, D theol. Sciences Siep, Ludwig, Prof. Dr. phil. 1942 Philosophy A Stollberg-Rilinger, Barbara, 1955 Early Modern History A, B, C Prof. Dr. phil. Thamer, Hans-Ulrich, Prof. Dr. 1943 Modern History B, D phil. Wagner-Egelhaaf, Martina, Prof. 1957 Modern German Literature B, C Dr. phil. Walter, Christian, Prof. Dr. iur. 1966 Public Law A, C Wolf, Hubert, Prof. Dr. theol. 1959 Medieval and Modern Church A, B, D History Research Programme 1.2.1 Summary Aus der Perspektive des „postsäkularen“ Zeitalters stellt sich das Verhältnis von Politik und Religion neu dar. Nach der weitgehenden Dekonstruktion der historischen „Meistererzählungen“ von Modernisierung und Säkularisierung sind die historischen Kulturwissenschaften (im weitesten Sinne) herausgefordert, zur Klärung und 1 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Bewältigung der daraus resultierenden Fragen beizutragen. Wir gehen davon aus, dass auch in Zukunft die historische Langzeitperspektive und die Untersuchung unterschiedlicher Kulturen unerlässlich sind, um die gegenwärtige Entwicklung angemessen einzuschätzen. Dazu bedarf es aber einer Ausweitung und Neuformulierung der historisch-religionsvergleichenden Fragestellungen und einer Überprüfung der hergebrachten, auf den christlichen Westen bezogenen Denkmodelle. Ausgehend von den interdisziplinären Erfahrungen, die an der WWU Münster mit neuen kulturwissenschaftlichen Forschungsansätzen gemacht worden sind, sollen in dem beantragten Verbund die vorhandenen historischen, theologischen, juristischen, sozial- und literaturwissenschaftlichen Kompetenzen zusammengeführt werden, um eine Neujustierung der Sicht auf das Verhältnis von Politik und Religion in verschiedenen Kulturen der Vormoderne und der Moderne zu ermöglichen. Ziel ist, durch genauere Kenntnis der vormodernen Strukturen den Horizont zur Beurteilung der gegenwärtigen Problemlagen zu erweitern und darüber mit einer breiteren Öffentlichkeit ins Gespräch zu kommen. Das Untersuchungsfeld erstreckt sich von der paganen, jüdischen und christlichen Antike über das jüdische, christliche und islamische Mittelalter und die religiöse Pluralisierung in der Frühen Neuzeit bis zur Gegenwart. Um dieses Feld systematisch zu strukturieren, richten wir das Interesse auf vier Dimensionen, in denen sich das Verhältnis von religiöser und politischer Vergemeinschaftung diachron und synchron vergleichend beschreiben und systematisch reflektieren lässt: 1. Normativität, 2. Inszenierung, 3. Integrative Verfahren, 4. Gewalt. Summary Seen from the perspective of the “post-secular age”, the relationship between politics and religion appears in a completely new light. Following upon the far-reaching deconstruction of the historical “master narratives” of modernisation and secularisation, the historical cultural sciences (in the broadest sense) face the challenge of adapting to the new situation in order to help clarify and deal with contemporary problems. We take it for granted that, in order to accurately evaluate present-day developments, the historical long-term perspective and the diachronic examination of various cultures will also be indispensable in the future. But to this end, historical questions of comparative religion must be expanded and newly formulated, and traditional paradigms based upon the Christian West need to be reconsidered. Starting from the interdisciplinary experiences gathered from new approaches to the cultural sciences at the WWU Münster, the proposed cluster would bring together the existing capabilities in the departments of history, theology, law, social sciences and literature. This would enable a readjustment of the relationships between religion and 2 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics politics in various pre-modern and modern cultures. The goal is to expand the horizon of possibilities for evaluating present-day problems through a more precise understanding of pre-modern structures and, moreover, to enter into discussion with a broader public. The area of investigation extends from pagan, Jewish and Christian antiquity through the Jewish, Christian and Islamic Middle Ages and the religious pluralisation in the early modern period up to the present. To structure this area systematically, we will direct our interest to four dimensions in which the relationship between religious and political communitarisation can be described historically and comparatively: 1. Normativity; 2. Staging; 3. Integrative procedures; 4. Violence. 1.2.2 Description 18.104.22.168 Relevance of the Subject Religion has reappeared on the daily political agenda and has assumed a central place in the public awareness. In an apparently secularised world, the “return of the gods” has been noted with a certain irritation; this new mass-media visibility of religious phenomena extends from esoteric private religion to fundamentalist violence. The experience of cultural and economic globalisation has permanently called into question Europe’s long-familiar, self-evident truths. The conviction that the historical process of modernity realises its goal in the sovereign secular state and makes religion a legally guaranteed private matter, or possibly allows it to fade completely, has been vigorously shaken. In the wake of global economic interdependence, mass migrations and the electronic media revolution, states and institutionalised churches are losing their ability to provide guidance and national identities are losing their ability to unify, on the one hand, while trans-cultural and trans-national group identities are being newly formed on the other. In this, religion plays a central role. Fundamentalisms of various kinds, whether Islamist or evangelical, take control of the political arena, attack modernity with its own devices and challenge the very existence of the secular state. Religion is once again the battlefield for struggles over socio-political power and meaning. Much of what poses as analysis of the present – above all the talk of the “clash of civilizations” – intensifies the conflictive aggravation of the situation. Humanities and cultural studies are thus faced with a considerable challenge, one that demands a complete readjustment of our perspective on the relationship between political order on the one hand, and religious norms, practices, and beliefs on the other. 3 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics 22.214.171.124 Long-term Scientific and Structural Goals The cluster shall take up this challenge. The present-day situation can be adequately understood only in a synchronically as well as diachronically comparative perspective. Only a comparison with the “foreignness” of other periods and cultures creates the necessary detachment from what the modern Western perspective holds to be self-evident and thereby enables the adjustment of such a view. Sensitising the broader public to this seems to us to be one of the most important challenges that the humanities and cultural sciences can assume. Thus the long-term goals of the cluster are as follows: The relationship between religion and politics shall be investigated (1) across periods from the pre-Christian antiquity to the present and (2) cross-culturally between antique-pagan, Jewish, Christian, and Islamic cultures. The methodical-theoretical preconditions for such comparisons have as yet been nowhere near adequately considered; this necessitates (3) reflection upon methodological groundwork and theory formation. Ultimately this should put us (4) in a position to critically examine and modify the conventional theories. Our work shall (5) occur systematically in mutual exchange with a broader public. This end shall be served – in addition to the two new recently established professorships for religious sociology and political science with particular attention to the relationships between politics and religion – by the following structural measures in the framework of the cluster: (1) The establishment of three professorships: for the History of Islam (W3), for Islamic Law/Comparative Law (W1) as well as for Jewish Studies (W1) (2) Ensuring scholarly continuity by means of the early reappointment of five key professorships (3) The flexible promotion of relevant research projects under independent participation of junior scholars (4) Ensuring time for research through the reduction of teaching demands (5) The invitation of international guest scholars and senior fellows (6) The systematic structuring of doctoral students’ training beyond departmental boundaries by means of an integrated graduate school (7) The institutionalised exchange with the public and the training of junior scholars for relevant careers by means of a centre for academic communication (8) Promoting the equality of male and female scholars and the establishment of family-friendly working conditions (9) The establishment of an academic centre for contact between local and foreign scholars, junior scholars and the public. 4 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics 126.96.36.199 Relation to Current Scientific Discourses On the background of basic consensus over the secularisation theory in the social sciences, for a long time religion has not had a prominent place on the agenda of research subjects in the humanities and social sciences. But the return or rediscovery of religion as a factor in politics since the Iranian revolution and the formation of the Christian right in the USA has led to intensified research into the relationship between politics and religion. At first it was the strengthening of fundamentalist or conservative religious movements in politics that was at the centre of this attention. Then after the end of the Cold War violent conflicts and civil wars that were religiously motivated or at least religiously legitimised – like the war in the Balkans or the violent confrontations on the Indian subcontinent – shifted more urgently into the public focus. This attention to the relationship between religion and violence has once again been heightened by the spread of religiously motivated or religiously justified terrorism. In the wake of these developments, the question of religion as a cause or element in national, international and trans-national conflicts has been thematised more intensely (see, for example, Samuel Huntington, Mark Juergensmeyer, R. Scott Appleby). A further impetus for investigating the relationships between religion and politics comprises the conflicts and religious-political measures that have appeared in Western Europe as a result of religious pluralism through immigration and through alienation from the church. At the centre of attention is thus the question of how the new religious minorities, above all Islam, will be integrated into the existing religious-political structures or how and in what ways these structures can be adapted to the changed religious-political situation. But the return or rediscovery of religion as a factor in politics has resulted in an intensive theoretical debate about the configuration of relations between state and church as well as the status and relative importance of religious arguments in public discourse. In this debate the classical liberal position of a separation between church and state as well as the conviction of the private character of religious arguments have been re-formulated (John Rawls, Robert Audi, Jürgen Habermas), on the one hand, and, on the other hand, new concepts of a pluralistic religious-political system have also been drafted (Veit Bader). A precise reformulation of the process of secularisation is among the cluster’s central concerns. The changes described above have led to the labelling of the present as the “post-secular age” and to the fundamental questioning of secularisation (Max Weber, Friedrich Gogarten, Hans Blumenberg) and of modern statehood as temporal paradigms. If we understand secularisation as the decrease in the significance of religion, as the triumphal advance of a world-immanent rationalistic For quoted authors here and in the entire proposal see the bibliography in Appendix 4.8. 5 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics worldview or as the privatisation of the religious, then the theories of secularisation currently seem to prove themselves to be illusory. But if we define secularisation as the separation of politics and religion into autonomous systems of functions, then contemporary phenomena such as religious fundamentalism can also be described as consequences of secularisation. Rather than begin with the assumption of religion’s loss of significance and disappearance from the public arena, we have to assume that its social forms and relations to the political order have changed, and start from the fact of religion’s increasing withdrawal from its regional cultures of origin and the formation of new social-religious milieus (Olivier Roy). In the view of an influential thesis of the sociology of religion, in reference to modern Christianity, it is precisely when religious communities accept the institutional separation of church and state that there are chances for their vital return into the public arena of civil society (José Casanova). 188.8.131.52 Research Approaches Seen from a historical perspective, secularisation in the sense of an institutiona- lised separation of politics and religion is an exception – if an extremely consequential one in world history. In order to classify it appropriately it is not enough to consider only the era of secularisation from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries onwards; to a greater degree a long-term perspective is necessary. Only from a perspective that crosses cultural and historical boundaries is it possible to reconstruct the historical origin of the present state of the problem and to place ourselves at a reflexive distance to the supposedly self-evident truths of the modern period. For this reason we will work from the broadest possible analytical concepts of religion and politics, in order not to disguise the empirical variety of the historical phenomena. As “political” we are referring to that dimension of human action that is related to the generation and enforcement of collectively binding decisions. This definition takes into account the fact that historically political space has been delimited and shaped quite variously. What characterised the collective whole in each case, what the political action related to – polis, civitas, empire, state, church, nation, etc. – is not only historically variable, but only arises out of procedures, acts of symbolisation, processes of attribution by the actors. Similarly we take as our concept of religion one that is not based exclusively on high religious phenomena that are ultimately seen from the perspective of Christianity. At the same time this concept goes beyond the respective self-understanding of religions, without on the other hand ignoring the individual perspective of the faithful (see Franz Xaver Kaufmann, Detlev Pollack). According to this, religion is characterised by the act of transcending the this-worldly everyday human life-world while simultaneously referring to it. Religion thus manifests 6 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics itself as a comprehensive symbol system that generates meaning and consists of beliefs, norms and practices; it creates a social space in which it makes available a symbolic language (cultic, visual and conceptual) that makes it possible to communicate about that which cannot be communicated and thus to link transcendence and immanence, uncertainty and certainty. In terms of function, religion serves the constitution of personal identity (through affective bonding or overcoming fear), the conducting of actions that are out of the ordinary (by means of magic, ritual, and ethos), the managing of contingency (by dealing with suffering and death), social integration (by legitimizing the formation of community) and the coherent interpretation of the world, but also the distancing of oneself from it (in the form of resistance and protest against social relations that are seen as unjust). Even if it must remain open whether, in comparing cultures, all phenomena that qualify as religious are capable of achieving all of the above, the heuristic assumption is that their specifically religious quality consists of their fulfilling several of these functions simultaneously. In simple societies, the social realm of religiousness can be identical to that of the political order. Simple political communities can be structured to a relatively high degree by religious rules and can see themselves as sacral communities. In such cases it is possible to ascertain fundamental structural analogies between religious and socio-political ideas of order (theocracy, analogies between worldly and heavenly hierarchies, etc.); the apparent obviousness of such ideas leads to their mutual reinforcement. But as societies become more complex, religious identity begins to differ from political identity in a variety of ways and to compete with it. Religious and political collective identities can then harmonise with each other in various ways, mirror each other, support and instrumentalise each other, or collide with each other and develop various forms to help withstand this collision. The relationship of the faithful to the political community ranges – in some circumstances within one and the same system of symbols – from complete identification to a radical, subjectivist-spiritualist, anti-institutional stance (which in its negations remains nevertheless closely related to the political order). We are proceeding from the assumption that religious symbol systems as such possess a certain openness with regard to the respective political system. In other words, whether the faithful are more likely to assume an affirmative-legitimizing or a critical- transcendental position depends not on the religious system of beliefs itself but results rather from the constellation of political, social and economic circumstances as a whole. It seems particularly true of monotheistic, universalising, text-based religions like Judaism, Christianity and Islam that they allow numerous varieties of relationship between religious and political order. Historically this can be observed, for example, in 7 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics the conflicts between the respective political and spiritual ruling elites, in their reciprocal instrumentalisation, but also in the religious virtuosos’ radical detachment from the world. If, with respect to the secularisation paradigm, we cast a comparative eye on the pre-modern and modern periods, we draw attention to the year 1800 as a turning point. But we explicitly do this for heuristic reasons and with the proviso that it is exactly these process categories – bound together with this division into epochs and oriented upon Europe – that we need to reconsider. So we must always expect the simultaneity of the non-simultaneous and make allowance for different “moderns” occurring in shifting phases in different societies. Most importantly, the term “pre- modern” should not be seen to suggest a homogeneous, archaically uniform “Old Europe”, but rather the contrary, to take into consideration the variety of relationships between political and religious order that were already present in pre-modern societies. 184.108.40.206 Research Areas The subject area of our research extends from pagan, Jewish and Christian antiquity through the Jewish, Christian and Islamic Middle Ages and the religious pluralism of the early modern period into the “post-secular” present. In order to structure this area systematically we shall focus our attention on four areas in which the relationship between religious and political communitarisation can be described in diachronic and synchronic comparison: normativity, staging, integrative procedures and violence. (A) Normativity: This is a matter of the fundamental questions of where norms derive their claim to validity (transcendentally-religiously or secularly), how far this validity extends, how it reacts to historical change, what role is played in this by changes in media and what relationship religious and secular norms have to one another. (B) Staging: Proceeding from the thesis that symbolic acts of staging play a fundamental role in maintaining and stabilising political and religious systems, but also in contesting and transforming them, we shall investigate the reciprocal relationship between sacral and secular forms of staging and their particular potency. In this, particular attention will be paid to the question of whether and to what degree symbolic acts have changed their functions and lost their constitutive and obliging effect on the path to modernity. (C) Integrative Procedures: Under this heading it should be asked, first, how religious plurality can be politically integrated into a society by means of formal 8 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics procedures and practices, but also how religious practices and forms of organisation can create identity and effect social integration beyond political diversity. (D) Violence: Finally, the fundamental question arises of the affinity of various religions to physical violence (violentia) and to force of sanctions by those in power (potestas) as well as the converse: religions’ potential for love of peace and the containment of violence directed inwardly and outwardly. It remains to be asked how violence is religiously judged, interpreted and justified, what role undergoing or exerting violence plays for the collective religious identity and under which historical circumstances a religious system’s violence or potential for peace becomes virulent (on the areas of research see the more extensive discussion in 2 A-D). 220.127.116.11 Value of the Interdisciplinary, Culturally and Historically Comparative Collaboration Under the influence of post-colonialism, the media revolution, global processes of migration, etc., scholars in the humanities and social sciences have become increasingly aware of the cultural and disciplinary constriction of their particular views and have demanded a cross-cultural perspective on the present but also on the past. This means, on the one hand, that an increasing number of culturally comparative studies are being conducted; on the other hand and more fundamentally, it means that cultures for their part can no longer be seen as objective and static, internally homogenous realities, but rather as heterogeneous, flexibly applied repertoires of acts. Cultural boundaries seem to be continuously newly generated, renegotiated or re- contested by people through a social practice that generates meaning. Correspondingly, attention to the fluid boundaries between cultures and religions, to cultural transitional zones and hybrids, reciprocal influences and interweavings has grown – whether in the Mediterranean Late Antiquity, in Confessional Age Europe, in the age of colonialism or in the present. But at the same time the increasing (and necessary) disciplinary specialisation of the humanities runs counter to the awareness of such interactions and marginal phenomena. This problem will be confronted by the cooperative work in the cluster. A few remarks should suffice here as examples. The dualism between two institutional orders, a worldly and a spiritual, which characterises pre-modern Latin Christian Europe, and the complex mutual cooperation and competition of these two orders has long been a classical theme of constitutional and church history. A systematic comparison with the relationship between spiritual and political leadership in countries shaped by Islam makes it possible on both sides to evaluate these phenomena with greater detachment and to understand their interactions as well. As yet, this has been scarcely tackled; the respective cultural perspectives have seldom been crossed over by Western church and political 9 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics historians nor conversely by Islamic scholars. Comparatively or in terms of their connections; Islamic and Western legal systems have also hardly been investigated up to now; the boundaries between disciplines at the university stand in the way of the necessary comparative legal competence. The cluster enables these limitations to be overcome. Through specific interdisciplinary cooperation between theologians and legal scholars, specialists on pre-modern Europe and Islam, entirely new perspectives are revealed also for the evaluation of normativity, dogmatics, and hermeneutics in the various cultures of knowledge. All cultural forms of representation (practices, images, writings, etc.) are fundamentally, if to varying degrees, ambiguous; this is doubly true of religious symbol systems. Ways of dealing with this multivalence vary significantly in different cultures and during different periods. They can be used productively or avoided, tolerated or concealed, settled discursively or an unequivocal meaning can be established authoritatively. Pre-modern Islam can be described as a culture with a high tolerance for ambiguity (Thomas Bauer) and can be compared in this respect to Christian Bible exegesis and to Jewish hermeneutics during the Middle Ages. On the other hand episodes of increased effort at disambiguation can be discerned in history, for example, in Europe during the Confessional Age or rationalism. In this respect as well religious fundamentalisms have more in common with Western modernity than they would like to believe. One of the cluster’s main interdisciplinary questions concerns making the ways various periods and cultures deal with ambiguous phenomena (in religion and law, rhetoric and politics) fruitful as a parameter for comparing them. But a precondition to all this is making synchronic and diachronic comparisons across disciplinary boundaries themselves the subject of reflection. On this point, essentially no preliminary work has yet been done. The cluster’s task is thence also a contribution to interdisciplinary theory formation. Historical and intercultural comparison form the specific method of the cluster. And yet the method of comparison has to now differed remarkably among individual disciplines: Theologians, social scientists, historians and legal scholars each do different things when they compare; and they have developed special conceptual instruments and methods for doing so. Legal comparisons are predominantly assumed to be a matter of understanding legal normativity from a functional perspective, whereas the formation of comparative concepts within this takes place within the framework of national dogmatics. In contrast, the comparison of religions (in distinction to sociology of religion) has always renounced a functional definition because the latter adheres to a normative, genuinely religious perspective and cannot methodically 10 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics relinquish the metaphysical character of religion. Its methods consist in forming complex “Weberian” typologies on the basis of detailed, dense descriptions of comparable religious phenomena. This leads on the one hand to a language of comparison whose conceptuality abstracts from each specific meaning within a religion, and on the other hand to the formulation of various overlapping categories that enable a comparative understanding of various religions. Finally in histoire comparée as well it was always a matter of a common academic language, but the work of the comparative historical sciences has always been guided by theory to a much greater extent than comparisons of law and religion. In light of this, interdisciplinary comparisons and the associated interdisciplinary transfer of guiding concepts for the research (such as staging, normativity, ambiguity, etc.) pose special problems. An interdisciplinary discourse on the methodology of comparison has only recently arisen and does not extend much beyond a preliminary anthology. The success of the cluster will also depend on to what degree it will be possible to get a grip on this problem: Necessary for this is an exact, neutral “two- level” (thus across disciplines) terminology, the conscious and reflected treatment of the metaphorical content of the research’s guiding concepts (“political religion”, “staging”, etc.) and a clear comparative analysis of the overall conceptuality, even with its possibly diverging meanings (“normativity” in religion, law and politics; “dogmatics” in religion and law, etc.). For this reason a self-reflective element shall be integrated into the cluster by means of workshops on theory and method. Thus comparative methods will, for their part, be compared and reciprocally critically examined. At the same time, the goal is to formulate the concepts that guide the research as clearly as possible and to insure that these kinds of concepts are either used consistently or that the participating scholars are aware of the conceptual differences. 18.104.22.168 Local Conditions at the WWU Münster: Research Centres and Graduate Schools The WWU Münster offers outstanding conditions for making a substantial original contribution to such an interdisciplinary approach to the areas of research in question. The humanities – especially history and theology – have made special contributions to the scholarly profile of the university, which is reflected in their high standings in the university rankings of the DFG and the Centrum für Hochschulentwicklung (Centre for Development of Higher Learning, CHE). http://www.dfg.de/ranking/ranking2006/download/dfg_foerderranking_4_1.pdf; http://www.che.de/downloads/CHE_ForschungsRanking_Geschichte_2004.pdf. 11 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics 2 Research Areas The scholarly goals outlined above can be divided into four research areas. Since these areas are interdisciplinary in design, they will be fundamentally approached together and not by separate research groups; individual disciplines would, however, participate according to the main points of focus. Nor would the newly proposed professorships be individually classified within the four research areas. The supervisory theory and method workshops mentioned above would provide for continuous coordination and integration of the content of the four research areas. For each of the four research areas a series of selected model drafts of projects will be introduced further down the text. These project drafts originate not only from the primary applicants, but also from a group of additional scholars including doctoral candidates and scholars who have completed their doctorates. This selection is the first result of an initial competition that was open to all members of the participating departments. The group of projects that will be supported in the cluster as well as the participating scholars is thus not final. Rather, the distribution of means should take place as flexibly as possible: During the funding period, every scholarly member of the WWU Münster, including junior scholars, can apply with a project draft for support from the cluster (for positions, travel, technical help or assistance, conferences, publications, etc.). The selection of the projects shall follow the process described under 1.7 Organisation. Due to this flexible structure of project promotion and the interweaving of personnel within the four areas of research, means of support will not be applied for separately for each area but collectively at the end of the proposal under 3. 44 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Research Area A: Normativity Coordinator: Prof. Dr. iur. Oestmann, Peter, 09/04/1967 Institut für Rechtsgeschichte Germanistische und Kanonistische Abteilung Universitätsstraße 14-16 48143 Münster Phone: +49 (251) 83-28640 Fax: +49 (251) 83-28643 E-Mail: firstname.lastname@example.org Responsible Investigators Gerd Althoff, Medieval History; Thomas Bauer, Arabic and Islamic Studies; Karl Gabriel, Christian Social Sciences; Hermann-Josef Große Kracht, Christian Social Sciences; Thomas Gutmann, Philosophy of Law; Christian Hengstermann, Philosophical Fundamentals of Theology; Nils Jansen, Legal History; Muhammad Kalisch, Arabic and Islamic Studies; Hagen Keller, Medieval History; Martin Kintzinger, Medieval History; Gregor Klapczynski, Medieval and Modern Church History; Christel Meier-Staubach, Medieval and Modern Latin Philology; Torsten Meireis, Ethics and Related Social Sciences; Klaus Müller, Philosophical Fundamentals of Theology; Peter Oestmann, Legal History; Hans-Richard Reuter, Ethics and Related Social Sciences; Klaus Schubert, Political Science; Reiner Schulze, Legal History; Ludwig Siep, Philosophy; Hans-Georg Soeffner, Sociology; Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, Early Modern History; Christian Walter, Public Law; Ulrich Willems, Political Science; Hubert Wolf, Medieval and Modern Church History. A 2.1 Summary Various periods and cultures are characterised by quite different concepts of normativity. The European modern era is marked by the differentiation of legal norms (sanctioned by the state) on the one hand, from ethical, moral and religious norms on the other. In the light of religious and ideological pluralism the liberal constitutional state’s renunciation of any religious-transcendental justification of norms seems necessary. Within the research area Normativity we shall be concerned, first, with this historical special case of the secular state, with its religious roots, whose norms it nevertheless possesses, and with the current problems that confront it. Second, it shall be asked in diachronically and synchronically comparative perspectives how norms differ in various times, societal organisations, and religious communities in terms of their claims to legitimacy, their social reach, their enforceability, their clarity, their media and above all the (religious or secular) bases for their legitimisation. In this, special attention will be given to the question of to what degree cultures (pre-modern and modern, Islamic and Christian) are characterised by, whether they tolerate the ambiguity of norms or not and how they deal with mutually contradictory norms. 45 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics A 2.2 Description One of the ways pre-modern societies differ from modern ones is in the justification and validation of norms. In a secular state, on the one hand, the religious foundation of legal norms is problematic. But on the other hand – in the well-known words of Ernst- Wolfgang Böckenförde – the state is founded upon preconditions that it cannot itself create, including religious ones. And in the light of the possibilities of biotechnology, the question of whether the state can completely do without any religious- transcendental anchoring to justice and morality is being newly discussed (project draft A4 Willems). In particular, absolute, sacrosanct normative commandments such as the inviolability of human dignity or the protection of unborn life can probably be grounded only with the help of religious arguments, for example with the idea of man as God’s image (see A3 Gutmann). Only an examination of the establishment and justification of norms that crosses cultural and historical boundaries can create the detachment necessary for answering such questions. The concept of normativity is admittedly in need of clarification. The apparent clarity that the nineteenth century believed to have achieved with the reference to norms as “abstract imperatives for human conduct” (Rudolf von Jhering) has become increasingly tenuous. On the one hand, studies in linguistic and legal history have shown that in pre-modern societies it was not even possible to conceive of law – a classical case of normativity – in the abstract, but as claim, judgment, or legal convention that sporadically took the form of consensus (Gerhard Dilcher). But even for the modern world Hans Kelsen, for example, expanded the concept of the norm to that of the individual-concrete commandment. Additionally, in the European tradition ecclesiastical norms and rules of conduct often stood in opposition to the noble- knightly tradition, so that in certain periods one is dealing with several normative concepts, each with their own claims to validity. Also in pre-modern Islam norms were not abstractly predetermined, but rather were crystallised out of the tradition by means of an exacting process, with quite varied results (A2 Bauer). In comparison in the field of ethics normativity has become a generic concept, under which questions of virtues, responsibilities, laws of morality, the categorical imperative, etc. can be subsumed. The discussion of deviating concepts of normativity in various historical periods, different kinds of societal organisation and religious communities as well as between different disciplines of the humanities will comprise a large part of the charm of our cooperative work. Therefore, we shall work with a broad concept of normativity. Norms as rules for human actions in a broad sense exist not only as laws or moral commandments, but they are also contained implicitly in the legitimacy of institutions, ideals, ways of life, 46 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics values and worldviews. The separation of religious from worldly ruling powers or the fulfilment of individual and collective self-determination places demands upon a system of institutions while simultaneously being embodied within it. The “free citizen”, just like the “father,” the “prince”, and so on, embodies a model of certain kinds of action and directives that can be traced back to inherited ideas about the good life and the just society; such ideas can be traditional or taken up through cultural contact. Their authority can be founded upon various reasons and can be changed itself through social and mental or spiritual changes. In this, the influence of religious ideas of the good and just life and of the extra-quotidien experience of grace and the sacred play a role that is just as important as, for example, the ideal of an autonomous morality and dignity without transcendental help. With a view to the entire phenomenon of normativity, modern ethics and moral philosophy differentiate between the contexts of the decently good (in the sense of a common way of life), the morally correct (in the sense of behaviour owing to all persons) and the legally just (in the sense of the principle of legitimacy of enforceable justice). The question to be raised here is how these contexts reciprocally affect each other, also in the modern circumstances of their separation from one another. Our group anticipates an increased understanding of these questions when, in the discussion of normativity, it is guided by four principal questions concerning the norms themselves: (1) First, the extent of their validity must be questioned (socially generalised or particular norms, such as those relating to social status, gender, religious confession, etc.), (2) and additionally, norms differ in how and to what degree they can be sanctioned (for example state sanctioning of legal norms vs. moral or ethical norms) (3) but also in the basis for their legitimacy (for example sovereign decree, consensual settlement, tradition “from time immemorial,” divine will, etc.) (4) and not least in terms of their medium (for example oral or literate). (1) Norms, so it seems to us today, apply in an abstract and general way to their addressees: laws demand compliance from every inhabitant of the state, religious commandments are directed to all the members of their faiths, basic ethical norms are valid for everyone. The claim to general validity on the part of (legal) norms characterises the modern constitutional state. But in most historical societies, on the contrary, norms possessed a fundamentally unequal validity according to one’s social position, age, gender, etc. Thus a medieval bishop could preach non-violence and on the other hand call for a crusade, Pope Gregory VII could even, in modification of the Sermon on the Mount, claim that those who practiced violence were blessed (D5 Althoff). Here it should be asked how the universality or particularity of religious norms (for example all mankind as created in God’s image vs. the exclusion of women from 47 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics the cult) influenced these social and legal rules and vice versa. The interactions of religion and politics in making norms universally valid can be seen for example in the modern state. The origin of Europe’s social civil rights, for example, cannot be explained without recourse to Christian social ethics. It must thus be asked whether a kind of religious “deep structure” exists that precedes the central political concept of the social, and thus what normative concept underlies the welfare state (A7 Gabriel et al.). (2) Closely related to the question of general validity is that of the kind and degree of enforceability of norms. Today it is coercive enforceability that distinguishes legal norms from other social or religious norms. The potential enforceability of rules by those who hold the legitimate power monopoly is the quintessential marker of sovereign statehood. Meanwhile, however, the guiding function of laws is being viewed with increasing scepticism, and not only in respect to pre-modern societies. Problems with the implementation of legal norms stand at the centre of investigations in history, political science and law. Under the heading “symbolic legislation”, for example, the question is being discussed of to what extent the establishment of norms has, from the very outset, no intention of their being enforced, but rather serves quite different goals. And for years now, “laws that are not enforced” have even been elevated to a structural feature of pre-modern statehood (Jürgen Schlumbohm). Even numerous conflicts among subjects were solved in the early modern period by means of a remarkable “infrajudiciaire” (Benoît Garnot), and even in modern law, mediation instead of litigation is a trend that leaves the enforcement of norms increasingly to the disposition of the parties. Historically, problems in enforcement similarly exist for religious norms. Confessional homogeneity was, for example, obtained by force to a much lesser degree than was formerly assumed. There was possibly thus an ambiguity of norms in early modern Europe similar to that familiar from pre-modern Islam. Phenomena such as inter-confessionalism would seem to make this likely and should thus be scrutinised more closely. This confessional ambiguity raised many questions about the religious and political self-image of the scholarly persons at princely courts (C6 Pietsch/Stollberg-Rilinger) and led to difficulties in drawing a demarcation line between worldly and spiritual courts as well as worldly and spiritual law (C7 Oestmann). The distinction between legal norms capable of being sanctioned and other norms fails for societies in which there are no boundaries between law, religion, morality and ethics. This is true not only of ancient cultures such as ancient Israel or medieval societies, but also largely for present-day Islam. The fundamental question thus arises – not only for pre-modern cultures – in which ways and with what force of 48 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics perseverance norms in various cultures are maintained despite their lack of enforceability and what actions are shown in the face of their continued violation. Are there “contra-factually stabilised expectations of behaviour” (Niklas Luhmann), and how are these expectations confirmed or disappointed? In addition to the existent historical, theological, philosophical and juridical competence we need to work with the social sciences to clarify these kinds of questions. (3) Societies can be distinguished on the basis of how their norms are primarily given legitimacy: divine will, for example, tradition “from time immemorial”, consensual agreement or formalised procedures and sovereign decree. Whether norms can be changed or not depends on the way they can be justified. Societies also differ greatly in the kind of change they allow norms to undergo and in how they reconcile actual changes in norms with their claim to timeless validity. Pre-modern cultures that do not distinguish between worldly and religious power frequently give norms a religious justification. For example, they do not draw a distinction between the divine establishment or finding of norms and their establishment or finding by worldly rulers. This is true for example of ancient Israel and (within limits) for the European Middle Ages. A clear demarcation between religious and worldly norms can thus not always be strictly drawn. After Christianisation the early Germanic law handed down by Germanic tribes, for example, was increasingly reworked and justified ecclesiastically. As a church of law, especially the Catholic church of course differentiated clearly between religious and legal norms. The fact that the church could not violently force compliance with its doctrine meant that for centuries it was dependent upon political support to help it do so. At the same time the universal Catholic church was compatible at all times with the most varied forms of rule and statehood, so that the question must be clarified of what criteria the ecclesiastical ministry used to judge these forms of statehood and the norms associated with them (A8 Wolf/Klapczynski). Not only in the Middle Ages but also later contradictions and competitions arose from the differing ways in which norms were legitimised, which resulted in conflicts and conciliation attempts whose consequences continue to be felt today. In the case of Islam as well secularly grounded norms exist alongside religious ones, although the latter by no means necessarily led to rigid dogmatism. It is rather the case that classic, pre-modern Islam appears to have been a culture of ambiguity, in which a large measure of plurality was tolerated. Only since the second half of the nineteenth century did modernisation lead to the suppression of this tradition and to the development of fundamentalist Islamic currents oriented upon Western ideologies. The early “tolerance of ambiguity” that disappeared in the course of the nineteenth 49 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics century is probably one of the most important reasons why a phenomenon analogous to the Enlightenment in the West might have not appeared urgent in the Islamic world. This tolerance can be identified on many different levels within Islamic culture(s) (A2 Bauer). But the roles played in these processes by the different means of grounding norms in Christian and Islamic cultures have not been comparably investigated. Even the extraction of norms from the authoritative religious texts is shown to be an exacting procedure of disambiguation that entails numerous subjective processes and rational methods and whose similarities to and differences from the methods of pre-modern European theologians and jurists are not yet known. The Islamic norms are not simply given in the authoritative texts, but have to be obtained from them by means of exegesis. To evaluate the traditions handed down by the prophets (Hadith), for example, Islamic scholars developed a linguistic analysis of the texts that inspired them to great heights of linguistic performance and led to a theory of rhetoric that even today remains the standard. With the help of these instruments the exegete arrived at his own judgment of the case, which laid claim to a certain authority without being able to make an incontestable claim to the truth. The classical scholarly culture – unlike the modern – not only accepted this latitude, but also welcomed it as a possibility for making one’s individual mark (A2 Bauer). On this basis it needs to be asked whether the specifically differing ways in which norms are produced and legitimised in Christianity and Islam, made it possible, on the one hand, to formulate claims to truth, but, on the other hand, to accept the diverging views of others for inner- theological reasons (D12 Kalisch/von Stosch/Werbick). The model of the “tolerance of ambiguity” could possibly open up completely new perspectives for the comparison of Christian and Islamic cultures. Norms can be not only divinely justified, but also themselves become objects of more or less religious veneration. One only has to recall the ritual veneration of the Corpus Iuris Civilis or the civil-religious cult of the American constitution or the replacement of royal portraits by “La Loi” on French revolutionary coins. On the other hand ancient rulers replaced images of the Gods on their coins with their own portraits (B1 Salzmann/Lichtenberger/Nieswandt). Already Kant, and certainly Hegel endowed the constitution with the status of a terrestrial absolute, in order to counter the relativising of the state against religion and the church as well as its “theocratic” instrumentalisation. This raises the philosophical and theological question of the justification of immutable constitutional principles and legal norms in a secular and plural society (A5 Siep, A3 Gutmann). Despite the greatest variety of conceptions of life there seems today to be a small but fixed canon of values and norms that represents an “overlapping consensus” with divergent justifications from religious and 50 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics secular traditions (John Rawls). The fact that this consensus is also a function of the processing of collective historical experiences (religious wars, industrialisation, totalitarianism, etc.) means that the historical-empirical research here intersects fundamental philosophical-theological perspectives. As far as the theme of “religion and politics” is concerned, systematic theology’s and philosophy’s current questions of how norms are justified extend from Hobbes’ state as “mortal God”, via Kant’s transformation of metaphysics into a moral theology subject to the principle of the autonomy of reason, via the naturalistic counter-movement in the nineteenth century, up to the present rehabilitation of pre-discursive resources derived from religion and existential philosophy (A6 Müller/Hengstermann). (4) Norms’ claim to validity cannot be separated from the forms in which they are created and communicated – in writing, orally, or also by means of symbolic acts. Norms are dependent upon constant outward forms. This is especially true of non- literate cultures; but also written norms require repeated oral proclamation, interpretation and ritual presentation. Archaic societies frequently fail to distinguish between the contents of a norm and its outward form; in these cases, the ritualised form is itself “the oldest norm” (Wilhelm Ebel). Here the question to be posed is when and how such an archaic legal formalism changes, for example, with the introduction of writing, and how it differs from more recent types of legal formalism. A possibly specifically European-academic manifestation of the political-legal and religious legitimisation of norms is dogmatics. Here the question must be asked to what extent normativity stages itself by means of the systematisation of norms and a specific technique for expounding and producing them, and simultaneously delimits itself from the sphere of the laity (A1 Jansen). The interests of the field “Normativity” and that of “Staging” come together unrestrictedly in this intersection between legal studies and theology. From widely divergent points of departure, our group brings together numerous lines of inquiry concerning normativity in the four guiding questions addressed here of the generality, enforceability, legitimacy, and form of norms. The research into normative structures from a theological, philosophical, historical, legal and Islamic studies perspective will not only redefine the cooperation and contestation of politics and religion with respect to the ethical and legal measures of various social orders of the pre-modern and modern periods; beyond this, it will also lead to a significantly improved understanding of the concepts of norms used by the participating scholars of the humanities. 51 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Selected Project Drafts to Research Area A (A1) Legal and Theological Doctrines (“Dogmatics”) as Symbolic Staging of Normativity Prof. Dr. Nils Jansen, Legal History / Roman Law Legal and theological doctrines (“dogmatics”) constitute a special manifestation of political-legal and religious normativity. Only the immanent functions of such dogmatics (the reduction of normative complexity, stabilisation of normative expectations) have been well researched, not their social function and effect. If one turns one’s attention to the connection between normative claims for legitimacy and form, dogmatics nevertheless appears as one – specifically Western – “staging” of law and religion in the shape of scholarly knowledge. In particular, doctrinal propositions have, namely, despite their normative form, a “descriptive meaning” (Hans Kelsen). This results in a particular potential for legitimacy, because normativity, which is represented as clear and capable of being true and thus, in principle, capable of being rationally founded, seems for this reason to be legitimate. In addition there is the fact that doctrines form a crucial factor in the creation and stabilisation of the autonomy of law and religion. For making something an academic doctrine transforms the normative – despite its rationality – into epistemological arcana that have to be managed by a group of experts who are allowed to claim the appropriate trust in advance. The central question is how far the phenomenon of “dogmatics”, which is seemingly internal to law and religion, should actually be understood historically as this kind of staging and as having the suspected social relevance: To what extent have processes of dogmatisation fashioned answers to law’s and religion’s social crises of legitimacy and influenced the authority and political strength of religious or juristic elites; and to what extent have the social perception and relevance of law and religion changed as a result of processes of dogmatisation? A comparison of legal and theological processes and their respective effects on society promises here to be especially informative, whereas it is of course still to be examined, to what extent the concepts of doctrine or dogmatics within law and religion correspond to one another and permit telling comparisons. Particular attention is owed to the linguistic and aesthetic aspects of the staging of dogmatics: the stylistic peculiarities of the respective specialised vocabularies (apparently rational substantivisation, Latinisms, and termini technici) and the representative creation of doctrinal works. Periods of significant dogmatisation will form the focal point. In law these are the end of the Roman republic and the early Principate, the time after the “rebirth” of the study of Roman law in Northern Italy (eleventh and twelfth centuries) as well as the nineteenth century; particularly the latter two should also be of interest from a theological 52 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics perspective (stabilisation of the Gregorian reforms; the infallibility dogma of the nineteenth century). (A2) The Culture of Ambiguity: Another Side of Islam Prof. Dr. Thomas Bauer, Arabic and Islamic Studies Islamic culture seems to be the ideal example of a culture dominated entirely by religious norms. But in this sense the modern understanding of Islam differs markedly from that of the classical period (i.e. the pre-modern until into the nineteenth century). Whereas modern fundamentalist movements aim at the greatest possible legitimisation of religious norms throughout the entire society, and see this as being the most Islamic structure (and are confirmed in this by the Western public opinion of Islam), a glimpse at pre-modern Islamic culture offers a much more complex picture. Already the extraction of norms from the authoritative texts reveals itself to be an exacting process of disambiguation that included several subjective processes and rational procedures. The fact that these procedures led to a juxtaposition of competing norms was accepted (see the much quoted prophet’s hadith “Difference of opinion is a mercy for my community”). This kind of tolerance of ambiguity manifests itself not only in Islamic law but also in many other spheres of Islamic scholarship (for example in Koran exegesis and in linguistics, where, especially in rhetoric, considerable results have been achieved), in several literary genres, but also in the mentality of the people and the social conditions (tolerance of religious minorities, sympathetic attitude towards foreigners, high social mobility). Symptomatic is also the considerably conflict-free coexistence of religious and secular discourses in classical Islamic culture, which stands in striking contrast to the inseparability of Islam and the worldly sphere postulated today. Under these specific conditions Islam was spared many of the crises of the Occident, but herein also lies an important cause of the current conflicts between Islam and the modern West. The collision of Islam with a culture that hardly knew such a tolerance of ambiguity and tended to reject it had to lead to a reformulation of the fundamentals of Islam in the form of ideologies that were more in conformance with modernity, which in both their pro-Western liberal form as well as in their Islamist variation, are equally characterised by the rejection of their own cultural traditions. Beyond the investigation of cultural ambiguity in Islamic history, this interdisciplinary project would test out to what degree the investigation of the (in)tolerance of ambiguity allows relevant cultural-historical approaches to be established. 53 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (A3) The Grounding of Norms in the Pluralistic State Prof. Dr. iur. Thomas Gutmann, M.A., Law Faculty The grounding of norms in the liberal constitutional state is tied up with the requirement of public justification. The legitimate, ideologically neutral legislator, who is required to treat his citizens with equal concern and respect (Ronald Dworkin), has to limit himself to reason that in principle could be explained to anyone in a discourse. Thus motifs based upon particular ideas of the good – for example of a religious kind – are barred as resources for grounding legal norms, and this is also fundamentally the case even when these religious contents are translated into profane semantics. The unique non-substitutable ability of the ethically neutral, secular state to stabilise a society of free and equal citizens – separated by incompatible religious, philosophical, and moral basic values – within a common constitutional system (John Rawls) is based on this model of order, which was grounded upon the separation of legal theory from theology established at the latest in the seventeenth century. This legal- and social-philosophical research project aims first at the theoretical sharpening of the concept of public justification and its reconstruction as a central, if tension-filled, normative component of modern Western legal and political thinking, and second, at an investigation of how much the existing stock of norms of the German legal system complies with this principle. For this question of the state of the process of differentiation of law and religion in the applicable law and in legal studies, predominantly recent processes of the setting of norms will be analysed, especially in the area of bio-politics. The study will investigate the question of what religious and/or theological content still or once again lies hidden in contemporary legal discussions and to what extent it can be transferred to a secular grounding. The question of whether and to what extent a secular legal system in this sense remains motivationally dependent upon the pre-political and moral convictions found in religious communities will then be investigated with social-theoretical and legal-sociological means. Finally, questions of comparative legal sociology will be addressed by contrasting German processes of norm-setting to analogous processes in neighbouring European countries. (A4) Religion and Bio-Politics Dr. Ulrich Willems, Political Science The accelerated advances in the life sciences have opened human nature up to technical intervention to an unprecedented degree. In the wake of this “end of nature” (Giddens) more and more biomedical matters are appearing on the political agendas of contemporary societies. For, as a rule, there is profound moral-ethical disagreement 54 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics about whether technologies such as pre-implantation diagnostic and therapeutic cloning should be allowed or forbidden. Not least among the social groups that strongly shape the character of these debates are the religious organisations. In this, they frequently represent positions that aim at defending the conventional limits of technological control over human nature. But the legitimacy and the functionality of such religious interventions in the “secular” state are, however, both politically and political-theoretically, not uncontroversial (see for example Ronald Dworkin, John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas). Before this background a total of four questions present themselves within the research areas of Normativity and Integrative Procedures: (1) In what ways do religious traditions and organisations formulate their bio-ethical positions, with which kinds of reasons do they give their positions validity for various groups of addressees within the political process and what means do they use to carry out their positions? (2) In which ways and under what conditions do religious positions and arguments achieve influence or access to political decisions? (3) In the decision over matters where there is profound moral-ethical disagreement, which factors are responsible for the parties’ conduct in the conflict and for the conflict dynamics of the political process? (4) What political procedures are employed in the decision-making processes concerning bio-political matters, how much inclusion or exclusion do they reveal, especially in regard to religious parties, and how do these various processes and varying combinations of parties effect the results, the dynamics of conflict, and the acceptance of the decision? These questions will be answered in a comparative study of the political regulation of pre-implantation genetic diagnosis and of reproductive cloning in selected OECD states and newly industrializing countries since the 1980s. The choice of the countries to be investigated will be made by varying or keeping constant central religious- political constellations of conditions such as dominant religious traditions, the degree of religious pluralism, and the institutional regulation of the relationship between politics and religion. The research plan will apply the method of focused comparison. (A5) The State as Worldly Absolute Prof. Dr. Ludwig Siep, Philosophy In the contemporary discussion about the foundations of human dignity or about the reference to God in the European constitution the thesis is often put forward that without a religious-transcendental grounding of law and morality a relapse into the age of “deification of the state” threatens. The state’s disposition over the law and life of the individual would then know no bounds. This danger is made even more potent by the 55 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics possibility of modern biotechnology (the danger of breeding humans for the state’s purposes). The philosophy of Hegel is considered to be the pinnacle of philosophical deification of the state. But the tasks of a “religiously neutral” grounding and securing of basic rights, the separation of powers, the state’s monopoly of legitimate force, etc. are not obsolete even after the era of the totalising of state power and in an era of the erosion of statehood (globalisation, “failing states”). In this project the historical and systematic reach of Hegel’s conception of the state as a worldly “existence (Dasein) of the absolute” will be investigated. What is systematically important in this thesis even today: 1. The final foundation of the state as the guarantee of a constitution of rights to individual freedom and enduring institutions without the precondition of a religion of revelation. 2. The philosophical legitimisation of the state against its relativisation by means of theocratic or eschatological tendencies to dissolve institutions, legal norms, and the state monopoly of legitimate force. Historically Hegel takes one orientation of the philosophy of the state to its conclusion: He believes that in order to secure the increasingly confessionally neutral but still Christian state of the early modern period (from Hobbes to Kant) against the threat of deterministic materialism on the one hand and religious instrumentalisation on the other, this state had to be grounded in absolute reason. Hegel saw, just as Kant did, the conception of the state as the promoter and manifestation of absolute reason not only as reconcilable with a Christian idea of God, but even demanded by an enlightened Christendom. He saw in the God of the Christian religion and the state’s “Trinitarian” division of powers two equal manifestations of the absolute. This project investigates the systematic arguments of the Hegelian idea of the “divine” state as well as its predecessors and successors (the Hegel school, French utopian socialism, Ranke, etc.). (A6) Kantian and Post-Kantian Normativity in Inter-cultural Human Rights Discourse Prof. Dr. Dr. habil. Klaus Müller / WM Christian Hengstermann, Philosophical Fundamentals of Theology, Catholic Theological Faculty A conception of the cross-cultural philosophy of human rights in the form of a rational anthropology that can ground the incommensurability of humanity represents an inheritance of classical German philosophy that is still not sufficiently appreciated. Kant placed the question of God within practical philosophy, which alone could preserve a reasonable hope of the meaningfulness of personal and political action. The post-Kantians, in their own opinion the better theologians, carried forth the Kantian 56 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics transformation programme with far-reaching moral- and religious-philosophical implications. This situation of debate leaves behind a vacuum, on the one hand, which makes possible the triumphal march of naturalism in the mid-nineteenth century, but its strengths, on the other hand, remain untapped. The grounding of universal normativity, i.e. normativity that is valid inter-culturally and inter-religiously, as the Kantian-idealistic discourse of natural justice seeks to achieve, is based on a Christendom understood in critical refraction. Thrown open to a profane semantic its normative resources are thus released from any tie to a particulate religious community. The conveying of religion and the grounding of norms is thus paradigmatic for the critical interplay of traditional religion and autonomous reason established at the beginning of the modern era. It will be shown that the synthesis of religion and reason in the form of a moral and subject philosophy with an unmistakably Christian impregnation is of unbroken relevance to contemporary human rights discourse as well as the possibility of grounding a universal normativity. In this, the necessary reconstruction of the previous discursive situation, especially the high phase from 1781 until 1831-32, opens up a retrospective look at the thematic situation in antiquity as much as a view of its religious-critical reception in the nineteenth century and its secular reformulations in the twentieth century. Linguistically- analytically purified and stripped of exaggerated speculative claims the Kantian- idealistic natural justice also makes possible a critical appraisal of the contribution that an enlightened Christendom, even under the auspice of secularity, can and will make to a universal philosophy of human rights. Finally a comparison to analogous grounding strategies of Jewish or Islamic provenance will be of great interest. (A7) Religion, Values, and the Welfare State: The Significance of Religious Communities to the Normative Background of European Welfare States Prof. Dr. Hans-Richard Reuter / Dr. Torsten Meireis, Ethics and Related Social Sciences, Protestant Theological Faculty Prof. Dr.Dr. Karl Gabriel / Dr. Hermann-Josef Große Kracht, Christian Social Sciences, Catholic Theological Faculty The debates on the self-understanding and the foundational values of the “European social model” play an elemental role in the European Union’s processes of identity construction. The modern European welfare states arose from complex constellations of cooperation, struggle, and transformation between state and religious communities. However, the study of those constellations and their impact on the different models has just begun. It is obvious that the normative “substructure” of the modern welfare state has been – and is still today – shaped to a great degree, if in 57 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics highly diffuse ways, by religiously conveyed welfare and poverty relief impulses and patterns of values, although the spectrum of participating confessions and religions has considerably expanded through the migration of workers and the individualisation of modern religion. The rise of the “religious substructure" of modern welfare state arrangements has to do with a complex situation. Since it is necessary to take into account the nationally and regionally differing influence of specific religions and confessions or currents, the specific type of the respective welfare models, as well as the differences and various mechanisms within the religious communities, a two-stage approach suggests itself. First, the study will focus on the relatively familiar situation in Germany, where sources are easily available; in a second phase the view will be directed at other types of European welfare states. Whereas the relatively small segment of newer studies on welfare that are interested in religious influences pursue a political, scientific, or religious studies approach and are limited to Western Europe, this study will expand this view both geographically and in terms of its perspective. On the one hand, the previous research will be expanded with a view to Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, on the other hand the project pursues the goal of integrating a theological perspective, i.e. a view from within the religious communities, into the whole tableau, which can build upon preliminary findings by the proposal’s applicants. The project pursues three intentions on each of the stages. While the first aims at establishing an internet-based, international, interdisciplinary, inter-confessional and inter-religious research network, the second is oriented towards the organisation of an internationally composed academic conference and the third towards regional events and publications for elucidating the relevance of the subject matter in the political community. (A8) The Catholic Church and Modern Forms of State – Norms in Conflict? Prof. Dr. Hubert Wolf / Dipl.-Theol. Gregor Klapczynski, Medieval and Modern Church History, Catholic Theological Faculty Only at the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) did the Church bring itself to accept the general autonomy of the worldly sphere and of democracy. Before this point, which normative criteria had the Church Ministry been using to judge the justification of “secular” law and the legitimacy of “secular” rule? Extensive collections of sources in the Vatican archives, which have been made accessible since September 2006, provide first glimpses into the discussions inside the Curia on questions of normative theories of statehood in the time between the two World Wars. 58 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Among the states that must be taken into consideration, the Austrian “Ständestaat” or corporative state is to be mentioned, which was given much attention by the Vatican. Furthermore, other states were measured by the authoritarian regime of chancellor E. Dollfuß (born 1892, assassinated in 1934). This could be due to the fact that in many respects the “Ständestaat” approached the ideal type of a model Catholic model state quite closely. In Austria, church and state joined together in a way that could scarcely have been closer and more problematic. In its normative self- legitimisation, the “Austro-fascist” regime made use of an explicitly religious complex of motifs: not only did the Austrian federal constitution include the much-implored “preamble God”, but additionally it was claimed that it was based on the same principles that Pope Pius XI (1922–1939) had laid down in his encyclical Quadragesimo anno in 1931. In return, the Catholic Church ceded the norms of political action completely to its corporative state alliance partner. Already during the Civil War in February 1934 the Pope bestowed his apostolic blessing upon representatives of the regime, while their fellow party members took violent action against the social-democratic opposition. After the death of Dollfuß Pius XI even had a bust of the deceased placed in his study. On the basis of sources unknown until now, it is possible to investigate the theological and political stance of the curia with regards to modern forms of state for the first time. Which strategies of legitimising norms did the Vatican observe and in which states? How did it evaluate them, how did it react to them, and how did it define the Church’s role on site in each case ? Which reciprocity existed in the perception of worldwide political development? What was the Catholic Church’s attitude towards monarchies and republics, communist and fascist dictatorships and towards democracy? How were normative synergistic effects brought about, as in Austria? What instruments were available for regulating normative convergences and divergences? Which mechanisms were activated for justifying the state-theoretical principles of Catholicism? The goal is a comprehensive, international comparative examination of the relationship between church and state in the modern period from the perspective of the Roman ministry. A 2.3 Requested Funding Not applicable here, see 3 below. 59 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Research Area B: Staging Coordinator: Prof. Dr. phil. Althoff, Gerd, 09/07/1943 Historisches Seminar Domplatz 20-22 48143 Münster Phone: +49 (251) 83-24341 Fax: +49 (251) 83-24332 E-Mail: email@example.com Responsible Investigators Gerd Althoff, Medieval History; Arnold Angenendt, Medieval and Modern Church History; Alexander Arweiler, Classical Philology; Helene Basu, Ethnology (Social Anthropology); Thomas Bauer, Arabic and Islamic Studies; Katrin Bourree, Medieval History; Werner Freitag, Comparative Regional History; Jürgen Heidrich, Musicology; Dominik Höink, Musicology; Martin Kintzinger, Medieval History; Achim Lichtenberger, Classical Archaeology; Christel Meier-Staubach, Medieval and Modern Latin Philology; Ruth-Elisabeth Mohrmann, European Ethnology; Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser, English Philology/History of the Book; H.-Helge Nieswandt, Classical Archaeology; Joachim Poeschke, Art History; Dieter Salzmann, Classical Archaeology; Hans-Georg Soeffner, Sociology; Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, Early Modern History; Hans-Ulrich Thamer, Modern History; Martina Wagner-Egelhaaf, Modern German Literature; Günther Wassilowsky, Medieval and Modern Church History; Hubert Wolf, Medieval and Modern Church History; Lukas Wolfinger, Medieval History. B 2.1 Summary The metaphor of staging, borrowed from theatre, is a key concept in cultural studies, referring to a mode of acting with demonstrative emphasis and denoting a planned and publicly visible performance by actors before spectators (ceremonies, rituals, music, drama, etc.). Acts of staging have a symbolic character in that they point beyond themselves and evoke messages. In this it is particularly difficult to differentiate between sacral and secular forms. Research area B will inquire into the manifestations and specific potency of such acts of staging for the political, social and religious system from antiquity to the present. Guiding the research is the thesis that in the upheaval of modernity acts of staging forfeited or at least transformed their effect of bringing about commitment. The way cultic-sacral practices of staging were transferred into secular contexts shall be investigated, as shall the converse, how for example religious communities today make use of mass media forms of staging. – In a figurative sense works of visual art, artefacts such as coins and above all texts can also be considered media of staging. Particular interest shall be directed here to the staging of literary authorship: it shall be asked how authors from antiquity to the 61 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics present staged themselves or were staged as political and religious authorities, for example as pagan seers, Christian visionaries, or martyrs. B 2.2 Description We are living today in a “society of staging” (Herbert Willems), whose dynamic overburdens many people and whose power of suggestion arouses a diffuse distrust. But it is fundamentally uncertain whether it is at all possible to circumvent public staging or if it is not rather the case that staging is constitutive of political space, and possibly also religious. A comparison of pre-modern and modern acts of staging promises clarification; a first glance reveals many common features, but upon closer examination these can be seen to fulfil very different functions. Explaining this phenomenon and using it to deepen our understanding of political and religious staging, its general circumstances, possibilities and limits is the goal this project will pursue. The fact that the modern world cannot exist without symbolisation and staging, the fact that they survive every media revolution and are even strengthened as a result has meanwhile become a commonplace of research. The current self-image of the modern world, which assumes that the path from “mythos to logos” (Hans Blumenberg) is characterised by an increase in abstract rationality and discursive reflection and a loss of symbolic communication forms, has in the meantime been permanently challenged. And this has awakened a new interest in investigating pre- modern and modern symbolic practices. It seems to be of paramount importance to focus – by means of a comparative investigation through different historical periods – on the changing function of these manifestations on the path to modernity. But the process as such has not yet been described and its causes are unknown. With full understanding that the term staging is used differently in the various participating departments, what would be investigated as “acts of staging” in the strict sense are those symbolic acts that are demonstratively carried out for the sake of a specific effect. This mostly occurs with the suggestion of spontaneous authenticity even when it has in fact been planned and agreed upon by the actors. The performative character is carefully hidden at all times. For this reason it is also of interest to examine when and why fictions of spontaneity, which acts of staging are, were seen pejoratively. But the demand for a renunciation of all forms of staging in the name of inwardness and authenticity, which has been made time and again in various historical periods – thus a renunciation of rhetorical brilliance, of dramatic intensity of gesture and mien, of publicly effective intensification and accentuation, of the use of suggestive figurativeness, of deciding on the matter beforehand, etc. – seems contrary to all habits of human communication. In any case this demand was never truly effective. 62 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Especially in religion and politics, acts of staging seem to yield results for people in various epochs and cultures that makes them indispensable means of communication. In comparing the pre-modern and the modern, the question arises of what effects acts of staging achieve. Pre-modern societies established a large part of their order through acts of staging. The publicly displayed behaviour entailed an obligation for the future. Whether this character of obligation has vanished completely from modern acts of staging needs to be examined more closely. In this, the question of when and by what means this obligatory character has faded and what has replaced it in its function of establishing order promises insights into the process of the separation of religion, politics and law from each other. In our cluster, the unique character of acts of staging shall first be thematised in the longue durée and with respect to various contents. In Greco-Roman antiquity the indispensable and indissoluble connection between public (that is political) and religious spheres shaped the prerequisites and conditions for political action, which was always characterised by appropriate acts of staging. Cult practice and religious rituals were media of political staging. A central actor on both stages was the community of citizens acting as a collective unit, which in contrast to the (sole, autocratic) ruler and his religious staging in politicis, has until now been much less the subject of intensive ancient historical research (see project drafts B1 Salzmann; D3 Hahn; C2 Funke). Due to the diachronic continuity of this form of political organisation – with a simultaneous discontinuity in the world of religious ideas through the rise of Christianity – the analysis of communal rituals offers a promising access to the theme of politically motivated acts of staging in the religious sphere and vice versa. An outstanding example of religious staging in the public sphere, for example, can be seen in the procession, which under polytheistic auspices led to communal sacrifice and in Christian garb lived on as the translation of martyrs’ relics or as episcopal Adventus. For the active participants as well as the spectators, non-Christian and Christian processions alike conveyed – in quite diverse ways – an image of the social and political order of the ceremonial participants and thus produced social meaning (see B4 Freitag). This surprising continuity in the longue dureé, which mutatis mutandis reaches into the present, opens up the possibility of comparatively working out the discontinuities and differences between the practice of staging among ancient- polytheistic and Christian-monotheistic communities of citizens. For antiquity it will also be necessary to thematise the question of how, after the turning point of Constantine, the Christian church used the Roman state and rulership ceremonial as a model for its sacral and liturgical ceremonies. 63 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics A large number of projects that originated in CRC 496 serve for the pre-modernity of the Middle Ages and early modern period as a differentiated starting point against which modern events in the area of staging can be compared. The pre-modern order established and consolidated itself namely primarily by means of symbolisation and acts of staging. In the centuries in question a high culture of demonstrative-symbolic actions can thus be observed, while the political sphere was in large part pervaded by forms of religious-ecclesiastical origin. Characteristic is additionally the technique of discussing and agreeing upon the symbolic ritual actions in advance, and then “performing” them as if they were spontaneous occurrences (B3, Althoff/Wolfinger). There was for example a large repertoire of types of behaviour intended to establish trust, in which peaceable intentions, friendship, favour, and familiaritas were given obligatory expression. This was also true of a repertoire of differentiated symbolic acts that bindingly symbolised subordination, loyalty, readiness to serve and submission. These forms were repeatedly culled from liturgical or para-liturgical contexts. Just as the Christian church had appropriated the Roman ceremonial of secular rule as the model for sacral ceremonies, these in turn shaped political forms in the Middle Ages and the early modern period. In this, social reality manifests itself as a network of reciprocal symbolic legitimacy claims and repudiations; this is most clearly comprehensible in the case of conflicts (B2 Bourree). A serious caesura in the area to be treated here is represented by the French Revolution, in which a society whose self-understanding and political culture was based on its separation and distinction into various ranks attempted to transform itself into an egalitarian society. This meant a break with the old acts of staging, but the new situation created an even greater need for new kinds of acts of staging that could lend expression to the new order. In this the traditional language of forms shaped by Christianity was frequently called to service and in the course of the revolution secularised and supplemented by elements of a genuine revolutionary tradition. If Mass was still being celebrated in 1790 on the first anniversary of Bastille Day, in later ceremonies the altar served exclusively the fatherland – for the presentation of the constitution or other “holy objects” of the new regime, such as, for example, allegorical personifications of freedom, equality or peace. It is possible to observe similar occurrences in the nineteenth century in both restoration movements and regimes as in such revolutionary-Jacobin traditions. It is obvious that even today a great number of such symbolic assurances still exist, ranging from “high” politics to everyday interactions. Totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century granted symbolisation and staging just as much importance as democratically elected presidents of a world power such as the USA do even today. 64 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics The Catholic Church as well as Islamic cultures are virtuosos in using the power of symbols and rituals for their respective goals. The recipients regard this with ambivalence: on the one hand they willingly let themselves be affectively overwhelmed, on the other they are incensed when the “suspicion of staging” becomes too apparent in the public acts of politicians. Previous research has done only partial justice to these phenomena. Elements similar to religion in the dictatorships of the twentieth century have repeatedly led to the temptation to use the concept of “political religion” to grasp their structural similarities. This has been done predominantly under the auspice of the theory of totalitarianism and this approach has then been coupled with the question of the utopian content of dictatorships in the years between the two world wars. Such a systematisation is generally based on a description of specific forms of staging and techniques of ruling that are marked by a recourse to religious uses of language and ideas, and symbolic actions such as the sanctification of persons and places. There seems to be a general consensus that a pure this-worldliness and exclusive claim to validity are the characteristic features of the new political doctrine of salvation that locates “the divine not in a transcendental principle of the world, but rather in single contents of the world” (Hans Maier). But a systematic description of the various quasi- religious elements in a comparison of dictatorships or dictatorship movements is still lacking; the usefulness of the concept of political religion as applied to democratic, non-totalitarian systems in the twentieth century is still unclear; and the concept of religion at its foundation seems to be relatively undifferentiated. In contrast, the interpretive approach of a “secular religious history” seems to be more promising. This approach attempts to understand the genesis and historical development of the modern world – from the time of the French Revolution to the political mass movements of the twentieth century – as a phenomenon arising from the embracing of secular beliefs, which becomes most relevant during crises of upheaval and modernisation (B6 Thamer). The question of the function of political-religious staging can also be profitably posed in respect to modern national and supranational communities. On the one hand, the failure of the EU constitutional contract has shown how much difficulty this union has had with common political acts of staging. On the other hand, the last change of pontificate has clearly shown the astonishing appeal of “hybrid” religious-political acts of staging (B7 Wassilowsky). The analysis of phenomena such as these can be sharpened by a comparison with pre-modern acts of staging: How do sacral and worldly acts of staging in different periods of time reciprocally borrow from each other’s symbolic repertoires and what are the consequences of this? How and by what means 65 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics does the legitimacy claim of political and religious acts of staging change from the Middle Ages to the modern period? What causes their continuous attractiveness and effectiveness in the domains of politics and religion? How can this be reconciled with the finding that within the framework of the modern state, the function of creating order by means of acts of staging seems to have receded into the background; and that in the domain of religion the Reformation programmatically proclaimed the unimportance of outward forms only to use them even more forcefully in its practice of securing identity and creating self-assurance, for example, in ceremonies commemorating Luther or the Reformation. And finally, what role have the various media revolutions played? Works of visual art, artefacts, music, and above all literary texts can also be understood as acts of staging, broadly conceived. The question of the history of political and religious acts of staging thus also demands the abilities of literary studies scholars and art historians. It is well known that over and against the dominant social powers of politics and religion, but also the sciences, art and literature constitute society’s own system of self-observation and self-assurance; they accompany the political, religious, and other types of organisations, analyse and comment upon them, criticise them and confront them with alternatives. Their representatives function as an agency that – with its own specific symbolic forms and media, its historically developed repertoire of modes of articulation – takes a stance upon the respective contemporary society in which it is itself integrated (B5 Höink). In the pre-modern age it is typical author roles like that of the mytho-poet or the poet-prophet – which, with a special, even religious or quasi-religious, authorised competence – laid claim to possessing the evaluative judgment of a “literary control institution” (B9 Meier-Staubach). Even in the modern period and to the present day artists avail themselves of this “office” of advisor, warner, and critic in their own symbolic medium (B10 Wagner-Egelhaaf). A comparative investigation of the agency of literature with its media at the moments in time when its functions within the political- religious play of forces are particularly prominent – that is, in antiquity (especially in the Augustan age, B8 Arweiler), in the High Middle Ages, in humanism, and in the modern period – is a worthwhile and topical task: This is true also with respect to analogous agencies in the contemporary media society. The question is: What exactly does it look like, this interconnection of politics and religion with and in the authors and artists of the various eras up until the classical modern, in which it is still a typically important component? How do politics and religion assure themselves with regard to this agency? How do they react to criticism by artistic symbolic constructs, which stage themselves as such but also refer beyond 66 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics themselves to the practical experiences of life? What forms of alternative, for example those of a utopian nature, confront the actual respective political-social realities? What role is played by the religions of art propagated in the classical modern period? What reflexive references and what transformations do they document with respect to the pre-modern mythic-ancient and mystic-religious traditions? What is the meaning of the present re-politicising of literature and art, which also implies a return of the religious and/or the metaphysical? What relationship do artistic acts of staging have to more properly political ones in the pre-modern and early modern periods? If literature and art are valued as autonomous media and the authors and artists as independent social agencies in connection with politics and religion, and if they themselves frame their commentaries in symbolic conceptions – and there is no doubt about reactions (and repressions) – then they are simultaneously not only an indicator but also an important factor in the changing of society’s conception of values. Selected Project Drafts to Research Area B (B1) Religion and Politics in the Oldest Mass Medium of Humanity: Royal Coin Portraits from the Iberian Penninsula to the Hindu Kush Prof. Dr. Dieter Salzmann / Dr. Achim Lichtenberger / Dr. H.-Helge Nieswandt, all: Classical Archaeology and Early Christian Archaeology / Archaeological Museum The goal of the project is to work out the forms and structures of the staging of politics and religion on the coins of Hellenistic rulers. This raises the question of the unity and diversification of religious and political identity in the images and their role and structural function of collective integration in maintaining and stabilising the ruler’s power; it is thus a question of the communication between the ruler and his subjects through the mass medium of coins. The scientific value of coins as sources in the study of the ancient world has always been underestimated, although coins are mankind’s first mass medium and the only kind of ancient source that has come down to us with an almost complete inventory of types. In addition they represent primary sources of state representation. The image on the coin is public and presupposes a large audience for whom it is intended. Based on the official coins of fifteen rival dynasties of the Hellenistic Mediterranean (4-3th centuries BC) that were in communication with each other – from the Iberian peninsula to the Hindu Kush – the project shall compile the structural similarities and distinctions in the images’ staging of the ruler and the gods. The images on the Hellenistic royal coins offer great potential for comparative findings on the question of religion and politics in pre-modern cultures. The paradigm shift that began with Hellenism (“the omniscience of the image of the ruler”, “the sacralisation of the image 67 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics of the ruler”) has been passed along into the modern era. This kind of description of the origin, form, and transformation of the image of the ruler and the gods in Hellenistic coin minting has never been undertaken. (B2) The Enforcement and Consolidation of Rule by Late Medieval Princes at the Intersection of Religion and Politics Katrin Bourree M.A., Medieval History The religious staging of late medieval princes as Christian rulers and the representation of their rule as a demonstration of divine benevolence correspond to the pre-modern practice of legitimising rule and – in contrast to the ostensibly secularised societies of the present day – appear to be basic prerequisites to sovereign action. If one investigates the degree of instrumentalisation of religion for the purpose of enforcing and consolidating rule by the princes, it remains to ask whether the frequently cited opposition between “private piety” and “state piety” (Machilek) can be maintained. For, the question of what kind of religious practices and forms of organisation can have a socially integrating function even across political diversity could usefully annul this opposition. For the practice of rulership by Frederich II (1440 to 1470) it can be remarked that religious activities were especially central during a time in which the Hohenzollerns were still in the process of establishing themselves in the Margraviate of Brandenburg. Thus as one of his first acts in office he founded a courtly order aimed at the nobles of the Margraviate. The founding of a Marian brotherhood in Berlin aimed at the urban middle class followed a few years later. In addition to the contribution of these two religious societies for the integration of Frederich II’s rule in the Margraviate, various aspects of sovereign church rule – generally assumed to have an instrumental character – must be reassessed from the viewpoint of symbolic staging. To the degree that the elector took church law upon himself – the relocation, for example, of a heresy trial to his Berlin castle in 1458 that he presided over himself or his involvement in the dispute over the Miraculous Blood of Wilsnack – he demonstrated his spiritual and worldly responsibility to his rule and his subjects. Religious staging as a means of solidifying the political claims of the electors did not only contribute to the consolidation of social and political organisation in the Margraviate, but was also relevant on the level of imperial politics. Through the founding of the first courtly order by an elector, Frederich II here too set a visible sign of his political claims. In the imperial system, which was re-staged time and again at court and imperial diets, he now appeared as the sovereign of an order and as the member of a dynasty that only recently shared the status of prince of the empire. The staged presentation of the imperial rose by the 68 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics pope ultimately elevated him from among the faithful onto the international stage as a Christian ruler and symbolically underlined the proximity of pope and elector. (B3) Staged Voluntariness: On the Erection of Facades of Political Consent in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries Prof. Dr. Gerd Althoff / Lukas Wolfinger M.A., Medieval History One of the characteristics of the communication of medieval ruling classes was that in public, the rank and honour of the participants was strongly emphasised, while compulsion and heteronomy were concealed as much as possible. Voluntary submission was always better than coerced submission, voluntary help more honourable than demanded service, gifts were more acceptable than tributes, because in this way the honour of the persons in question was taken into consideration. One can speak of a culture of staged voluntariness, which characterised public communication and already in medieval courtly critique was stigmatised as a sign of decadence and dishonesty. The public expression or performance of confessions of guilt and admissions of wrongdoing seems particularly and strikingly alien. For the Middle Ages, it must be clarified to what extent the model of the sinner, who repents and is prepared to perform penance, helped bring this kind of staged self- accusation into being. Relevant cases in the form of a churchly penitential ritual are not seldom in the extant sources, and even include the emperor. On the other hand it should not be overlooked that this model of a change of heart was used not only in the case of sinful behaviour, but also in political disagreements, in order to stabilise or re- establish the existing order. And finally there was a distinct culture of saving the face and preserving the honour of the other party; this could be done by keeping open the possibility of voluntarily doing or allowing something that otherwise would be demanded with coercion. Even kings were allowed the pose of the magnanimous benefactor, even when the humble requests were in reality demands that left him no choice. This reality appears with special frequency behind the set phrases of royal documents. In the intended project the problem area, relevant for the entire Middle Ages, will be investigated in a case study in which the Carolingian and Ottonian periods will be compared. In the conflicts over an appropriate sharing of power the fictions of voluntariness seem to have their origin in rituals that established obligation. It will be necessary to work out the ambivalence of relevant acts of staging that were suitable both for being used by the king as instruments of power for disciplining the nobles and as means of restricting the ruler’s license and committing him to take noble or churchly interests into consideration without a loss of face. 69 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (B4) Blessings for the Mighty: The Legitimacy and Legitimising of Political Rulership in Late Medieval and Modern City Processions Prof. Dr. Werner Freitag, Comparative Regional History (in cooperation with the Institute for Comparative Urban History) The fact that rogation, corpus christi and saints’ processions procured God’s blessing or the help of the saints for councillors, princes, and statesmen belongs to the general knowledge of historical research. Urban and national leadership elite situated themselves near the altar sacraments and, dressed in ceremonial clothing, carried baldachins, images, and reliquary shrines. Period-specific case studies thematise the reflection of late medieval urban society (Löther, Trexler), the relative importance of processions in the Reformation (Scribner), the enforcement of the early modern confessional state (Châtellier, Freitag), the preservation of Catholic identity during the Kulturkampf, and the resistance against an inhuman national socialist ideology that was given expression in the form of processions (Freitag, Stambolis). In accordance with the considerations of the cluster of excellence, these isolated approaches shall be abandoned in order to show longitudinally how political order was created in religious rituals, and to show how, through the aura of the divine, urban representatives laid claim to legitimacy and won it in the eyes of the faithful, even in competition with national rulers. The period under consideration begins around 1400, when, in the wake of urban conflicts, the patrician councillorship was questioned by the guilds, and ends in the 1960s–1970s, as political representatives increasingly dispensed with nearness to the real presence of the son of God and the saints. As a preliminary consideration, it is possible to assert that the symbolic representation of the religious system of order changed more slowly than did the rules of politics. This statement is of course true only of Catholicism. For this reason the consideration of the nature of processions during the urban Reformation and the survival of processions should be investigated in bi-confessional cities of the early modern period. For the modern period, of interest is the nature of processions in industrial cities, in order to illuminate various legitimizing strategies against the background of religious plurality. As a working hypothesis, it shall be assumed that the polity of the late medieval city initially defined itself as a sacral community. The rise of different ideas of political order, for example that of the autonomous city in competition with the early modern princely city aimed at mediatisation, and thus the concept of communal self-administration in competition with the “semi-feudal” (Wehler) German empire (1870-1918), led to coexisting claims of political justification. Together or in conflict, national and urban representatives sought their place in proximity to the divine, but could also avoid it when Catholicism was counted among the “internal 70 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics enemies of the empire” (1871 to around 1900) or, as from 1933 to 1945, was politically marginalised or even persecuted. The participation in processions developed into a form of demonstration against the concepts of political order of the time. (B5) Political-National Material in a Spiritual-Religious Form – Oratorio Composition in the Nineteenth Century as an Example of a German “National Religion of Art” Dominik Höink M.A., Musicology It is not only the stylisation of Richard Wagner into a savior figure, not only the labelling of the Bayreuth festival as a cult and the festival house as the “temple of a pseudo-religion” (F. Spotts) that manifest the close affinity of the religious and the artistic-musical during certain times within intellectual history. Already Friedrich Schleiermacher had coined the term “religion of art” (“Kunstreligion”), which had been filled with content especially through the “Herzensergießungen eines kunstliebenden Klosterbruders” (W. H. Wackenroder; L. Tieck). He mirrored the romantic intention of being able to experience a higher reality through art, even of abolishing the substance of the religious by means of art. In the nineteenth century this idea of an artistic pseudo-religion was linked to the “German mythology” created in the wake of the search for national identity and thus became elevated to a “national religion of art” (“Nationale Kunstreligion”) (W.-D. Hartwich). On the background of this artistic-religious paradigm, in the second half of the nineteenth century numerous oratorios were composed with mythological and historical subjects from the Germanic and Scandinavian cultural regions. Particularly in the wake of the founding of the German Empire in 1871 this development was accompanied by the increased founding of oratorio societies, which made evident the political significance of such “worldly oratories” (“weltliche Oratorien”); this even reached the point of a Culture-Protestantism (Kulturprotestantismus) aimed at the connection between “throne and altar”. This repertoire, which has not yet been made accessible in its entirety, and of which only Max Bruch’s Arminius of 1875 shall be named here as an example, forms the subject of the project. Firstly, how was the interlacing of national-political material with the idea of a “holy musical art” (“Heilige Tonkunst”) achieved on the level of a genuinely spiritual-religious genre, beyond the great musical-dramatic works? The examination of the respective institutional-historical bonds (courtly, churchly, bourgeois) and the performative-practical context offer, secondly, a point of departure for determining the political function of these kinds of staging more precisely. Thirdly, how, for example, in August Reißmann’s virtually martial Boniface Oratorio is violence (the third pillar of the cluster) politically 71 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics functionalised in the framework of its specific staging? In a further step the reception history of the compositions is to be illuminated longitudinally, in which the investigation of the structure of political reception in the totalitarian system of National Socialism – comparable to the ideological instrumentalisation of Richard Wagner – forms the focal point. (B6) Utopia, Political Religion and Violence in the Twentieth Century Prof. Dr. Hans-Ulrich Thamer, Modern History In the twentieth century utopian thinking and pseudo-religious expectations of salvation have often been connected with the political violence of radical political mass movements. This is true above all of Bolshevism and National Socialism, but also of neo-Marxist movements in the second half of the twentieth century. The design of a “counter-image of a purified world” along with the “use of a vocabulary of salvation” (Fest) and the idea of a new man have been considered the central contents of the utopian consciousness. The tension between a utopian vision of the future and a depraved present filled with crises leads, according to this interpretation, to an increased readiness for violence. Using the example of the 1968 movement, which is seen as an international phenomenon and a significant manifestation of a social movement, the central elements of a utopian consciousness will be initially elaborated in a multi-levelled, comparative and analytical process. This utopian consciousness shall be examined with respect to its religious tendencies as well as its function as critique of the present and draft of a vision for the future. Next, the intellectual spokesmen and supporters (including theologians and priests) of the developing social movement shall be established and the forms of interpretation, action, and mobilisation deriving from the utopian visions of a non-alienated and non-authoritarian society – up to the rise of militant activism – shall be investigated. The fields to be investigated will be the movements of the New Left in France, Germany, and Italy with a view to the various political cultures including the different meanings attached to the churches and confessions. The goal of the research is to develop a selective concept of “political religion” by means of a cross-cultural comparison and to determine the significance of the various quasi-religious forms of representation and “the adoption of a secular faith” (Küenzlen) for the development of radical patterns of interpretation and action. Further, it will be necessary to observe the motives and causes of political violence – in its instrumental and communicative form – as well as the ways it functions to form community, and examine its connections to the (self-) sacralisation of political leaders 72 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics and actors and to the aesthetic dimensions and ritualisation of the representation of violence. It will also be important to consider the ways in which the latter have contributed to strengthening the dimensions of faith and the expectations of salvation, but also to integration within the social movement. (B7) Images and Messages – John Paul II as Global Symbolic Event Dr. Günther Wassilowsky, Medieval and Modern Church History The power of social integration that public acts of staging can develop – by means of which a pre-modern symbolic repertoire is transferred almost intact into the post- secular modern world – was made clear by the course of events of April 2005 in Rome. But the public death of John Paul II and the subsequent sede vacante ceremonies were only the consequential final act of a pontificate that, in terms of the theory of staging, is illuminating to a very high degree. The fact that this pope moved such masses of people, even though many disagreed with him on the issues, must be explicable by the virtuoso deployment of symbolic gestures and images conveyed by the media. His role in the erosion of the communist block or the high regard in which he was held by Islamic religious leaders are only two examples of the fact that the effects of such papal acts of staging far transcended the internal church and religious spheres. In single events from Karol Wojtyla’s seventeen-year term of office (the visit to the wailing wall in Jerusalem, the World Day of Prayer for Peace in Assisi, youth events, millennium festivities, the last Angelus prayer, his burial, etc.) it will be necessary to investigate the spectrum of ways in which these events were endowed with meanings, especially those capable of giving rise to religious symbols in the modern period. By drawing upon global reporting in the various visual and print media, interpretations of these symbolic acts of staging must be analysed in the light of the question to what degree the content of this pope’s statements effectively placed any kind of precedent upon the interpretation of the image (for example the religious theology of the encyclical Dominus Iesus on the interpretation of the symbolism of “Jerusalem” and “Assisi”); was there a conscious distinction drawn between visual and discursive messages; and finally, in terms of an appraisal of the individual events and the pontificate as a whole, did the image dominate discourse or did discourse dominate the interpretation of the image? An analysis of this kind promises not only to cast light upon the change in the politics of papal symbols in an era of global media, but also upon the transformation of religiosity in post-secular modernity. 73 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (B8) The Staging of Political Authorship in the Augustan Age Prof. Dr. Alexander Arweiler, Classical Philology The transformation of the concept of authorship in late republican and Augustan literature, which discusses Rome’s political and cultic reforms, is the subject to be investigated. Characteristic of Augustan literature is, on the one hand, its attentiveness to questions of the relationship between politics and cult, which was determined by the Principate’s striving for reform and the central position of techniques of staging power. On the other hand, as seers (vates), the poets laid claim to an autonomous legitimacy in competition with cultic and magistral institutions; this legitimacy allowed them to define past and future in respect to the present and was supposed to secure them recognition as public agencies. Myth exegesis – in its correspondence to or divergence from politically motivated interpretation – and commentary upon the cultic constitution of the contemporary Roman world is found in various genres and will be examined with respect to the changed self-image of the author. Complementary to each other will be an investigation of prose authors who subject the political and cultic topics to Hellenistic concepts of science (the writing of history, scholarly specialised writing), and the analysis of various texts (prose/poetry) as witnesses to a contest full of tension between literature and politics over the sovereignty of interpretation. Primary questions concern the models of actual or ideal relations between politics, cult, and literature drafted especially by the poets as commentators on Augustan religious politics, and the meaning they apportion to the self-staging of political instance as reformers of the cult in Rome (for example, Horace and the elegy of love). Of special interest for this investigation of literary discourse in a time of cultural transformation will be the question of how the new concepts of authorship and Principate affected the role of the recipient in the process of literary self-understanding. This is also true of the question of which processes of increasing or decreasing relevance for the reader’s collaboration in the writings become manifest (for example in the development of genres up to normative modes of speech in which the rhetorical Trias of communication can be unilaterally weakened). Authorship and the staging of authorship in non-literary contexts thus turns out to be a paradigmatic concept for the determination of relations between the various cultural fields (literature, politics, religion) from the late republican period to the early imperial era, allowing us to trace the transformations of Roman culture within changes in the self-perception and self-image of authors, whose self-authorisation imitates the 74 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics model of concentration of power in the Princeps just as much as it questions the justification of this model. (B9) The Agency of the Author and the Staging of Authorship in the High Middle Ages and Renaissance Prof. Dr. Christel Meier-Staubach, Medieval and Modern Latin Philology For the pre-modern period, there exists only sporadic research on the author as a public agency in maintaining, stabilising, and expressing or in challenging and transforming the political and religious order. Comparative studies of the forms, conditions, and consequences of such authorship are a desideratum whose fulfillment can lead to fundamental insights into the functions of literary production in pre-modern societies and is thus also suitable for comparison with modern and non-European cultures (see Thomas Bauer on panegyric poetry in Arabian countries and Martina Wagner-Egelhaaf on the modern). Already in the Carolingian period the poet appeared before the public with literary productions containing political and religious programmes. His function would become more differentiated in the controversial and public discourse on religion and politics in the twelfth century when – in panegyric, satire, and literary sketches – he takes a position and meddles in current questions of imperium and ecclesia. Such authors respectively choose their genre with the specific mode of speech traditionally reserved for it (epic, lyric, vision in verse and prose, didactic poem, letter, dialogue, drama) in order to adapt it to their intentions and to effectively stage their vote in a reflected and specifically profiled authorship. An interesting corpus of texts of this kind is, for example, Hildegard of Bingen’s visionary correspondence (around 300 letters) with numerous religious and worldly persons of high standing of her time; the critical edition of this correspondence is just finished, but an analysis is yet to be done. Upon request Hildegard gives her visionary advice to popes, the emperor, kings and queens, prelates and masters, priests, monks, and nuns as well as members of the laity of various social positions from Northern Denmark to Italy, and from Western France to Prague. After being approved as an author at the Synod of Trier in 1147–48, in the course of a few years she thus became a respected official agency – as a woman! The specific achievements of the agency of public authorship shall be described in comparative studies with various other literary forms and models of authorship for the first time. In a second step corresponding forms of humanistic authorship for the ruler from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (lyric, epic, novels, hybrid forms such as homage plays, among others) shall be analysed in comparison. The flourishing theatre in the Confessional Age proves to be both the most significant literary and multi-media 75 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics institution for the formation of public opinion: an early “mass media” for the – literally – staged discussion of societal values concerning politics and religion, about whose intentions many prologues also provide quite definitive information. (B10) Authorship as Scandal: Strategies of Staging, Political and Religious Subtexts Prof. Dr. Martina Wagner-Egelhaaf, Modern German Literature The project is devoted to the relationship between present-day politics, religion, and literature based on the example of literary scandals in whose centre there is always the person of the author. The death threat of Islamistic fundamentalists against Salman Rushdie after the publication of The Satanic Verses in 1988 shows – in the globalised and apparently secularised world – how closely interwoven the political, the religious, and the literary spheres remain. The project shall be guided by the question of what role “the author” – who traditionally represented a charismatic, religious and/or political agent (poeta vates, “Gewissen der Nation” [conscience of a nation]) – plays in modern and post-modern societies and to what degree the patterns of perception that have come down to us continue to work implicitly. The project shall examine the thesis that in the scandal around an author – even after the post-modern declaration of the ‘death of the author’ (see Roland Barthes, Michel Foucault) – the religious potential deposited in the cultural agency of the author, but as a rule no longer present in modern consciousness, breaks through and plays out its implicit political virulence. Scandals are (usually quickly passing) disruptions of the order, in which something is brought to light whose articulation enables the re- stabilisation of the order. The project shall pursue the question of what kind of disruptions these are that emerge to the surface in literary scandals and what they disclose about a society’s political and religious unconscious. In doing so, it must be borne in mind that the scandal (etymology: “stumbling block” or “trigger of a trap,” “obstacle on the path”) is originally a figure of religious discourse, which in the Old Testament designated apostasy or rebellion against God. In the New Testament, the “stumbling block” becomes the “cornerstone” of faith, the death of Christ on the cross, which as the skandalon of Christianity annuls the rebellion against God. The project shall investigate literary scandals from the end of the1980s onwards. In addition to a national emphasis devoted to the scandals around Chr. Wolf, M. Walser, P. Handke and G. Grass among others, along with the ways these were staged in the media, it will also have an international emphasis in which the discourse of authorship scandals in their worldwide media reception shall be critically analysed. The fact that authors are frequently staged or stage themselves as “martyrs” when they stand in the crossfire of political public opinion demonstrates the persistence of religious imagines 76 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics in the discourse of authorship. The emphasis on the time around the year 2000 shall be compared with a look at the concepts and functions of authorship around the year 1900, the beginning of classical modernism, which is linked to neo-mystical currents in literature and art and stages authorship in the patterns of perception based on both, art and religion. B 2.3 Requested Funding Not applicable here, see 3 below. 77 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Research Area C: Integrative Procedures Coordinator: Prof. Dr. phil. Stollberg-Rilinger, Barbara, 17/07/1955 Historisches Seminar Domplatz 20-22 48143 Münster Phone: +49 (251) 83-24315 Fax: +49 (251) 83-24332 E-Mail: firstname.lastname@example.org Responsible Investigators Reinhard Achenbach, Old Testament; Rainer Albertz, Old Testament; Helene Basu, Ethnology (Social Anthropology); Michael Beintker, Reformist Theology; Antje Flüchter, Early Modern History; Werner Freitag, Comparative Regional History; Peter Funke, Ancient History; Karl Gabriel, Christian Social Sciences; Hermann-Josef Große Kracht, Christian Social Sciences; Thomas Gutmann, Philosophy of Law; Johannes Hahn, Ancient History; Silke Hensel, History of the Non-European World; Nils Jansen, Legal History; Hermann Kamp, Medieval History; Clemens Leonhard, Liturgy Science; Peter Oestmann, Legal History; Ulrich Pfister, Social and Economic History; Andreas Nikolaus Pietsch, Early Modern History; Klaus Schubert, Political Science; Thies Schulze, Medieval and Modern Church History; Folker Siegert, Jewish Studies and New Testament; Sita Steckel, Medieval History; Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, Early Modern History; Martina Wagner-Egelhaaf, Modern German Literature; Christian Walter, Public Law; Ulrich Willems, Political Science; Jakob Wöhrle, Old Testament. C 2.1 Summary The research perspective in area C addresses, on the one hand, the instrumental and symbolic procedures and practices with which pre-modern and modern societies from the Ancient Near East to the present have dealt with religious plurality. Religious convictions and practices are of fundamental significance to social integration and/or exclusion; religious plurality is thus a possible factor in conflicts. How can religious identity be safeguarded in a socially heterogeneous environment? To what extent do processes of political integration lead to the suppression of religious plurality, to what extent do they allow it to be maintained? How do procedures allowing the peaceful coexistence of various religious communities arise and function? On the other hand it will be asked, vice-versa, to what extent religious practices for their part act to create unity beyond political and social differences. And third and finally, this area is concerned with specific problems of integration that arose in Latin Christendom and in Islam out of the competition or cooperation between worldly and spiritual powers. The area to be investigated extends from the strategies of integration and distinction of the 79 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Israelites during the Babylonian exile up to the strategies of modern constitutional law in dealing with religious minorities. C 2.2 Description Not only the modern period has been confronted with a plurality of mutually- exclusive systems of religious meanings and norms. Whereas the research area “Normativity” is concerned with the various ways in which norms are justified and derive their legitimacy, the research perspective in this area addresses the instrumental and symbolic procedures and practices used to deal with this plurality in pre-modern and modern societies. The complex of problems around the themes of plurality and integration will be discussed from two opposing perspectives: first, it will be asked how religious plurality can be politically and socially integrated into a society, and second and conversely, how a shared religion can function to integrate and establish identity above and beyond political and social diversity. In this context, it will also be necessary to examine the ever-present reverse side of procedures and practices of integration, namely mechanisms of exclusion. With the introduction of the category of truth in religion, religious plurality becomes a problem (Jan Assmann). The suppression of religious diversity through use of physical violence was and is only an extreme case of the ways in which members of the same or different religions or confessions, each with its claim to the exclusive truth, relate to each other. The more complex the various forms of economic integration and political organisation in the past, the more likely it was that religious groups within a community were able to peacefully coexist. In these cases, either toleration seemed advantageous or the religious plurality could not be done away with by violence, the threat of violence or other means of discipline. Plurality became and becomes a potential problem wherever the respective religious communities collide in their basic values, forms of representation and daily practices. This can occur in all conceivable areas, beginning with the structuring of time and space (holidays, daily rhythms, etc.), through the category of gender (sexual control, purity laws, marriage rules, clothing rules, etc.), and including ways of dealing with the liminal situations of birth and death. Collisions in daily activities are facilitated when the members of various religious groups differ significantly from one another in other ways as well – for example in their ethnic origin, economic position or social class membership – so that the respective potentials for conflict mutually reinforce each other. There is also the additional problem that in religious plurality means of establishing political bonds and sanctions such as oath taking, excommunication, sacral ritual, etc., lose their effectiveness and have to be replaced by others. 80 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics From a historical perspective various ways of dealing with religious plurality can be reconstructed: from more or less violent strategies of homogenisation, on the one hand, which force the members of different faiths to conversion, flight, martyrdom, or dissimulation (C5 Steckel; C6 Pietsch/Stollberg-Rilinger), up to various modes of coexistence on the other hand, which can channel the potential for religious conflict in various ways temporarily or lastingly. The latter can be accomplished by means of the establishment of corporative special rights for religious minorities or through their social separation (C12 Basu), the introduction of procedural-technical rules of equality that permanently fix religious plurality, by trans-religious, theologically-grounded models of tolerance (C9 Flüchter), or finally by means of the far-reaching exclusion of the religious sphere from the political-legal constitution of the state, whereby there are very different models of the constitutional-legal regulation of the relationship between state and religious communities (C6 Walter). The modern West has long laid claim to having finally solved the problem as a consequence of confessional schism, not, however, without significant birth pains. The secular state was seen as a truth-neutral agency established above religion and confessions, which it has made into private matters: religion, that is to say, has differentiated itself into one among many autonomously functioning systems within society. But at present, the resistance to, and the limits and consequences of this process are becoming visible. This is especially true of the confrontation of Western societies with Islam, which for its part had at its disposal in the pre-modern period its own specific culture of dealing with religious diversity in a non-restrictive way (see A2 Bauer). Modern religious fundamentalisms, of Christian as well as Islamic and Jewish provenance, can be seen as defensive reactions to this process of differentiation, and simultaneously as after-effects of it. In the light of this it thus seems at present of great importance to look at the historical forms of political coexistence of various religious groups in pre-modern and modern Jewish, Christian and Islamic cultures in a comparative light, a task for which the cluster provides optimum conditions. The investigation could draw upon the results of recent research into the coexistence of Muslims, Jews, and Christians in medieval and early modern urban and rural communities as well as those of research on confessionalisation in early modern Europe. In the Münster research group the Leibniz project “Pre-Modern Procedures” is concerned with the question of the relationships between pre-modern forms of political procedures and religious and social legitimacy claims. It is well known that above all the Holy Roman Empire since the Reformation was an experimental field for forms of confessional coexistence on all levels of daily life. By anchoring the peaceful coexistence and the equality of all confessions in imperial law, politics by no means 81 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics became autonomous in relation to religion; on the contrary all decision-making procedures were much more permeated with confessional antagonism. Thus all political questions could also potentially be disputed as religious questions and all questions of religion were potentially questions of political procedures. For confessional reasons, in the seventeenth century there were, for example, two different calendars, all offices were filled doubly, and the principle of majority was constantly thwarted by divisions in the confessional camp. The Holy Roman Empire but also other confessionally mixed European regions with a complex political structure such as the Swiss confederation or the Netherlands offer broad illustrative material for the fundamental questions of the connection between conflict and confession: What were the consequences when political or social conflict was confessionally coded? How did political decision-making procedures function when confessional difference was anchored as a formal procedural norm? What role was played by the relationship between local, territorial and cross-territorial levels for the emergence, escalation or resolution of confessionally influenced conflicts (C7 Pfister)? The functioning of political procedures of deliberation and decision-making under the conditions of religiously influenced conflicts is a theme whose topicality is clear. At the moment the question is urgent in the case of Iraq, where it is a matter of anchoring a religious equality between Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds in the new constitution and of how this will function in daily practice. But the problem of religious plurality and formal procedures is also potent in the Western states at the moment, where ideologically- religiously grounded conflicts of values (termination of pregnancy, euthanasia, bio- politics) threaten to push the procedural political decision-making procedures to their limits (see A3 Gutmann, A4 Willems). Another area in which political ways of handling religious plurality in the pre- modern and modern periods should be viewed comparatively concerns the control of sexuality and the regulating of gender roles. In most societies gender roles are not only justified and supported by religious practices and beliefs, but they also simultaneously serve to emphatically demarcate other social groups (see C3 Leonhard). This can be seen in numerous cultures in the concept of purity; in this concept religious and sexual norms become one, and at the same time it defines the boundaries of one’s own culture in relation to all others. This can be seen not only in the history of the Reformation, which was accompanied by a new definition of gender roles. At the moment, this context is particularly topical and familiar in various Christian and Islamic fundamentalisms, for which the purity of the woman simultaneously embodies the purity of the social group. This makes the question of gender roles and 82 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics their symbolic representation in daily life into the central battlefield of cultural conflicts. The question of how to deal with these conflicts in the framework of national- ecclesiastical, educational and integration policies is already the subject of an interdisciplinary research project at the WWU Münster (Oebbecke/Kalisch) on the constitutional-legal and theological problems of Islamic religion classes in German schools. The posing of questions of a historical, cultural-comparative nature should follow upon this work. In the framework of this cluster of excellence, ancient, medieval and early modern phenomena would be confronted with (post-)modern problems and the historian of the pre-modern era brought into discussion with scholars of constitutional law, religion and political science. Guiding questions for the comparison of pre-modern and modern societies are: How are political and social norms interconnected with religious norms? And thus how closely is political and social control bound to religious control? How are social and religious identity bound together with definitions of gender roles? Under what circumstances is daily social and political cooperation possible even if religious norms of behaviour, symbolic representations, and values are extremely divergent? What instrumental procedures and what symbolic practices enable this? What limits are there to such procedures; under what circumstances do they collapse? Religion, however, should not be thematised only as an element of dissociation that requires political integration, but also conversely as an element that for its part creates integration over and above political and social plurality. Historical examples of this extend from the integration of the ancient world of the Greek polis by means of supra-regional shrines (C2 Funke), via integration of the Jewish Diaspora in the Middle Ages (C3 Leonhard) and the supra-regional unity of the reformed communities under conditions of persecution in the early modern period (C6 Stollberg-Rilinger/Pietsch), up to the religious identity of immigrant groups in the USA and present-day Europe. This applies as well to current debates about the European Union as a community of values whose religious roots and ability to be publicly staged can be placed within this historical context. Here it is possible, to give only one example, to build upon historical research into the ancient world, which, in the framework of Münster’s “Centre for Religion and Culture of the Eastern Mediterranean”, investigates the formative and integrative function of religion through the example of supra-regional sanctuaries that transcended the boundaries of polis and tribe in the world of Greco-Roman city-states. These sanctuaries are especially well suited as subjects for analysing the importance of religion with respect to the development and formation of international or federal state- type organisations in antiquity. What is meant are sanctuaries and their cults whose 83 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics regions of organisation and effectiveness extended far beyond a clearly delimited landscape or the area of a polis. The Delphic Amphiktyony is undoubtedly the most well known but by no means the only case of such a cult centre, in which cult community and political community were woven together as closely as possible. On the one hand, the cultic concurrence could also contribute to stabilising the respective political and ethnic identities of the participating communities, and on the other hand, Amphiktyonies tied to state and tribal groups could generate federal alliances. A comparison with pre-modern confederations of states opens new perspectives on the question of the meaning of religious identity for the stability of supra-nationalist communities also in the modern period. This is just as true for the reciprocal question of what kinds of political tensions are caused by divergent basic religious ideas within the confederations. The question of to what degree the EU is in fact a community of values was not posed for the first time in debates about EU expansion. Even in its secularised form, the demand for a European canon of values is essentially based upon its history having been shaped by Christian (and Jewish) traditions. This is of course the reason why Turkey’s envisaged entry into the EU became such a political issue. At the same time the EU seems to have a general difficulty arriving at common political acts of staging. It has been charged with having a “shortage of myths”, which is at the same time a symbolisation deficit. On the one hand religious plurality seems to presuppose the complete ideological neutrality of political procedures of integration. On the other it must be asked whether it is possible to completely do without religious or quasi-religious value references in the establishing of supra-regional political identity. Here the questions of research area C touch upon those of area A, which thematises the religious grounding of norms, and with area B, which treats the role of symbolic acts of staging in the pre-modern and modern periods. The third subject area that will be addressed from the point of view of integrative procedures is the relationship of competition to cooperation between spiritual and worldly powers, a classic thematic area of both traditional constitutional history and church history. The dualism of two institutional orders – laity and clergy, worldly and spiritual law, temporalia and spiritualia – as it is well known characterises the history of pre-modern Latin Europe and belongs to the central subjects of the cluster. Strained relations between worldly and spiritual power, their complex mutual interpenetration and instrumentalisation as well as their gradual disentanglement can be precisely traced in the development of formal procedures. In the light of the competition of the two powers in the Christian Middle Ages, how did procedures of settling conflict function between worldly persons and the clergy (C4 Kamp)? What problems of integration arose from the establishment of new intellectual institutions such as the 84 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics universities and new monastic forms of belief and life, and what procedures were used in reacting to this new religious plurality (C5 Steckel)? In which ways did spiritual and worldly law still interpenetrate even in the early modern period (C8 Oestmann)? Finally: How did the relationship between the Catholic church as a supra-national organisation and other state and non-state actors take shape under the conditions of modern secular statehood; how did the pope represent himself as spiritual authority and at the same time as one sovereign political actor among others (C10 Schulze, C11 Gabriel/Große Kracht; see also A8 Wolf/Klapczynski, D10 Hensel, D9 Wolf/Baxmeyer/Arning)? By appointing specialists in Islamic history and Islamic law the cluster will make it possible to answer these questions no longer from only the limited perspective of Medieval Latin Christendom and the Christian confessional churches of the early modern period. Instead it will open up the possibility of comparison to the relationship between political and spiritual authority in Islamic rule and state organisation. Selected Project Drafts to Research Area C (C1) Distinction and Integration in the Foundational Document of Israel Prof. Dr. Rainer Albertz / Dr. Jakob Wöhrle, Old Testament, Protestant Theological Faculty An essential reason for religiously motivated prejudices and conflicts lies in the basic function of all religions of distinguishing themselves from other groups and religions. This distinguishing function is only the reverse side of their central basic function, achieving the internal integration of a community. Religious distinction is thus indispensable. But all religions also are faced with the task of developing integrative procedures that are directed outwardly, and that mitigate the potential for conflict evoked by the frequently sharp and emotionally loaded drawing of boundaries so that a peaceful coexistence with other religions is possible. The ancient Israelite religion is particularly well-suited for an investigation of the correlation between religious distinction and integration, because after the loss of national and territorial unity, on the one hand, Israel found itself compelled to develop very strict religious mechanisms of delimitation in order to ensure the survival of its own group, and on the other hand, had to get along with the members of very many other nations and religions in the Diaspora. Thus the founding document of Israel, the Pentateuch, dating from the fifth and fourth centuries B.C., shall be investigated with appropriate literary-historical and theological-historical methods in terms of the relationship between distinction and integration. This work stands out in its organisation through a gradual development from universal (Genesis) to particular traditions (Exodus to Deuteronomy). This has been up to now generally understood 85 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics one-sidedly as a concept of distinction, as if the God Yahweh’s history with humankind first attained its goal with the election of Israel. But more recent investigations have revealed that the more universal book of Genesis was only placed before the particular books relatively late. This means that for the founding document of Israel, a universal introduction was intentionally created, which located Israel within the world and family of peoples created by God and integrated other peoples into their own world of religious symbols. The Pentateuch thus intentionally combines a distinguishing and an integrative concept; it seeks to secure Israel’s identity and at the same time prevent the danger of devaluing societies with different religious and cultural orientations. Research into the origin of this combination and the history of its consequences in Judaism and Christianity allows important insights to be won for strengthening and developing integrative procedures in the coexistence of present-day religions. (C2) Partisan Gods – Competing Gods: The Role of Cults and Shrines in Ancient International Treaties Prof. Dr. Peter Funke, Ancient History In thought and action, the world of ancient city-states was unalterably oriented towards maxims of honour, revenge, and retaliation. International relations were thus in a permanent state of precariousness. The guarantee of a regulated international coexistence required the enforcement of behavioural norms that worked towards the restriction and control of violence. The mutual acceptance of such norms alone was, as a rule, not sufficient; it was necessary to anchor them in a collective context of meaning, one that religion and cult could offer especially well, since even within the conditions of polytheistic societies, religion and cult were indispensable for a recourse that could justify and secure these norms. The planned investigation aims at determining the importance of religion and cult in securing the acceptance of international agreements. The initial focus will be on the world of ancient Greek city-states in the Eastern Mediterranean from the Archaic to the Roman imperial period. The contractual practice is very illuminating here because – above all when the sphere of the polis religion was exceeded – religious recourse was tied up in very complex conditions. The Greeks were well aware of their essentially common religion and knew a pan-Greek pantheon, which was, however, filled with Gods who were in conflict with one another. The circumstances became even more complex when, in cases of international agreements, a common frame of reference in religiosis did not only have to be found within the Greek realm, but also had to be settled in relation to foreign religions. The point of departure shall be international treaties which survived in inscriptions or literary texts and whose publication in 86 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Antiquity was frequently so regulated that these were displayed not only at specific cultic sites belonging to the respective treaty partners, but also at the great shrines of “third-party places.” The practice and meaning of these rules will be analysed just as the treaties’ basic forms of oath and malediction with their respective appeals to the gods (even in treaties with non-Greek states). Here the problem of exclusion and inclusion in polytheistic religions also plays an important role as does the question of mutual tolerance and acceptance. In addition it will be necessary to describe the instruments used in these treaties in dealing with violence with recourse to cult and religion (e.g. Asylie, Ekecheiria). (C3) Initiation – Circumcision – Identity Prof. Dr. Clemens Leonhard, Liturgy Science, Catholic Theological Faculty In the communal life of members of various religions, rituals were developed as procedures for creating and representing relationships between people and their religion. They integrate or exclude, mark and celebrate the transgression of borderlines and point to differences within and without. An outstanding example is circumcision in Judaism. The rejection of circumcision from the external perspective of ancient Roman authors as well as in polemical discourses with Christianity – which recalls the original function of this practice as an important element in the formation of identity – is indicative of the great significance of this institution. Besides additional ritual elements of conversion, developed in antiquity, circumcision also represents the difference between the sexes. Proceeding from a comparison to rituals of initiation and of group identity formation in antiquity, this study shall go on to describe the forms of the circumcision ritual in Judaism and its interpretation up to its integration into the religious service in synagogues in the Middle Ages. In accordance with the horizon of questions of research area 3 (Integrative Procedures) circumcision (together with other ritual elements of the conversion of an adult) in Judaism is located at the liminal situation of birth or the transgression of a boundary between religions. It is a prerequisite for participation in rituals of maintaining identity (the celebration of Passover) and thus a clear sign of (and important precondition for) group membership. Pagan, Christian, and Jewish texts (and other forms of documentation) from antiquity shall be investigated for what they reveal about the form of the ritual and how it was understood both within and outside of the group. Once circumcision became part of the synagogue’s religious services, liturgical works can also be included. The goal of the project is understanding circumcision (and the other ritual elements connected with it) as a method of identity formation and as a process of delimitation from other religions and thus in comparison to the rituals of 87 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics those traditions (baptism, initiation). It remains to be asked what possibilities existed for people to locate themselves, in different historical situations, between the appearance of “Judaism” or “Christianity” from a later perspective (for example the “God-fearers” of late antiquity). The possibilities inherent in such undefined ways of life could be taken as an indicator of a society’s openness. In terms of working methods, the approaches of Jewish Studies shall play the leading role, in order to analyse rabbinical literature and liturgical evidence from Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. The theoretical approaches and methods of ritual studies and liturgical studies shall also be employed. (C4) Captured Bishops Between scandalum and Political Business PD Dr. Hermann Kamp, Medieval History Immunities and the Church’s own jurisdiction (privilegium fori) have allowed bishops to achieve a legally privileged status since the early Middle Ages. After having risen to the position of political advisors and spiritual princes, these privileges secured certain special rights for the bishops, especially in respect to the king. Above all the king could not simply summon them before his court as he could a rebellious duke. But the boundary thus drawn between worldly and spiritual power was occasionally transgressed. Bishops were taken into custody, some were put to trial. Because the violation of privileges very often provoked resistance on the part of the clergy and since the twelfth century also called the papal curia into action, an arrest very soon gave rise to a conflict between royal power and the Church. This conflict not only called into question the limits of a bishop’s political role and the limits of the royal authority, but also placed the participants before the problem that there was no procedure recognised by both sides for solving such conflicts. Although individual investigations of the extraordinary cases exist (Bernhard Saisset, Jens Grand), a systematic assessment of these kinds of conflicts does not. Since they seem to begin appearing from the end of the twelfth century onwards, it seems that the traditional and repeatedly violated privileges appear to have stood in the way of the institutionalisation of royal or sovereign power and the attempt to organise this power over large areas. It shall first be necessary to examine this by looking at conflicts of this kind over a longer period of time, from around the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries. In addition an initial inventory will be taken and the body of source material belonging to the cases under investigation will be established. Based on these, it will then be possible to question the reasons and justifications, the condemnations and reactions and to seek to ascertain how the scandalum of the captured bishop was dealt with in each case and how the conflict might have been settled. This would create a basis for reconstructing the implicit and explicit discourse 88 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics on the latitude and limits of the bishops’ political activity and consequently on the limits of royal and princely power with regard to the political situation, as well as a basis for sketching out and even explaining potential changes in this discourse. (C5) Heresy and Politics: The Establishment of Norms and Forms of Procedure in Large-scale Ecclesiastical Controversies, 12th – 14th Centuries Dr. des. Sita Steckel, Medieval History Between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries, the western Latin church was not only confronted with the institutionalisation of new forms of scholarly thought in the universities, but also with new religious movements and the formation of the great monastic orders. The ensuing institutional and epistemological crises led to large-scale controversies, in which the newly appearing ways of life and thought were subjected to a distinction of heretical versus orthodox. In these struggles, established procedures for finding consensus and various forms of justify norms within the church soon reached their limits: Conciliar proceedings were heavily subjected to the exertion of political influence, and discursive scholarly argumentation and charismatic forms of behaviour increasingly competed with and mutually penetrated one another. With their balancing of tensions between large and politically influential groups such as monastic orders and universities, and their sometimes quite innovative procedural approaches, such large-scale controversies appear as prime examples for the interconnecting of religion and politics. Among the various ecclesiastical controversies of the high and late Middle Ages, the project singles out large-scale controversies with papal participation, and focuses on synodal procedures without ignoring the processes of political mobilisation and theoretical positioning preceding and following them. From a comparative and interdisciplinary perspective, the project thus treats, firstly, the series of heresy trials against (proto-)university scholars and confrontations between monastic and university groups in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Paris. Secondly, it focuses on the conflicts between mendicant groups and the official church conducted throughout Europe in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, eventually leading to the controversy over apostolic poverty. The project aims at a comparative investigation of the relevant series of conciliar proceedings and the scholarly and political discourses connected to them on the basis of three guiding questions: 1. The development of forms of conciliar proceedings, for example the interplay of increasing literacy and scholarly professionalisation with innovative or traditional rituals of finding consensus. 2. The justification of norms and competition between systems of norms, for example in the development of textual 89 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics censorship and the representation of personal orthodoxy. 3. Processes of group formation in the framework of pending heresy trials, especially inter-institutional mobilisation and opinion formation between scholars, monastic groups and the curial and ecclesiastical hierarchy. (C6) Political Office and Religious Dissimulation: Confessional Ambiguity at German Princely Courts in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries Prof. Dr. Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger / Andreas Nikolaus Pietsch, Early Modern History The Holy Roman Empire during the early modern period was a virtual laboratory of religious and political plurality. Previous historical research has primarily described the process of the reciprocal external delimitation and inner homogenisation of the confessional churches that went along with territorial state building. In contrast, most recently it is generally the resistance to, and the fractures and limits of confessionalisation that are emphasised, situations of “osmosis” within and between religions (von Greyerz, Kaufmann et al.) that are highlighted. In the meantime the homogeneous religion seems increasingly like a construct; confessionalism is described as – frequently quite vacillating and unstable – cultural practice. The project will focus on the learned personnel at the European princely courts, who – due to changes in the politics of princely confession (the conversion of the dynasty, intensified re-Catholicisation) – were faced with the decision of adapting or relinquishing their careers. This situation raised the fundamental question for them, whether external conformity in the practice of a faith could be reconciled with inner adherence to one’s true religious convictions, in other words, how far confessional dissimulatio was allowed to go in the case of inner reservatio mentalis. This debate was not least carried out on the basis of Biblical examples – Nicodemus in the New Testament, Esther in the Old, etc. – and reflected in many ways literarily. In essence it concerned the fundamental questions of the relationship between outer practice and inner faith, cult and dogma, visible and invisible church, body and soul. Opposing poles marked on the one hand the irenic, pre-confessional, spiritualistic position of Erasmus, who held all physical reality as being worthy of neglect, and on the other hand the strict confessionalism of Calvin, who demanded conformity between physical and spiritual religious conduct. On the basis of selected territories (Upper and Lower Austria, the Habsburg Netherlands) these scholarly discourses will be investigated in their concrete confessional and political context, and the question of their consequences for the history of piety will be raised. 90 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (C7) The Change in Religious Mentalities and Confessional Conflicts in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: A Structural Analysis Prof. Dr. Ulrich Pfister, Social and Economic History Beyond the religious divisions of the early sixteenth century, the practice of faith in Western Europe underwent a profound transformation between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries. With different emphasis in the individual confessions, but nevertheless with common basic tendencies, the content of faith became based less and less on actions that created a relationship between this world and the next, and increasingly on universal content. At the same time this content became logically systematised and connected with moral demands; in the wake of a “normative centralizing” (B. Hamm) its inner coherence increased and under the dismantling of gradualism it led to a stricter external demarcation. In the same step, universalistic forms of piety freed from social primary groups increased in importance to the detriment of group-oriented forms of piety. Because of the universalistic, socially generalised character of religious practice in the Confessional Age the contrast between two confessions lent itself to the transformation of numerous other binary elements of political language. But the implications of this statement are ambivalent. On the one hand, as a “moralised universe” (B. Scribner), socially generated confessional knowledge could serve to integrate large social groups and delineate them from the outside. On the other hand, the difference between confessions offered a point of contact for countless lines of binary conflict and could thus have the effect of escalating conflicts. This was especially true of contexts in which the territorial state was weakly developed and the competing processes of Church formation had led to the development of different confessional milieus. On this basis it is possible to formulate regional-historical research that investigates the connection between the implementation of Church reforms, change in the practice of popular religion, and the development of milieus as well as confessional conflicts. This research could be sited in confessional border areas and in territories with weak statehood (for example, North West Germany, South West Germany, the Swiss confederation), and for comparison, also in the context of the Netherlands, characterised by voluntary churches. In contrast to the classical concept of confessionalisation, studies like this promise a clear added value in allowing for the relationship between state formation and conflict to be made more explicit and placing the accent on the link between church-political processes on the territorial level and the culture of popular religion and conflict on the level of the rural inhabitants. 91 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (C8) Procedures for Enforcing Secular and Church Law in Territories Ruled by Members of the Clergy Prof. Dr. Peter Oestmann, Legal History In contrast to modern law, pre-modern law was characterised by a variety that is almost inconceivable today. Conventional habits existed in combination with the great tradition of scholarly Roman canonical law as well as with thousands and thousands of public ordinances released by early modern sovereigns. In terms of the matter of the law, there was a blurring of law and morality, politics and religion. For enforcing this variety there arose numerous, at times conflicting, jurisdictions. Their respective competencies and functions are to a large extent unknown. The project poses the question of to what degree the various particulate courts can be differentiated from each other in terms of their composition, jurisdiction and rules of procedure. In particular the division between churchly and secular justice – which had previously been drawn far too strictly – begins to crumble (Wetzstein 2006). It turns out, for example, that in territories ruled by a member of the clergy, in their position as princes bishops issued worldly laws that in turn laid down rules for matters of church jurisdiction. The investigation concentrates on the example of the constitution of the law courts and procedural law in the Diocese of Paderborn. The contrast between Catholic sovereigns and Protestant estates and cities, the conversion of a prince bishop to Protestantism, the planned conversion of the diocese into a secular territory by one of his successors, and finally the re-Catholicisation offer an ideal historical- constitutional background for this purpose. The research into early modern jurisdiction will provide information about pre-modern justice’s dependence upon or autonomy from political and religious upheavals. The assessment of extant territorial sources shall be supplemented by an analysis of files from the Imperial Chamber Courts in conflicts of jurisdiction and courts’ refusal of jurisdiction, which illuminate the particular problem from the perspective of the empire and at times deliver a supreme court decision. (C9) Akbar and His “Divine Faith” – A Method of Trans-Religious Integration Dr. Antje Flüchter, Early Modern History In early modern Europe confessional heterogeneity posed a central challenge to the community. With the European expansion, the Europeans encountered world religions whose extent of religious plurality far exceeded what had been known in Europe, for example on the Indian subcontinent. The European reaction to this plurality was initially the more or less violent homogenisation of the territories, later through the establishment of the state as a neutral higher agency. The Indian Mughal Akbar (1542–1605) took a different path: He attempted to integrate the various religions of 92 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics his empire (Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, etc.) into a trans-religious divine faith (Din-i ilahi). To this end he institutionalised discussions in which experts of the various religions (including Jesuit priests) took part. In this way Akbar staged his religious openness and his competence as an arbitrator. The latter culminated in an ordinance that made Akbar the highest decision-making agency on questions of faith. In addition he placed himself as the sun king at the centre of a cult of the sun. This strategy of integration stood in contrast to European approaches to resolving conflicts, because in a situation of religious plurality a religious charismatic figure attempted to use his position of political power to establish a new syncretism. The question of the European perception of these attempts at trans-religious integration, their technical procedures, their symbolic conveyance, and their assessment forms the centre of this project. With the Jesuit accounts and early English travel accounts, two bodies of source material are available, which arose within different confessional backgrounds; each thus recognises a different relationship between politics and religion as legitimate. Akbar’s concept of religion is also interpreted highly controversially by modern European historians. This virtually calls for using the history of these versions as a mirror of how the European assessment of trans-religious integration has changed. This dual perspective – the contemporary European perception and its transformation in the scholarly discussion – makes it possible to focus on the fundamental change in structure of the relationship between politics and religion, as well as the change in how religious plurality and its integration were evaluated, even beyond the year 1800. This project is embedded in a research group with Dr. Christoph Dartmann on the theme of “Religious Charisma and Political Power”. (C10) Universal Claims and National Identities: The Vatican Stance on Ethnic Conflicts in the Period Between the World Wars Dr. Thies Schulze, Medieval and Modern Church History, Catholic Theological Faculty In the period between the two world wars, ethnic conflicts caused not only a permanent threat to peace among European states. But also for the Roman Catholic Church, the competing patterns of national identification turned out to be a particularly difficult problem. In regions like Alsace-Lorraine, South Tyrol or Upper Silesia it had to have an interest in maintaining a neutral stance so that no doubts about its credibility as a supranational institution could arise. However, the Church had concluded concordats in which ethnic conflicts and the rights of minorities had not always been taken into account. Sources from the Vatican Secret Archives that have been made accessible in 2006 for the first time provide a possibility for detailed research, particularly on the internal curial perspective on this topic. 93 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics The Catholic Church had to deal with very different kinds of ethnic conflicts: the policy of assimilation pursued by France in Alsace-Lorraine in reaction to the previous policy of the German Empire, the “Italianisation policy” in South Tyrol, and the partition of Upper Silesia (1922) were entirely different examples of disregard for the rights of national minorities. Because of its religious mission the Church could not allow these problems to go unnoticed. The investigation on the basis of these examples offers a possibility for comparing the Church’s way of acting in the various regions and for analysing constants as well as regional peculiarities of its relations to national minorities. The Vatican’s stance on these ethnic conflicts has not yet been the issue of a coherent research project. How, for example, did the Catholic Church face political attempts to “nationalise” those sermons that local priests delivered in the “minority language”? In what ways did concordats limit the Church’s alternatives for acting (or, on the contrary, provide ammunition for its argumentation)? How did the Church react to problems that arose, when the boundaries of the dioceses did not correspond with post-war national borders? Questions like these can now be answered – thanks to archival materials that have only recently been made available by the Vatican Secret Archives. (C11) The Renunciation of Violence in Religious Traditions: Modern Catholicism in the Field of Tension between Distinction and Integration Prof. Dr.Dr. Karl Gabriel / Dr. Hermann-Josef Große Kracht, Christian Social Sciences, Catholic Theological Faculty The secular standard of the modern political world stands in sharp contrast to the claims to power of traditions of religious truth. In Europe numerous conflicts have been sparked by this, especially between the Catholic church and the democratic public. On this background it is thus surprising that, within a few decades, the initially strongly anti-modernistic Catholicism has integrated itself into the modern constitutional state, whose normative foundations – for example the sovereignty of the people, freedom of conscience and religion – were, however, long considered “illegitimate.” The newly observable self-confidence of re-politicised religions, often with a militant style – and not only in the context of Islam – makes clear that this fundamental conflict has by no means been resolved but rather continues to work at least latently. With the declaration of religious freedom of the Second Vatican Council in 1965, Catholicism programmatically renounced the state-coercive enforcement of its claim to truth. This “Declaration of Renunciation”, considerably influenced by United States Catholicism, can be considered an act of voluntary self-restriction that is virtually 94 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics unique in the history of religion, and one whose meaning can scarcely be overestimated. Even today it remains largely unclear how such a fundamental change of position could have come about in an institution that is as tied to tradition as the Catholic church. The specific context of its origin and the various conflicts and learning experiences that made this upheaval possible are the subject of this interdisciplinary research project. Methodologically, structural analyses shall be linked with the reconstruction of semantics of identity and images of the world. The project shall examine whether specific structural patterns are at work here in the field of tension between religion and modernity, which can play a role not only for Catholicism, but in similar form also for other religions, for example Islam. At the same time this poses the further question of whether this self-modernisation of Catholicism in the context of distinction and integration attains paradigmatic significance for the relationship between religious communities and the modern political world in general. (C12) South Asian Islamic Traditions: Muslims in the Field of Tension between Religious Pluralism, Multi-Ethnic National States and Transnational Networks Prof. Dr. Helene Basu, Ethnology (Social Anthropology) The object of this research project is the comparative investigation of two (Sunni) Islamic traditions of South Asian origin but global scope – Chishtia Sufism and the Tabliqhi Jama’at – using social anthropological methods. Both traditions raise questions of difference, transformation and hybridisation in relation to both holistic and individualistic world views, as well as of how religious and political actions in the contexts of different nation states are morally rooted in Muslims’ self-image. The Chishtia Tariqa (path) is one of the oldest Sufi orders on the Indian subcontinent, dating back to the thirteenth century, and is considered a genuine South Asian Islamic tradition. Characteristic of the medieval Chishtia Tariqa was the explicit distinction between the religious and political spheres, marked by a refusal to accept political patronage. In the course of history, however, the Chishtia Tariqa developed into an important institution that legitimised Islamic rule on the Indian subcontinent. In the twentieth century, Chishtia Sufi masters were active in the anti-colonial Indian independence movement and supported the foundation of Pakistan. The Chishtia Tariqa embodies a hierarchical-holistic world view, represents a spirituality directed towards the lives of believers in the world, and distinguishes itself from other Sufi Tariqas through ritual practices (music) and the willingness to initiate non-Muslims. Since the nineteenth century, the Chishtia Tariqa have accompanied indentured labourers to other parts of the British Empire (especially South Africa) and, through a 95 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics British Sufi master, to Europe, the USA and Australia. Although the majority of Chishtia followers continue to be South Asians living in their homeland or in the diaspora, today they also include Muslims from other countries, as well as Hindus, Europeans and Americans. The Tabliqhi Jama’at, founded in India in the middle of the twentieth century, represents a puritanical programme of reform among Muslims and is particularly opposed to Sufi traditions. Its most important goal is to differentiate itself from Hindus (or outside India, from any other faiths, including Shi’ism) by producing changes of behaviour on the part of individual believers following the model laid down by the Prophet and sharia law. On the other hand, the Tabliqhi Jama’at also promotes a strict division between ‘religion’ and ‘world’, especially with regard to exerting political influence. Nonetheless it can be observed that politically motivated, violent conflicts frequently break out in regions in which the Tabliqhi Jama’at has been successful. In contrast to the Chishtia Tariqa, the Tabliqhi Jama’at represents not only an extreme ideology that is contemptuous of the world, but also an egalitarian, anti-hierarchical Islam focused on the activities of the individual. Through mendicant preachers, it has developed into a large movement all over the Muslim world, as well as in Europe and the USA. The values, social practices and political ideas of Muslims who belong to either of these two traditions in India, South Africa and Great Britain will be examined in this research project. The project will be a contribution to the understanding of the interaction between religious sub-systems and their claims to provide meaning and normative actions, as well as of the processes and policies of post-colonial and/or democratic national states under conditions of globalisation. (C13) Integration of Muslims as a Factor of Transformation for the Relationship between Church and State in Great Britain? Prof. Dr. Christian Walter, Public Law In all European countries, church and state relations are a matter strongly shaped by history, which is under pressure to change due to the arrival of Muslim immigrants. For France and Germany freedom of religion and the prohibition against discrimination on religious grounds are to be seen as legal instruments which deal with this process of change. For the United Kingdom the question has not been investigated more closely. The historical experiences unique to each European country have produced different models in the different countries of the relationship between spiritual and worldly power, ranging from the strict laicistic separation along the lines of the French 96 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics model to the national church structures in Great Britain. In France and Germany, questions about the integration of Muslims are frequently treated from the point of view of religious freedom and the prohibition against discrimination. This is certainly also due to the fact that the institutional law regulating the relationship between spiritual and worldly power was always connected to the Christian churches and came about in accordance with their requirements or consciously in repudiation of them. An investigation into the relationship between the structures of institutional church and state relations and the basic right of freedom of religion appears of interest especially for the United Kingdom, since religious tolerance has a long historical tradition there, but at the same time the national church structures of the Anglican church appear to be necessarily in conflict with a consistently neutral position by the state. What are the concrete instruments with which these conflicting aims are reconciled? Are the patterns of argument used in constitutional law also effective here or is it possible in the United Kingdom to find solutions to the religious aspect of the integration problem that operate outside of strict legal structures and patterns of argument? A comparative analysis that contrasts the English development to the French and German does not only promise to explain the various mechanisms of integration but would also deepen the understanding of the countries’ respective legal thinking. 2.3 Requested Funding Not applicable here, see 3 below. 97 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Research Area D: Violence Coordinator: Prof. Dr. theol. Wolf, Hubert, 26/11/1959 Seminar für Mittlere und Neuere Kirchengeschichte Zimmer 136 Johannisstraße 8-10 48143 Münster Phone: +49 (251) 83-22626 Fax: +49 (251) 83-22636 E-Mail: email@example.com Responsible Investigators Rainer Albertz, Old Testament; Gerd Althoff, Medieval History; Arnold Angenendt, Medieval and Modern Church History; Holger Arning, Medieval and Modern Church History; Martin Baxmeyer, Medieval and Modern Church History; Ulrich Berges, Contemporary and Religious History of the Old Testament; Martin Ebner, New Testament Exegesis; Werner Freitag, Comparative Regional History; Peter Funke, Ancient History; Alfons Fürst, Early Church History; Marian Füssel, Early Modern History; Karl Gabriel, Christian Social Sciences; Johannes Hahn, Ancient History; Silke Hensel, History of the Non-European World; Reinhard Hoeps, Christian Image Theory; Muhammad Kalisch, Arabic and Islamic Studies; Barbara Meier, Ethnology (Social Anthropology); Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser, English Philology/History of the Book; Ulrich Pfister, Economic and Social History; Hans-Richard Reuter, Ethics and Related Social Sciences; Klaus von Stosch, Apologetics; Hans-Ulrich Thamer, Modern History; Jürgen Werbick, Apologetics; Ulrich Willems, Political Science; Hubert Wolf, Medieval and Modern Church History; Erich Zenger, Contemporary and Religious History of the Old Testament. D 2.1 Summary In the name of religions, violence (violentia) is exerted against people and things. Religions serve to motivate, legitimate and interpret the exertion of physical violence just as vice-versa they provide meaning to sustaining violence and request love of peace and non-violence. This raises the question in how far specific religions, from within themselves, due to their doctrine or the established practice of their faith, have an affinity to physical violence or to non-violence or whether the real violence or love of peace of their followers first arises from the functions that the religion assumes in its respective social and political context. In research area D it will be asked what potentials for violence or peace the religious writings and symbol systems of Judaism, Christianity and Islam contain, under what circumstances they become effective as a concept of meanings for the faithful, how the religious coding of sustained or exerted violence serves the collective creation of meaning and identity, and how the religions 99 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics are interpreted and reinterpreted for the purposes of legitimising sovereign power (potestas), enforcing interests and engaging in conflicts. D 2.2 Description The confessional wars of the early modern period are deeply engraved into the European memory; this memory is still kept alive by the wars in Northern Ireland and in the Balkans. This is one of the reasons why the re-emergence of religions into public discourse is viewed with a good measure of mistrust and concern. The new attention to religions can, to a considerable extent, be traced back to acts of violence or an increased willingness to use violence, which are religiously grounded or can be conveyed as such. With the end of the Cold War and the strengthening of religious movements, but above all through the attacks on the World Trade Center in 2001, the role of religion as a cause and element of violently waged conflicts has also become the focus of research in the political and social sciences. With regard to terrorism, an increase in religiously motivated violent groups can be diagnosed. But the thesis that the central lines of conflict of contemporary and future politics run along cultural formations, whose cores are constructed by means of religious traditions (Samuel Huntington), is extremely contested. Research findings on the causes of war rather suggest that modern state conflicts and civil wars are not increasingly shaped by religious lines of conflict. The tendency is to attribute to religion a rather subordinate role in comparison to economic and political causes of the conflicts. But it cannot be overlooked that conflicts demonstrate a special potential for escalation and violence when they are religiously loaded by the various parties or the respective elites. For this reason other authors reduce the role of religious traditions in conflicts to the function of a cultural resource, which, in the pursuit of economic and/or political matters, the political elite can instrumentalise more or less at will in order to legitimise and mobilise violence as a means to an end (Andreas Hasenclever, Jonathan Fox, Dieter Senghaas, etc.). But such a functionalistic approach hardly does justice to religion’s cultural potency. From a historical perspective, approaches that presume an “ambivalence of the sacred” seem to be more convincing. According to these approaches, religious systems of meaning can have the effect of both intensifying conflict as well as promoting peace. The object of the investigation is to determine which factors and conditions lead to religious traditions being used to legitimise and mobilise violence and which factors impede or hinder this. Up until now research in the social and political sciences has tended to concentrate on identifying in religious traditions the elements that promote violence (Johan Galtung, R. Scott Appleby, Mark Juergensmeyer). More recently, however, the question is being discussed how the 100 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics “ambivalence of the religious” can be used to contain the destructive potential and to strengthen the productive potential for inhibiting violence (D12 Kalisch/von Stosch/Werbick). The analysis of the contemporary phenomena requires expansion by means of a historically comparative perspective. The research goal of area D of the cluster addresses (1) the meaning of the sustaining or exercise of physical violence in the systems of meaning of pagan, Christian, Jewish and Islamic religions; (2) religion as a genuine motive for using violence and a factor in the escalation of violence; (3) the function of physical violence in the creation of identity and cohesion within religious communities; (4) the role of religion in legitimising, intensifying but also containing organised violence (i.e. military violence or violence within a totalitarian state) as well as violence against the followers of one’s own or other religious communities. Violence here refers to physical violence in the sense of an attack on the bodily integrity of people including the possibility of their death as well as the damaging and destroying of objects. Violence can be carried out collectively or individually, in a controlled or excessive manner, it can be organised or spontaneous, can be considered legitimate or illegitimate. Every sovereign power (potestas), whether legitimately recognised or not, in the end rests upon the potential exercise of the force of physical sanction; thus the two dimensions of the German word Gewalt are connected to each other. An additional concept of violence, which encompasses every restriction of the possibility for human development (“structural violence” in the sense of Johan Galtung or “symbolic violence” in the sense of Pierre Bourdieu), can make explicit to what extent institutional structures rest upon the latent threat of physical violence and can thus be analytically useful. But for describing the phenomena to be investigated here a concept of violence like this is too broad and non-specific. Physical violence in the narrower sense always has a symbolic dimension. Its function extends beyond the direct harm to or annihilation of the opponent and the destruction of his material power base. The violent act serves as a sign; it is not seldom staged in front of a third party. For both the wielder of legitimate power as well as for the underprivileged expressive violence is a means to represent oneself and threaten the addressee; violence in its elemental form can be exercised by anyone. Violent acts become religious acts by means of their symbolic charge. This is true not only of violence against persons, but above all of violence against objects that are for their part symbolically charged and/or themselves considered to embody the sacred: against sacred sites, animals and implements, against cult images and houses of god (D3 Hahn). 101 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (1) The extreme violence of God in the Old Testament (D1 Berges/Zenger), the sustaining of violence in the passion story (D8 Hoeps), the excesses of violence in John’s Apocalypse (D2 Ebner) or the war heroism of the prophet Mohammed – physical violence is central and omnipresent in the symbol systems of the Christian, Jewish and Islamic religions. It will be asked what representations of violence and of non-violence are laid out in the canonical and non-canonical texts of these religions of the word, what conceptions of violence shape the stories of their origins and scenarios of the end, what language of violence can be found in their images, prayers, songs, visions and saints’ vitae (D4 Fürst) and which normative effects these gave rise to. In what context did these texts originate (D2 Ebner), how were they handed down, received, and in various contexts reinterpreted or even twisted into their opposite (for example D5 Althoff)? When and how was the potential of these violent conceptions activated in order to give meaning to the actual exercise or sustaining of violence? The fact that the polytheistic ancient religions were not based in the same way as the monotheistic religions of the book on binding tenets and doctrines of faith makes the functional analysis and localisation of violence more difficult in these frameworks of tension. But here literary, historiographical, philosophical and rhetorical written records could serve as sources as well as the rules for the exact formulation of laws, contracts and agreements. (2) This simultaneously addresses additional dimensions of area D: the highly controversial question of the role of religion as a cause of conflicts and as a motive for violence and the question of the function of violence in the enforcement of religious doctrines and behavioural norms. Because of their claim to absolute truth and their intolerance of foreign gods, the monotheistic religions of salvation are suspected of impeding the peaceful coexistence of diverse religious communities and cultures and of possessing a structural affinity for violence. The “Mosaic distinction” (Jan Assmann) between true and false in the area of faith is said to have led not only to the violent conversion of members of other faiths, but also to the suppression of divergent behaviour within the community and to phenomena such as the persecution of heretics, the inquisition, the control of knowledge by means of forbidding and burning books (D6 Müller-Oberhäuser), segregation and exclusion (see C5 Steckel). Here it must be more precisely asked above all in a comparison among the three monotheistic religions and in a historical dimension what latitude for various interpretations of the truth of faith was tolerated at different times, how generously religious ambiguity was dealt with and/or conversely when and under what circumstances the tendency to dogmatise and violently enforce faith dominated (see A2 Bauer; A1 Jansen). But simple models of development that proceed from a constantly increasing tolerance on 102 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics the path to modernity have turned out to be wrong. Similarly the Western idea that presumes that religious competition in the modern period takes place as an open and peaceful competition between various images of God, contents of faith, offers of identity and community options must be questioned. It must also be asked under what conditions particularly a religion’s relationship to transcendence has the effect of escalating violence because it devalues earthly life and because the eternal salvation and the supposed will of God seem to be the highest norm, which justifies all means, including violent ones. The destruction of the enemies of God by means of the sacrifice of one’s own life as well as the voluntary acceptance of violence at the hands of religious opponents as a witness to God and as a way to salvation (various forms of martyrdom) are phenomena that must be thematised in this connection; in this it is particularly important to inquire into the influence of apocalyptic patterns of interpretation on the willingness to practice as well as to endure physical violence. (3) Physical violence directed inwardly and outwardly plays a crucial role in the enforcement of norms and the creation of identity and cohesion within religious communities. Thus practices of violence must be thematised that represent components of the socialisation power of religions and serve the social integration of communities: for example initiation rituals such as circumcision (see C3 Leonhard), penal, penitential and atonement rituals for the symbolic restoration of order after violations of norms (D11 Meier) or collective rituals of hate and violence against members of other faiths. Unlike in theological elite discourse, in rituals of violence even the simple members of the religious community can take part. Religiously motivated violence thus seems to lead to a strengthened self and group identity, which for its part has effects on the social and political structure. The phenomenon of the reciprocal functionalising of religion, politics and violence becomes especially apparent here. (4) The same is true as well of the role of religions in the legitimising of organised violence by a sovereign entity (for example in the military or within totalitarian states). Research has always paid special attention to religion as a factor in the military conflicts of the Confessional Age. But against prevailing opinion, even afterwards, military conflicts were still glorified, interpreted and legitimised by religion (D7 Füssel). In diachronic comparison it will be investigated whether and how even the wars of national formation and state wars of the modern period until the present still moved within religious frameworks of meaning. And conversely it must also be asked what role the religious semantics of loving one’s enemy, peaceableness, humility and tolerance played in the settling and resolving of conflicts – one should recall, for 103 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics example, the appellative sign of non-violence during the prayer for peace at Assisi or the religious appeals for peace in prayers, songs and sermons. Finally this raises the question of the relationship of the religious communities to organised state violence under the condition of the separation of the two systems of function in the modern period. Even in the secular state institutionalised religion is ascribed the function of tending to support the state system of norms, while in return many states, now as then, legally privilege specific religious communities, so that the interests of the official church are linked to those of the state. What consequences does this have for the position of the official church’s hierarchy as well as the faithful concerning the state use of force, whether internally or externally? In particular the behaviour of the Christian churches with respect to dictatorial and totalitarian regimes should be addressed (D9 Wolf/Baxmeyer/Arning; D10 Hensel). What constellations lead to what political options for various churchly actors in different countries? Conclusion: The interaction of religion, politics and violence is marked by mutual instrumentalisation but also by resistance. The analysis of the functionality or disfunctionality of religiously motivated, legitimised and interpreted violence within the lattice of social, political and economical structures presupposes a comprehensive comparative and interdisciplinary approach. The contemporary challenges through old and new forms of “religious” violence, a phenomenon that at least in the West had been seen as overcome, can be surmounted only when the atrophied awareness for both the sign-like character of religious violence as well as the potential for peace inherent in the religions is newly developed and a comprehensive interpretation, which has been secured by the fields of history, theology and religious studies, set forth. Precisely in this area can the public relevance of the humanities be seen as exemplary. Selected Project Drafts to Research Area D (D1) Divine Violence: Religious-Historical and Reception-Hermeneutical Analyses of the Images of God in the Hebrew Bible Prof. Dr. Ulrich Berges / Prof. em. Dr. Erich Zenger, Contemporary and Religious History of the Old Testament, Catholic Theological Faculty The discussion of violence of the last few years, conducted in many areas, has brought the realisation that religion in particular contains a high and dangerous potential for violence. It is also uncontested that the images of God in the three monotheistic religions with common religious-historical roots are so strongly impregnated with violence, that beyond all apologetic attempts at explanation, it must be fundamentally asked what function the language of divine violence has in their respective symbol systems. Connected to this the question arises of whether and how 104 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics these religions can develop a potential from within themselves for controlling the systemically immanent violence in such a way that “divine violence” does not become realised as human violence. The outlined horizon of questions would be concentrated upon the images of God in the Hebrew Bible and their reception in the New Testament and in Rabbinical Judaism and would be constructed in three steps: 1. The basis is a detailed, textual analysis of all sources in the Hebrew Bible that deal with divine violence. Central is not the question of the historicity, but of the exact recording of their semantics and textual pragmatics. 2. The high proportion of images of God that contain violence in the Hebrew Bible requires a cultural studies and religious interpretation. The functions of these images of violence in the religious symbol system of Israel will be classified and evaluated, also with regard to feminist lines of inquiry. 3. The complex reception history of divine violence will be traced on the basis of a number of significant patterns of reception in antiquity and in the present era (for example in prayers and hymns as well as political rhetoric) in order to develop from these a hermeneutic of religiously motivated violence as well as ways of dealing with it. In addition the theologically and socially explosive question of the explicitly and implicitly violent content in all talk of God will be discussed. (D2) Revelation’s Violent Visions and Spectacles of Violence in the Roman Empire Prof. Dr. Martin Ebner, New Testament Exegesis, Catholic Theological Faculty Anyone who reads the Revelation to John of the New Testament, comes across an enormous potential for violence: the dream that at the end of time each and every one of the unbelievers will be slaughtered and the birds will gorge on their flesh (Rev. 19). The problem horizon “religion and violence” is thus encountered head-on: Is Revelation also an example of the fact that the affirmation of one’s own religious truth leads to a willingness to commit violence against all those who think differently? In order to pose this question the project plans a culturally-historically mediated historical-critical approach: The texts will be understood from within the situation of their origins in order to elicit their original intention and from thence to critically encounter their reception within their own (church) history. The evaluation of Revelation’s visions of violence is namely strikingly different when the texts are examined on the background of the spectacles of violence in the Roman Empire, that is the animal hunting, scenes of execution, and gladiator contests in the amphitheatres. For here in violent “games” the Roman emperors stage with extreme 105 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics public effectiveness their own world order: the Emperor as Lord over nature (animal hunting), as guarantor of justice (execution of wrongdoers) and motivator of the Roman system of values (the brave gladiator who looks death in the face has a chance to survive). On this background Revelation appears as the literary staging of a counter-world with which the publicly practiced violence of the Roman Empire is to be exposed: instead of exotic animals from conquered lands the representative of Rome himself is slaughtered – in the caricature of the beast (Rev. 13). The propagandised “actor” in the arena is not the gladiator, but the “witness” who stands up for God’s world order at the risk of his life. Altogether Revelation inspires a refusal to participate in the Roman “system” of violence and establishes a new assignment of roles: the use of violence belongs solely to God. These dramatically shaped inversions will be investigated interdisciplinarily (exegesis/ancient history) and reconnected by means of local history to the archaeology of the amphitheatre in the Roman province of Asia (first and second centuries), the Revelation’s place of origin. (D3) The Destruction of Sanctuaries in Late Antiquity: Events and Discourse Prof. Dr. Johannes Hahn, Ancient History Religiously motivated violence represents a signum of late antiquity. But violence against different faiths and their cultic sites, formerly exceptional and put under taboo now – since the policy of the Christianisation of the Imperium Romanum introduced by Constantine – targeted on a local level not only the radical transformation of religious conditions. The destruction of temples, synagogues, or churches and the conversion of cultic sites also had the goal of transforming social-political configurations and modes of public communication in late antiquity. The diversity of these processes and their effective powers and conditions are currently the subject of a great deal of research attention. But in contrast, there is very little attention paid (as a problem and as a chance) to the semantics and functionality of the destruction of sanctuaries in the (mostly Christian) sources: Successful access to religious sites staged power and orthodoxy, contained sacred-historical potential, and allowed for representation that generated meaning. The project first analyses the origin of an internal Christian debate over the legitimacy and necessity of the use of violence as well as the Christian discovery and conceptualisation of sacred space in the fourth century. From this basis, the grammar of the discourse (in sermons, church histories, hagiography, etc.) that was conducted especially in the fourth and fifth centuries on pagan, Jewish, or heterodox cultic sites 106 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics and their destruction will be reconstructed and its temporal and spatial parameters clarified. The analysis aims equally at the concrete historical consequences of the discourse (for example in legislation), its meaning as an argument in the religious and political confrontation, and its concrete historical effectiveness. The project will look both at the repercussions of religious violence and its discourse on the self- understanding and activity of the state of late antiquity as well as, exempli gratia, the establishment and securing of authority by means of the destruction of sanctuaries in the sphere of the Christian church or the formation of identity and tradition by means of violence as mirrored in the founding legends of Christian communities. (D4) Images of the Other: Analyses of the Rhetoric of Violence in Late Antiquity Prof. Dr. Dr. Alfons Fürst, Early Church History, Catholic Theological Faculty Whether religions activate their own potential for violence or peace has not least to do with the images of themselves and the enemy that they have drawn up. Since the very existence of views and types of behaviour that diverge from one’s own convictions and norms can be felt as a threat to one’s own identity, in pluralistic societies the talk of the “other” plays a central role in the ways competing groups deal with one another. In this, religious traditions remain an important resource for the construction of images of the enemy – or their dismantling. In the Roman empire of late antiquity religious conflicts were among the main causes of public turmoil. Whereas the internal Christian conflicts have been investigated in respect to the polemical clichés and strategies that were used (keywords: polemic of heresy), the analysis of the rhetoric of violence in pagan- Christian confrontations remains a desideratum of research. Important sources for this are (1) anti-Christian polemics (Galen, Kelsos, Porphyrios, Julian, among others) and the Christian responses (Origen and Kelsos among others), (2) the apologetic writings of the Church fathers in which programmatic “images of the other” were drafted in contrast to their own self-image, and (3) literary and archaeological testimonies to concrete conflicts (for example destructions of temples or the violent actions of Schenute of Atripe). The analysis of the rhetoric of violence in these sources would occur in the following steps: (1) collecting and arranging the individual statements; (2) developing a typology; (3) analysing the kinds of statements with a view to their potential for conflict or peace. The following could serve as guiding questions for this analysis: What stereotypes are recognisable? What role do religious traditions and convictions play in the formation of images of the enemy? What do the images of “the other” say about those who created the images? Is it possible to recognise interactions between the rhetoric of violence (or peace) and specific historical conflicts? 107 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (D5) “Blessed Are Those Who Practice Persecution for the Sake of Righteousness”: On the Uses of Tradition in the Era of Gregory VII Prof. Dr. Gerd Althoff, Medieval History The project targets the context of the church’s contemplating of its own tasks and rights as initiated by the reform papacy in the eleventh century with the interesting result that the process of redefining its own position was linked with a very clear declaration of the permissibility of the use of violence. Pope Gregory VII is the symbolic figure in this episode of churchly willingness for violence and its theoretical formulation, which could be realised only with a considerable “hyperextension” (Carl Erdmann) of the tradition. From this willingness to place behind him the dominant teachings of, for example Augustine, a relatively direct path led to the crusades under papal leadership. It is thus among the most important concerns of a critical history of the church to investigate this new papal willingness to use violence, the conditions in which it arose, and the stages of its argument. The transformation of the famous passage quoted in the title from the Sermon on the Mount, which completely reverses its meaning, stems from Bonizo of Sutris’ Liber ad amicum, where, in defending Gergory VII, he deals most importantly with the question of whether it is permissible for Christians to use violence for the sake of their faith. The process of theoretical grounding of this new position has until now been anything but clear. Apparently considerable efforts were undertaken to sort through the tradition, as canon collections (Anselm of Lucca, Deusdedit), polemic treatises, and papal letters (Gregory’s register) from the period in question make sufficiently clear. But the new position could not be derived from the tradition alone. What seems to be additionally new is the radicalism, in terms of consequences, which one was prepared to elicit from the dicta and exempla of the past. This radicalism in the exhaustion of all possibilities and the readiness to go beyond the possible can already be seen in the tersely expressed guiding principles of the Dictatus papae, which however did not address the question of violence. But it seems to be the same mental attitude that, in questions of papal supremacy such as the exercise of violence, wrested new interpretations from the tradition or reinterpreted them for one’s own purposes. Here the sometimes extravagant argumentation of theoreticians like Anselm or Bonizo must be understood critically and their relationship to the arguments used by Gregory established. The project will need to clarify to what extent the techniques of argumentation and the presentation of evidence differed from what had been previously the case in that they interpreted Biblical or patristic documents in new ways, with what stringency the presentation of evidence was characterised, and how the new arguments were established and disseminated. With this, the project promises to yield 108 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics results not only concerning the church’s relationship to violence and the understanding of processes of change in this area, but also make contributions to the validity claims of norms and how these were dealt with, as treated in research area A. (D6) The Censorship and Destruction of Books in Late Medieval and Early Modern England: The Example of the Lollard Heresy and the Reformation Prof. Dr. Gabriele Müller-Oberhäuser, History of the Book and Text Research Forms of written communication play a significant role in pre-modern as in modern times in the combative confrontation over the “right faith”; this is true of both the conveying and enforcement of desired religious concepts as well as in the control of the dissemination of undesired concepts by means of (book) censorship. The most extreme case of book censorship can be seen in the various acts of physical violence against books, which can extend from mutilation and damage to the total destruction by means of the staged and public, symbolically charged burning of books. With respect to the complex of violence, this raises the question of the connection between the exercise of violence against the people participating in the process of communication (authors, scribes, printers, publishers, booksellers, book owners, and readers) and against their products. By means of a comparison between the English heretical movement of the Lollards in the train of John Wyclif (from the end of the fourteenth into the sixteenth century) and the English Reformation (from Henry VIII to Elizabeth I) the central media- historical question of the role of the book and related forms of written communication – as ammunition in the religious conflicts – will form the subject of investigation. This will be done above all with a view to the change from a manuscript culture oriented towards a single and unique product to the culture of book printing, i.e. to the beginning of “mass media communication” in the framework of the first media revolution. The question of violence against persons (the burning of heretics, execution for treason, e.g. the Jesuit Edmund Campion in 1581) and/or against their books (the mutilation and burning of books) becomes clear in the context of the interaction between religion and politics in the Bible-oriented heresy movement of the Lollards, the “Bible Men” or “book men”, and their persecution (see the Norwich Heresy Trials) on the one hand, and on the other in the peculiarities of the Reformation in England. The latter – in the light of the inseparable link between church and state (Henry VIII: Act of Supremacy), the varied history between Protestantism and Catholicism (Mary Tudor 1553-1558), the search for a new religious orientation especially by means of the destruction of memoria (compare the dissolution and destruction of monasteries and their libraries), and the close connection between the English nation and anti- Catholicism – represents an especially rich field for investigating the connection 109 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics between politics and religion. Attempts at the religious and political legitimisation of violence against persons and books (see De heretico comburendo, 1401, Arundels Constitutiones, 1409, the Tudor Royal Proclamations, 1485-1603) and an assessment of the (sometimes limited!) effect of censorship and use of violence constitute the interpretative framework of the investigation. (D7) Religious Frameworks of Meaning in Military Violence 1648-1815 Dr. Marian Füssel, Early Modern History In the early modern period the close connection between religion, politics, and violence has a particularly evident effect in the arena of war. Despite the “farewell to the war of religion” (Johannes Burckhardt) posited in the literature after 1648 the political legitimation of war and violence continued to bear a strongly religious- confessional mark. The attempt at the propagandistic restaging of situations of confessional conflict during the Seven Years’ War or the founding of the “Holy Alliance” in 1815 provide only two particularly prominent examples of this among many others. But the specific appropriation and shaping of religious frameworks of meaning for violence in the everyday lives of the respective participants has until now scarcely been investigated. Recent military historical research, for example, has begun to ask about whether early modern soldiers were members of a specific religion. On this basis religion’s function of endowing warlike violence with legitimacy and meaning in an increasingly secularised society can be examined. Particularly a focus on the period of time following the wars of religion makes it possible to more clearly see the persistence of religious frameworks of meaning in the modern period. The most important basic sources used will predominantly be personal testimonies, which promise a particularly good access to contemporary patterns of perceiving and interpreting violence. Among the groups of persons whose activity shall be subject to a diachronic comparison are field preachers and priests, who bore witness to military violence in diverse ways in chronicles and personal documents. Added to this are investigations of sermons and performative acts such as the singing of the Te Deum, the ringing of bells, etc., which build a bridge to the research areas of “Normativity” and “staging.” On the basis of the Ottoman wars in Europe, the Seven Years’ War, and the revolutionary wars, the examples of various situations of conflict can be examined in terms of their horizons of religious meaning: The defence of the Christian religion against a non-Christian one, the instrumentalisation of confessional difference and the challenge of the religion of reason of the revolution. At the same time all patterns of interpretation are characterised by a bipolarity of authoritative (king and fatherland) and metaphysical creation of meaning, which refers back to the fundamentally 110 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics reciprocal relationship between religion and politics. A consideration of the respective configuration promises to cast light upon possible processes of differentiation or historically conditioned cycles. (D8) Images of the Wound / The Wound as Image: Conceptions of the Passion in Pre-Modern Christendom and the Visual Art of the Modern Period Prof. Dr. Reinhard Hoeps, Christian Image Theory, Catholic Theological Faculty The goals of this project are an exhibition and an interdisciplinary symposium devoted to the representation of the sustaining of physical violence as a theme of pre- modern Christian religiosity (images of the wound) and as an image concept in the modern era (the wound as image). The contributions to the symposium will be juxtaposed to the objects in the exhibition in terms of their specific contrast between medieval and/or early modern conceptions of the passion and the autonomous art of the modern period. The goal is the art-theoretical and religious-historical exploration of transformations in pre-modern passion piety by means of modern concepts of the artistic image and their confrontation with the wound as reality and metaphor. The findings will contribute to the development of a critical concept of the mediality of violence and suffering, and will also be open to a wider public. In competition to power-political symbol systems, the Christian religion produced models for giving meaning to the experience of violence and to this end developed conceptions on an iconographic level (for example the crucifixion) as well as in the creation of image types (for example the Pietà or the Man of Sorrows) that have been formative throughout the European cultural region. Their various, non-verbal means of conveying suffering and pain intensify its expression, transform the experience of the image into an experience of the body’s presence, evoke compassion, and reflect on the limits of representation in the medium of the image. Beyond the crisis of the religious image, the increasingly autonomous and self-reflexive art of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has devoted a great deal of attention to medieval and early modern conceptions of the Passion; in the modern period the wound is transformed into a determinative ground for artistic work and for the image itself. The project follows central image-theoretical categories of these transformations: the expression of the existential, the interplay between representation and presence, between image and viewer, the connection between body and image. Expected are art historical and religious-historical treatments of significance to the discussion of the theory of secularisation as well as for the critique of present-day media representations of violence. The images’ claims of being based upon direct experience lay the foundations for a thematic confrontation in the context of an exhibition that will be 111 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics carried out in cooperation with the Westfälisches Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte (Westphalian State Museum for Art and Cultural History). (D9) The Vatican and the Legitimisation of Physical Violence: The Example of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) Prof. Dr. Hubert Wolf / Martin Baxmeyer M.A. / Dr. des. Holger Arning, Medieval and Modern Church History, Catholic Theological Faculty The extensive collection of the Vatican secret archives (ASV) that has been accessible since September of 2006, offers a nearly inexhaustible reservoir for examining the Catholic Church’s world-wide policy in the first half of the twentieth century with a view to the subject area “religion and violence” from a new perspective: How did the Vatican view physical violence in various countries? According to which “unshakeable foundations” did the Church judge it? Which schematism can be identified in its activities? When did the Vatican condemn, tolerate, or propagate force of arms? On the basis of the bloody conflict that tore apart a deeply Catholic Spain in the 1930s, the explosiveness of these questions will become especially clear. In the twentieth century, the question of the relationship between Church, religion, and violence has seldom been more emphatically posed than during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). Upon the outbreak of war, the Spanish Catholic Church openly took sides and supported the insurgent military under General Franco ideologically, propagandistically, and materially. Influential church leaders publicly justified the use of extreme force against opponents and declared the civil war a “crusade,” in which the commandment of Christian mercy and charity possessed no validity. The Spanish episcopate repeatedly pressed Rome for a fundamental position on the religiously legitimated use of violence, to be able to justify its support for Franco’s faction. Whether (and if so, how) Rome became involved, which forces within the Vatican promoted such a discussion, which forces wanted to prevent it and which consequences this had upon the fundamental relationship of Catholic Christendom to physical violence can, on the basis of the new archival materials, be examined and compared to related documents from the church in Spain for the first time. But it is also now possible for the first time to work out in detail how pragmatic the Vatican’s Spain policy (possibly) was in terms of the violence of its partisans. The Vatican’s position on state and non-state violence would additionally be studied in international comparison by means of examples in Mexico, the Soviet Union, Italy, Germany, and Austria, among other places. 112 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (D10) Between Support for Authoritarian Regimes and the Defence of Human Rights: The Catholic Church in Chile and Argentina during the Military Dictatorships of the 1970s and 1980s Prof. Dr. Silke Hensel, History of the Non-European World When a state legitimates its use of violence against its opposition with an ideology that, among other aspects, refers to the religious character of the nation, this raises questions about the relationships between church and state and between religion and violence. From the 1960s to the 1980s, the Catholic Church in many Latin American countries found itself caught between traditional support for state authorities and its condemnation of human rights violations. In Chile, for example, the church became an important pillar of the opposition against the military junta. In Argentina, however, the church hierarchy supported the military dictatorship. A comparison of the varying political tendencies of the Catholic Church within authoritarian regimes, while understanding the church to be a set of complex social networks imbedded within a society, can reveal how a religious institution could become bound primarily to the defence of peace, on the one hand, and support state violence, on the other. At present, studies that analyse the conduct of the church within military regimes focus mostly on actions of the church hierarchy. In contrast, this proposed study proceeds from the understanding that the church hierarchy could not and did not act on its own. Rather, the religious hierarchy was bound to all of its church members. Thus, to understand the complex relationships between the different levels of church membership, the concept of hegemony will be deployed. Though the primary duty of the secular clergy, regular orders, and laity was to obey the rules emanating from above, these groups nonetheless exercised a degree of influence over the episcopate. As such, in Chile, the church hierarchy did not uniformly condemn the actions of the dictatorship from the onset of Pinochet’s regime, yet it took a clear stance against human rights violations during the early period of the dictatorship. The relatively democratic structures of the Chilean church, which began to take shape in the 1920s following its strict separation from the state, played just as much a role in shaping church behaviour as the social reform efforts of the 1960s (i.e. Vatican Council II, liberation theology, Christian base communities). Contrastingly, in Argentina, there existed close connections between the Catholic Church and the military junta, evidenced by the junta’s use of religious propaganda, describing its actions as the defence of the Catholic nation. But, this did not mean that opposition to the military regime did not exist within the church. However, the questions of how strong was that religious opposition to the junta and what structures prevented that opposition from influencing church politics are yet unanswered. Moreover, in the two cases discussed 113 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics above, the roles of the Vatican, transnational organisations (e.g. the Latin American Bishops’ Conference), and alliances of lay organisations must also be examined. (D11) The Lord’s Resistance Army: Violence and Christianity in East Africa Dr. Barbara Meier, Ethnology (Social Anthropology) In the post-colonial African context the relationship between religion and politics presents itself in culturally specific but often also violent forms. In the case of the conflict in Northern Uganda Christian religious content (the trinity) is referred to on the basis of the traditional belief in spirits. In this so-called “ethnic” conflict it is by means of “rituals” that rebels are both recruited and also re-socialised into their home communities. An analysis of the conflict can elucidate the various societal discourses of the Northern Ugandan war. Territorial aspects and processes of migration, discourses of ethnic and religious identity, political affiliations and aspects of powerlessness as well as access to resources form a complex bundle of root causes all playing varying roles in both legitimating violence as well as in the attempts to resolve it. In a wider perspective the organisation and activities of the Lord’s Resistance Army resemble other conflicts in the region in which aspects of gender, good and bad as well as animated and unanimated nature are being negotiated. Such conflicts can be viewed as the expression of a collective social trauma, of ecological and economic protest and of religious conflict. The leaders of these rebels, “possessed” by spirits, are distinguished by their charismatic personalities and, in the case of Northern Uganda, have for twenty years now, been extremely successful at re-interpreting Christian, Muslim and elements of the traditional Acholi religion into strong metaphors. At present there is a marked international interest in the situation of the child soldiers, who are said to compose most of the rebels. The re-socialisation of former rebels has caused great difficulties for the society. The study, which would require a segment of field research in East Africa, will explore what part the Christian motif of atonement plays in the reintegration and how much acceptance the inhabitants demonstrate for traditional rituals of reconciliation, which have recently been employed with increasing frequency. The planned research complements the research area of “violence” by providing a perspective on the so-called ethnic or small war, a phenomenon of violent conflict that can be observed to be on the increase worldwide as well as offering an interpretation of acts of staging of “traditional” rituals in conflicts and their resolution. 114 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics (D12) A Comparative Study of Strategies for the Pacification of Religious Legitimacy Claims Prof. Dr. Muhammad Kalisch, Arabic and Islamic Studies and Centre for Religious Studies / PD Dr. Klaus von Stosch / Prof. Dr. Jürgen Werbick, Apologetics, Catholic Theological Faculty A discussion is currently taking place on the extent to which not only social factors external to religion are responsible for the increasingly violent aspect of religious traditions, but predominantly inclinations within the religions themselves. In the foreground is the claim that unconditionally valid claims to truth must see themselves as being levelled against competing claims to truth and pursue their de-legitimisation; and that in this they can also develop a political-social dynamic of violently contesting the right for competing communities of faith to exist. But in monotheistic religions strategies have also been developed for formulating one’s own convictions of faith not as being levelled against other religious systems, but, for reasons internal to the religion, of relating positively to other religious validity claims. This research project will trace and evaluate such strategies. The object of the investigation will be models of religious self-thematisation in Christianity and Islam that make it possible – to formulate one’s own normative legitimacy as a claim to truth and simultaneously positively process the factual limits of its recognition, so that also the refusal by “the other” to unconditionally recognise one’s own claims to legitimacy can in turn be accepted for internal theological reasons; – to control the internal religious dynamic of assurance to the extent that it does not need to violently defend itself against tendencies and influences that are perceived as causing for insecurity. Concretely, the study will work out approaches and strategies for a comparative theology of religion (as well as its historical roots) as well as theological attempts in Islam and Christianity to positively work through the shaking up or relativising of internal religious assurance. Particularly to be examined is to what extent corresponding models of self-thematisation can relativise the contemporary religious- philosophical and religious studies critique of the monotheistic religion’s potential for violence; and to what extent – on the basis of an understandable inner-theological legitimacy – these models are suitable for helping to determine the self-understanding of the respective religious traditions. This study will take place in a network fashion. International symposia would offer the possibility of staying in contact with comparable research projects. They would additionally help to clarify the “framing questions” by 115 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics means of research exchanges with other disciplines (in particular religious studies and sociology of religion), so that the respective potential for reflection and self- thematisation can be taken into consideration as well as the question of which conditions of social or religious systems tend to hinder this. D 2.3 Requested Funding Not applicable here, see 3 below. 116 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics 4 Appendices 4.1 Most Important Publications Funke, Peter (Ed. with K. Freitag / M. Haake): Kult – Politik – Ethnos. Überregionale Heiligtümer im Spannungsfeld von Kult und Politik (HISTORIA Einzelschriften 189), Stuttgart 2006 Fürst, Alfons (Ed.): Friede auf Erden? Die Weltreligionen zwischen Gewaltverzicht und Gewaltbereitschaft, Freiburg i.Br. / Basel / Wien 2006 Jansen, Nils: Comparative Law and Comparative Knowledge, in: The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Law, ed. M. Reimann / R. Zimmermann, Oxford 2006, pp. 305-338 Pfister, Ulrich (Ed. with G. Jäger): Konfessionalisierung und Konfessionskonflikt in Graubünden. 16.-18. Jahrhundert, Zürich 2006 Walter, Christian: Religionsverfassungsrecht in vergleichender und internationaler Perspektive, Tübingen 2006 Bauer, Thomas (Ed. with A. Neuwirth): Ghazal as World Literature I. Transformations of a Literary Genre, Beirut 2005 Stollberg-Rilinger, Barbara (Ed.): Was heißt Kulturgeschichte des Politischen?, Berlin 2005 Wolf, Hubert (Ed.): Römische Inquisition und Indexkongregation. Grundlagenforschung: 1814-1917, 6 Vols. and Index, Paderborn 2005 (Index in print) Althoff, Gerd: Family, Friends and Followers. Political and Social Bonds in Early Medieval Europe (German: Verwandte, Freunde und Getreue, Darmstadt 1990), transl. by Christopher Carroll, Cambridge 2004 Gabriel, Karl / Reuter, Hans-Richard (Eds.): Religion und Gesellschaft, Paderborn 2004 Hahn, Johannes: Gewalt und religiöser Konflikt. Studien zu den Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Christen, Heiden und Juden im Osten des Römischen Reiches (von Konstantin bis Theodosius II.) (Klio Beiheft 8), Berlin 2004 Meier, Christel et al. (Eds.): Das Theater des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit als Ort und Medium sozialer und symbolischer Kommunikation (Symbolische Kommunikation und gesellschaftliche Wertesysteme. Schriftenreihe des SFB 496, 4), Münster 2004 Siep, Ludwig: Konkrete Ethik. Grundlagen der Natur- und Kulturethik, Frankfurt a.M. 2004 (Japanese Translation by H. Yamauchi, Tokio 2007) Althoff, Gerd: Die Macht der Rituale. Symbolik und Herrschaft im Mittelalter, Darmstadt 2003 121 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Berges, Ulrich: Klagelieder (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament), Freiburg i.Br. 2002 Oestmann, Peter: Rechtsvielfalt vor Gericht. Rechtsanwendung und Partikularrecht im Alten Reich (Rechtsprechung. Materialien und Studien 18), Frankfurt a.M. 2002 Reuter, Hans-Richard (Ed. with R. Beestermöller): Politik der Versöhnung, Stuttgart 2002 Stollberg-Rilinger, Barbara (Ed.): Vormoderne politische Verfahren (Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung, Beiheft 25), Berlin 2001 Gutmann, Thomas: Freiwilligkeit als Rechtsbegriff, München 2001 Gabriel, Karl: Christentum zwischen Tradition und Postmoderne, 7. ed. Freiburg i.Br. et al. 2000 Reuter, Hans-Richard (Ed.): Ethik der Menschenrechte. Zum Streit um die Universalität einer Idee, Tübingen 1999 Albertz, Rainer: Religionsgeschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit, Vol. I: Von den Anfängen bis zum Ende der Königszeit, Vol. II: Vom Exil bis zu den Makkabäern (Grundrisse zum Alten Testament 8,1-2), Göttingen 1992; 2. ed. 1996/97 (English 1994, Spanish 1999, Korean 2003/04; Portuguese and Italian translation in preparation) Freitag, Werner: Volks- und Elitenfrömmigkeit in der Frühen Neuzeit. Marienwallfahrten im Fürstbistum Münster, Paderborn 1991 Wagner-Egelhaaf, Martina: Mystik der Moderne. Die visionäre Ästhetik der deutschen Literatur im 20. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart 1989 Thamer, Hans-Ulrich: Verführung und Gewalt. Deutschland 1933-1945, Berlin 1986, 3. ed. 1995 (Italian: Il Terzio Reich, Mailand 1994) 122 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics 4.5 Five-Page Proposal Summary (Executive Summary) The experiences of cultural and economic globalisation has permanently called into question Europe’s long-familiar, self-evident truths. In an apparently secularised world, the “return of the gods” has been noted with a certain irritation; this new mass-media visibility of religious phenomena extends from esoteric private religion to fundamentalist violence. The conviction that the historical process of modernity realises its goal in the sovereign secular state and makes religion into a legally guaranteed private matter, or possibly allows it to fade completely, has been vigorously shaken. In the wake of global economic interdependence, mass migrations and the electronic media revolution, states and institutionalised churches are losing their ability to provide guidance and national identities are losing their ability to unify, on the one hand, while trans-cultural and trans-national group identities are being newly formed on the other. In this, religion plays a central role. Fundamentalisms of various kinds, whether Islamist or evangelical, take control of the political arena, attack modernity with its own devices and challenge the very existence of the secular state. Religion is once again the battlefield for struggles over socio-political power and meaning. Much of what poses as analysis of the present – above all the talk of the “clash of civilizations” – intensifies the conflictive gravity of the situation. Seen from the perspective of the “post-secular age”, the relationship between politics and religion appears in a completely new light. Following upon the far-reaching deconstruction of the historical “master narratives” of modernisation and secularisation, the humanities face the challenge of adapting to the new situation in order to help clarify and deal with contemporary problems. We take it for granted that, in order to accurately evaluate present-day developments, the historical long-term perspective and the diachronic examination of various cultures will also be indispensable in the future. But to this end, historical questions of comparative religion must be expanded and newly formulated, and traditional process categories based upon the Christian West need to be reconsidered. Only a comparison with the “foreignness” of other eras and cultures creates the necessary detachment from what the modern Western perspective holds as self-evident and thereby enables the adjustment of such a view. Sensitising the broader public to this seem to us to be one of the most important challenges that the humanities and cultural sciences can assume. Starting from the interdisciplinary experiences gathered from new approaches to the cultural sciences at the WWU Münster, the proposed cluster will for the first time bring together the capabilities in the departments of history, theology, law, literature 150 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics and social sciences. This would enable a readjustment of the relationships between religion and politics in various pre-modern and modern cultures. The long-term goals of the cluster are as follows: The relationship between religion and politics shall be investigated (1) across periods from ancient times to the present and (2) cross-culturally between ancient- pagan, Jewish, Christian, and Islamic cultures. The methodical-theoretical preconditions for such comparisons have as yet been nowhere near adequately considered; this necessitates (3) reflection upon methodological groundwork and theory formation. Ultimately this will put us (4) in a position to critically examine and modify the conventional theories. Our work shall (5) occur systematically in mutual exchange with a broader public. This end shall be served – in addition to the recently concluded establishment of two new professorships for religious sociology and political science with particular attention to the relationships between politics and religion – by the following structural measures in the framework of the cluster: (1) The establishment of three professorships: for the History of Islam (W3), for Islamic Law/Comparative Law (W1) as well as for Jewish Studies (W1) (2) Insuring scholarly continuity by means of the early reappointment of five key professorships (3) The flexible promotion of relevant research projects under independent participation of junior scholars (4) Insuring time for research through the reduction of teaching demands (5) The invitation of international guest scholars and senior fellows (6) The systematic structuring of doctoral students’ training beyond departmental boundaries by means of an integrated graduate school (7) The institutionalised exchange with the public and the training of junior scholars for relevant careers by means of a centre for academic communication (8) Promoting the equality of male and female scholars and the establishment of family-friendly working conditions (9) The establishment of an academic centre for contact between local and foreign scholars, junior scholars and the public. The area of investigation extends from pagan, Jewish and Christian antiquity through the Jewish, Christian and Islamic Middle Ages and the religious pluralisation in the early modern period up to the present. To structure this area, we will direct our interest to four dimensions in which the relationship between religious and political 151 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics communarisation can be described historically and comparatively as well as reflected systematically: A Normativity; B Staging; C Integrative procedures; D Violence. A Normativity Various periods and cultures are characterised by quite different concepts of normativity. The European modern is marked by the differentiation of legal norms (sanctioned by the state) on the one hand from ethical, moral and religious norms on the other. In the light of religious and ideological pluralism the liberal constitutional state’s renunciation of any religious-transcendental justification of norms seems necessary. In the framework of the research area normativity we shall be concerned, first, with this historical exception of the secular state, with its religious roots, whose norms it nevertheless possesses, and with the current problems that confront it. Second, it shall be asked in diachronically and synchronically comparative perspectives how norms differ in various times, societal organisations, and religious communities in terms of their claims to legitimacy, their social reach, their enforceability, their unam-biguousness, their media and above all the (religious or secular) bases for their legitimisation. In this, special attention will be given to the question of to what degree cultures (pre-modern and modern, Islamic and Christian) are characterised by whether they tolerate the ambiguity of norms or not and how they deal with mutually contradictory norms. B Staging The metaphor of staging, borrowed from theatre, is a key concept in cultural studies, referring to a mode of acting with demonstrative emphasis and denoting a planned and publicly visible performance by actors before spectators (ceremonies, rituals, music, drama, etc.). Acts of staging have a symbolic character in that they point beyond themselves and evoke messages. In this, it is particularly difficult to differentiate between sacral and secular forms. Research area B will inquire into the manifestations and specific potency of such acts of staging for the political, social and religious system from antiquity to the present. Guiding the research is the thesis that in the upheaval of modernity acts of staging forfeited or at least transformed their effect of bringing about commitment. The way cultic-sacral practices of staging were transferred into secular contexts shall be investigated, as shall the converse, how for example religious communities today make use of mass media forms of staging. – In a figurative sense works of visual art, artefacts such as coins and above all texts can also be considered acts of staging. Particular interest shall be directed here to the staging of literary authorship: it shall be asked how authors from antiquity to the 152 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics present staged themselves or were staged as political and religious authorities, for example as pagan seers, Christian visionaries, or martyrs. C Integrative Procedures The research perspective in area C addresses, on the one hand, the instrumental and symbolic procedures and practices with which pre-modern and modern societies from the Ancient Near East to the present have dealt with religious plurality. Religious convictions and practices are of fundamental significance to social integration and/or exclusion; religious plurality is thus a possible factor in conflicts. How can religious identity be safeguarded in a socially heterogeneous environment? To what extent do processes of political integration lead to the suppression of religious plurality, to what extent do they allow it to be maintained? How do procedures allowing the peaceful coexistence of various religious communities arise and function? On the other hand it will be asked, to the contrary, to what extent religious practices for their part act to create unity beyond political and social differences. And third and finally, this area is concerned with specific problems of integration that arose in Latin Christendom and in Islam out of the competition or cooperation between worldly and spiritual powers. The area to be investigated extends from the strategies of integration and distinction of the Israelites during the Babylonian exile up to the strategies of modern constitutional law in dealing with religious minorities. D Violence In the name of religions, violence (violentia) is exerted against people and things. Religions serve to motivate, legitimate and interpret the exertion of physical violence just as vice-versa they provide meaning to sustaining violence and request love of peace and non-violence. This raises the question of to what extent specific religions, from within themselves, due to their doctrine or the established practice of their faith, have an affinity to physical violence or to non-violence or whether the real violence or love of peace of their followers first arises from the functions that the religion assumes in its respective social and political context. In research area D it will be asked what potentials for violence or peace the religious writings and symbol systems of Judaism, Christianity and Islam contain, under what circumstances they become effective as a concept of meanings for the faithful, how the religious coding of sustained or exerted violence serves the collective creation of meaning and identity, and how the religions are interpreted and reinterpreted for the purposes of legitimising sovereign power (potestas), enforcing interests and engaging in conflicts. 153 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Basic Organisational Structure As all of these research areas are interdisciplinary and diachronic in design, they will be fundamentally approached together and not by separate research groups. Individual disciplines will, however, participate according to the main points of focus. Supervisory theory and method workshops will provide for continuous coordination and integration of the content of the four research areas. For each of them a series of selected project drafts have been proposed. Furthermore, during the funding period, every scholarly member of the WWU Münster, including junior scholars, can apply with a project draft for support from the cluster (for positions, travel, technical help or assistance, conferences, publications, etc.). These drafts will be evaluated through a formal assessment procedure assisted by an external advisory board. Thus, a flexible funding, continuous quality assessment and independent participation of junior researchers are guaranteed. 154 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics 4.8 General Bibliography (without publications of the principal investigators) Aguilar, Mario I.: A Social History of the Catholic Church in Chile, 2 Vols., Lewiston et al. 2004-2006 Alexy, Robert: Menschenrechte ohne Metaphysik?, in: Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 52 (2004), pp. 15-24 Allen, Tim: Understanding Alice: Uganda’s Holy Spirit Movement in Context, in: Africa 61,3 (1991), pp. 370-399 Álvarez Bolado, Alfonso: Para ganar la guerra, para ganar la paz. Iglesia y Guerra Civil: 1936-1939, Madrid (Universidad Pontificia de Comillas) 1995 Andenna, Giancarlo / Mirko Breitenstein / Gert Melville (Eds.): Charisma und religiöse Gemeinschaften im Mittelalter. Akten des 3. 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Politische Theologie in Altägypten, Israel und Europa, München 2000 Audi, Robert: Religious Commitment and Secular Reason, Cambridge / New York 2000 Bader, Veit Michael et al. (Eds.): Die Wiederentdeckung der Klassen, Berlin 1998 Bauman, Zygmunt: Moderne und Ambivalenz. Das Ende der Eindeutigkeit, Hamburg 2005 Baumann, Gerlinde: Gottesbilder der Gewalt im Alten Testament verstehen, Darmstadt 2006 Bellomo, Manlio: L' Europa del diritto comune, Rome 19947; engl: The Common Legal Past of Europe (1995) Benedict, Philip: Confessionalization in France? Critical Reflections and New Evidence, in: Id., The Faith and Fortunes of France’s Huguenots, Aldershot 2001, pp. 309–325 Berger, Peter L.: Zur Dialektik von Religion und Gesellschaft. Elemente einer soziologischen Theorie, Frankfurt am Main 1973 [Original title: The Sacred Canopy. Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion, Garden City, New York 1967] 203 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Bergmann, Marianne: Die Strahlen der Herrscher. Theomorphes Herrscherbild und politische Symbolik im Hellenismus und in der Römischen Kaiserzeit, Mainz 1998 Berman, Harold J.: Law and Revolution. The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition, Cambridge/Mass. 1983; Vol. II. The Impact of the Protestant Reformations on the Western Legal Tradition, Cambridge/MA. 2003 Beyer, Peter (Ed.): Religion im Prozess der Globalisierung, Würzburg 2001 Bielefeldt, Heiner: Kants Symbolik. Ein Schlüssel zur kritischen Freiheitsphilosophie (Alber-Reihe Praktische Philosophie 69), Freiburg / München 2001 Black, Antony: Church, State and Community: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, Aldershot 2003 Blank, Robert H. / Samuel M. Hines, Jr.: Biology and Political Science, London / New York 2001 Bleiklie, Ivar / Malcolm L. 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Eine staatsbürgerliche Einführung, Hannover 1956 Eikelman, Dale F. / James Piscatori: Muslim politics, Princeton 1996 Erdmann, Carl: Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens, Stuttgart 1935 Esping-Andersen, Gøsta: The Three Regimes of Welfare Capitalism, Cambridge 1990 Essen, Georg / Magnus Striet (Eds.): Kant und die Theologie, Darmstadt 2005 Fassbender, Bardo: The United Nations Charter as Constitution of the International Community, in: Columbia Journal of Transnational Law 36 (1998), pp. 529-619 Felbecker, Sabine: Die Prozession. Historische und systematische Untersuchungen zu einer liturgischen Ausdruckshandlung, Altenberge 1995 Fink, Carole / Philipp Gassert / Detlef Junker (Eds.): 1968. The World Transformed, Washington 1998 Finnström, Sverker: Living with Bad Surroundings. War and Existential Uncertainty in Acholiland, Northern Uganda (Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Uppsala Studies in Cultural Anthroplogy 35), Uppsala 2003 Fischer, Norbert (Ed.): Kants Metaphysik und Religionsphilosophie (Kant-Forschungen 15), Hamburg 2004 Foucault, Michel: Surveiller et punir. Naissance de la prison, Paris 1975 Fox, Jonathan / Shmuel Sandler (Eds.): Religion in World Conflict, London 2006 Fox, Jonathan: Religion, Civilization and Civil War: 1945 Through the New Millennium, Lanham 2004 Franke, Heike: Akbar und Gahangir. Untersuchungen zur politischen und religiösen Legitimation in Text und Bild, Schenefeld 2005 Frilingos, Christopher A.: Spectacles of Empire. Monsters, Martyrs, and the Book of Revelation, Philadelphia (PA) 2004 Galtung, Johan: Die andere Globalisierung. Perspektiven für eine zivilisierte Weltgesellschaft im 21. Jahrhundert, Münster 1998 Galtung, Johan: Strukturelle Gewalt. Beiträge zur Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, Reinbek 1982 Garnot, Benoit (Ed.): L’infrajudiciaire du Moyen Âge à l’époque contemporaine, Dijon 1996 Geissmar-Brandi, Christoph / Louis, Eleonora (Eds.): Glaube. Hoffnung. Liebe. Tod (Ausstellungskatalog Kunsthalle Wien), Wien 1995 Gelmi, Josef: Geschichte der Kirche in Tirol, Nord-, Ost- und Südtirol, Innsbruck et al. 2001 Gentrup, Theodor: Nationale Minderheiten und katholische Kirche (Quellen und Studien zum Nationalitätenrecht, H. 1), Breslau 1927 205 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Geyer, Michael / Hartmut Lehmann (Eds.): Religion und Nation. Nation und Religion. Beiträge zu einer unbewältigten Geschichte, Göttingen 2004 Giddens, Anthony: The Constitution of Society. Outline of the Theory of Structuration, Cambridge 1984 Gogarten, Friedrich: Verhängnis und Hoffnung der Neuzeit. Die Säkularisierung als theologisches Problem, Stuttgart 1953 (19582) Gordley, James: Foundations of Private Law: Property, Tort, Contract, Unjust Enrichment, Oxford 2006 Gradel, Ittai: Emperor Worship and Roman Religion, Oxford 2004 Greyerz, Kaspar von / Kim Siebenhuener (Eds.): Religion und Gewalt. Konflikte, Rituale, Deutungen (1500–1800), Göttingen 2006 Greyerz, Kaspar von et al. (Eds.): Interkonfessionalität - Transkonfessionalität - binnenkonfessionelle Pluralität. Neue Forschungen zur Konfessiona- lisierungsthese, Gütersloh 2003 Grossi, Paolo: L’ordine giuridico medievale, Rome / Bari 1996, Reprint 2006 Habermas, Jürgen: Faktizität und Geltung. Beiträge zur Diskurstheorie des Rechts und des demokratischen Rechtsstaats, Frankfurt am Main 19944; engl.: Between Facts and Norms (1998) Habermas, Jürgen: Zwischen Naturalismus und Religion. 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Das politische Gewalt- und Konfliktpotenzial von Religionen, Wiesbaden 2005 Huber, Christoph / Burghart Wachinger / Hans-Joachim Ziegeler (Eds.): Geistliches in weltlicher und Weltliches in geistlicher Literatur des Mittelalters, Tübingen 2000 Hudson, Anne: The Premature Reformation. Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History, Oxford 1988 Humphreys, Sally C.: The Strangeness of Gods. Historical Perspectives on the Interpretation of Athenian Religion, Oxford 2004 Huntington, Samuel P.: The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, London 1996 Imbusch, Peter: Moderne und Gewalt. Zivilisationstheoretische Perspektiven auf das 20. Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden 2005 Jäger, Georg / Ulrich Pfister (Eds.): Konfessionalisierung und Konfessionskonflikt in Graubünden, 16.–18. Jahrhundert, Zürich 2006 Jeong, Ho-Won: Peace and Conflict Studies. An Introduction, Aldershot / Burlington / Singapore / Sydney 2000 Jonas, Hans: Der Traum von der gewaltfreien Moderne, in: Sinn und Form 2/1994, pp. 309-318 206 Proposal Cluster of Excellence Religion and Politics Jürgensmeyer, Mark (Ed.): Religion in Global Civil Society, Oxford 2005 Jussen, Bernhard / Craig Koslowsky (Eds.): Kulturelle Reformation. Sinnformationen im Umbruch 1400-1600, Göttingen 1999 Kaelble, Hartmut / Jürgen Schriewer (Eds.): Vergleich und Transfer. Komparatistik in den Sozial-, Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften, Frankfurt am Main / New York 2003 Kallscheuer, Otto: Ein Medienpapst an Leib und Leben? Johannes Paul II. auf Sendung, in: Communicatio socialis. 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Zur säkularen Religionsgeschichte der Moderne, München 1994 Kyle, Donald G.: Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome, London 1998 Lademacher, Horst et al. (Eds.): Ablehnung - Duldung - Anerkennung. Toleranz in den Niederlanden und in Deutschland. Ein historischer und aktueller Vergleich, Münster 2004 Laursen, John Christian / Cary J. Nederman (Eds.): Beyond the Persecuting Society: Religious Toleration Before the Enlightenment, Philadelphia 1998 Lehmann, Hartmut (Ed.): Multireligiosität im vereinten Europa. Historische und juristische Aspekte, Göttingen 2003 Letz, Alexander: Fürstliche Herrschaft und Kirche. Brandenburg und Burgund in der Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts, Berlin 2004 (Online publication: http://edocs.tu- berlin.de/diss/2003/letz_thomas.pdf) Levine, Donald N.: The Flight from Ambiguity. Essays in Social and Cultural Theory, Chicago 1985 Liedhegener, Antonius: Macht, Moral und Mehrheiten. 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"Religion and Politics in Pre Modern and Modern Cultures"