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					Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

Child Care Quality Is Low .......................................................................................................................... 4

Child Care Quality Is Low .......................................................................................................................... 5

Child Care Quality Is Low .......................................................................................................................... 6

Child Care Quality Is Low .......................................................................................................................... 7

State Standards For Child Care Quality Are Too Lenient .......................................................................... 8

Too Few Child Care Slots Are Available ................................................................................................... 9

Long Waiting Lists For Child Care .......................................................................................................... 10

Child Care A Problem For Welfare Leavers............................................................................................. 11

Child Care A Problem For Welfare Leavers............................................................................................. 12

Child Care A Problem For Welfare Leavers............................................................................................. 13

Spending Too Small Now ......................................................................................................................... 14

Spending Too Small Now ......................................................................................................................... 15

Child Care And Development Fund (CCDF) Inadequate Solution .......................................................... 16

Few Eligible Families Receive Childcare Subsidies................................................................................. 17

Child Care Subsidies Do Not Go To Poor Persons................................................................................... 18

Child Care Subsidy Programs Discourage Applicants ............................................................................. 19

Child Care Providers Don't Participate In Subsidy Programs................................................................... 20

Welfare Rules Undermine Child Care ...................................................................................................... 21

Welfare Rules Undermine Child Care ...................................................................................................... 22

Mother Work Schedules Make Child Care Difficult ................................................................................ 23

Child Care Is Very Expensive................................................................................................................... 24

Child Care is Very Expensive ................................................................................................................... 25

Working Mothers Can't Afford Child Care .............................................................................................. 26

Working Mothers Can't Afford Child Care .............................................................................................. 27

Working Mothers Can't Afford Child Care .............................................................................................. 28

Child Care Is Not Considered An Alternative To Work For Poor Mothers ............................................. 29

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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

Lack Of Child Care Causes Poverty ......................................................................................................... 30

Zero Tolerance Policies Hurt Poor Children ............................................................................................ 31

Lack Of Child Care Hurts Children .......................................................................................................... 33

Lack Of Child Care Hurts Children .......................................................................................................... 34

Early Years Are Crucial To Child Development ...................................................................................... 35

Lack Of Child Care Disadvantages Children............................................................................................ 36

Competitiveness Advantage...................................................................................................................... 37

International Human Rights Law .............................................................................................................. 39

Child Care Should Be Regarded As A Fundamental Right ...................................................................... 40

Child Care Should Be Regarded As A Fundamental Right ...................................................................... 41

Child Care Should Be Regarded As A Fundamental Right ...................................................................... 42

Justice Requires Child Care Options For Working Women ..................................................................... 43

Alternative Care Arrangements Bad ......................................................................................................... 44

Solvency -- Should Increase Funding For Child Care .............................................................................. 45

Solvency -- Child Care Tax Exemption Should Be Higher In First 5 Years ............................................ 46

Solvency -- Miscellaneous Mechanisms ................................................................................................... 47

Institute For Women's Policy Research Proposal For Child Care ............................................................ 48

Helburn & Bergmann Plan For Child Care............................................................................................... 49

Greenberg's Proposal For Comprehensive Child Care Is Detailed ........................................................... 50

Solvency -- Care Centers Effective........................................................................................................... 51

Solvency -- Child Care Reduces Poverty.................................................................................................. 52

Solvency -- Child Care Reduces Poverty.................................................................................................. 53

Child Care Improves Development .......................................................................................................... 54

Child Care Improves Development .......................................................................................................... 55

Solvency -- Child Care Improves Development ....................................................................................... 56

Center Based Child Care Solves ............................................................................................................... 57

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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

Free Market DA Answers ......................................................................................................................... 58

Spending DA Answers.............................................................................................................................. 59

Spending DA Answers.............................................................................................................................. 60

States CP Answers .................................................................................................................................... 61

States CP Answers .................................................................................................................................... 62




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

                                 Child Care Quality Is Low
Child care services generally inadequate
Susan Neuman, (Prof., Educational Studies, U. Michigan), CHANGING THE ODDS FOR CHILDREN
AT RISK: SEVEN ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS THAT BREAK
THE CYCLE OF POVERTY, 2009, 97.

The state of American child care is in crisis. With rare exceptions, high-quality, reliable, affordable child
care is out of reach for all but the affluent. According to a 1995 national study conducted by the
University of Colorado Economics Department, nearly half of the 400 centers serving infants and
toddlers administered such poor-quality care that the health, safety, and development of the children
were jeopardized. Babies and toddlers cared for in private homes or by relatives fared even worse. These
qualities are gauged by reviewing staff-to-child ratios, employee pay, training and turnover rates, and
lack of adult -- child interaction. Today, millions of children are spending precious hours in a maze of
unstable, substandard places that compromise their chances of starting school ready to learn. Child care
in America is poor to mediocre, with approximately only one in every seven providers meeting
standards of quality that promote healthy development, and almost half of infant and toddler programs
not meeting even minimal standards.

Huge need for better quality child care
Susan Neuman, (Prof., Educational Studies, U. Michigan), CHANGING THE ODDS FOR CHILDREN
AT RISK: SEVEN ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS THAT BREAK
THE CYCLE OF POVERTY, 2009, 98.

If the nation's provisions for child care in the past have been negligent and chaotic, things have only
taken a turn for the worse in recent years. The need for high-quality day care has become more acute
since the influx of former welfare recipients to the work force. Today, behind closed doors, children are
warehoused in unsafe, unlicensed storefronts, church basements, and windowless, claustrophobic rooms
by poorly trained workers who are barely making enough to buy groceries for their own families.
Children spend large amounts of time -- sometimes as much as 12 or more hours daily -- in these
caverns of care where they become so starved for nurturance, attention, and stimulation that they can
concentrate on little else.

Private commodity nature of child care undermines quality
Edward Royce, (Prof., Sociology, Rollins College), POVERTY AND POWER: THE PROBLEM OF
STRUCTURAL INEQUALITY, 2009, 256.

Child care in the United States is a private commodity not a public good; families get only what they can
pay for, and low-income families cannot pay for very much. In the absence of a much more stringently
regulated and extensively funded public child-care system of the sort available in most other
industrialized nations, the children of the working poor in the United States are bound to receive inferior
care.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                                Child Care Quality Is Low
Millions of kids subject to mediocre child care
Joel Handler & Yeheskel Hasenfeld, (Prof., Law, UCLA & Prof., Social Welfare, UCLA), BLAME
WELFARE, IGNORE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY, 2007, 257.

The crisis in child care -- especially for low-wage workers -- cannot be overemphasized. Millions of
infants, children, and adolescents are at high risk of being compromised both developmentally and in
health because of mediocre child care. The proportion of women with infants in the paid labor force
increased from 31 percent to 59 percent between 1976 and 1998. More than half (51%) the women have
infants younger than 1 year, and 57 percent of women with children younger than 3 are now in the paid
labor force. Currently, 75 percent of all children younger than age 5 are in child care while their mothers
are working. The current welfare reform requires mothers of young children -- in some cases, three-
month-old infants -- to enter the paid labor force.

Child care at most centers is poor to mediocre
Joel Handler & Yeheskel Hasenfeld, (Prof., Law, UCLA & Prof., Social Welfare, UCLA), BLAME
WELFARE, IGNORE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY, 2007, 273.

A four-state study of children care concluded "child care at most centers in the United States is poor to
mediocre, with almost half of the infants and toddlers in rooms having less than minimal quality." The
care in at least 40 percent of the rooms for infants and toddlers was "less than minimal quality"; good
quality care was in only 8 percent (12) of the rooms. Less than minimal quality included lack of basic
sanitary conditions for diapering and feeding, exposure to safety problems, lack of a warm, supportive
relationship with adults, and lack of learning opportunities.

Child care quality often low
Joel Handler & Yeheskel Hasenfeld, (Prof., Law, UCLA & Prof., Social Welfare, UCLA), BLAME
WELFARE, IGNORE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY, 2007, 281.

The costs to the mothers and their children are major. Remaining poor while working is detrimental to
the well-being of the mothers and their children. The poorly paid, low-skill, unstable, and nonstandard
jobs increase the risk of maternal depression and reduce the ability of the mothers to provide a nurturing
home environment. These, in turn, lower the children's school performance and increase their behavioral
problems. The cognitive development of the children is further compromised by low-quality child care.

Policymakers have failed to spend enough money for quality child care
Joel Handler & Yeheskel Hasenfeld, (Prof., Law, UCLA & Prof., Social Welfare, UCLA), BLAME
WELFARE, IGNORE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY, 2007, 281.

Although policy makers, at least for awhile, have increased child care subsidies, they have failed to
allocate sufficient resources to accommodate the needs of a majority of poor working mothers and their
children. Yet, successful employment is contingent on receiving child care support. Single mothers who
have child care subsidies are more likely to find standard jobs that have the "potential for long-term


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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

economic self-sufficiency." Nor has public policy addressed the pervasive poor quality of much of the
child care available to poor families.


                                Child Care Quality Is Low
Many child care centers are unsafe and of low quality
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 22.

Multiple studies point to critical concerns about the quality and provision of care, and national reports
on child care have documented unsafe, unsanitary centers, poor quality care, lack of regulation, closed
access, and chronic unavailability to low-income families; with particular concerns raised about
substandard and dangerous care for infants and toddlers.

Deep crisis exists in child care quality
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
161.

That a deep and serious crisis of child care exists in the United States is only in doubt if we fail to
accord to poor children the same expectations of concern and care that are meted out to their middle-
and upper-income peers: the expectation that their lives are deserving of attentiveness, care, enrichment,
and developmentally appropriate early education. That millions of children are denied basic rights the
rest of the populace takes for granted is an outrage that requires urgent redress -- for as Steinbeck
presciently warned over half a century ago, "the decay spreads over the State, and the sweet smell is a
great sorrow on the land."

Much child care is unregulated
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
171-172.

The fact that large numbers of poor children end up, not just in bad licensed care, but in the largely
invisible underworld of unregulated care is alarming. Helburn and Bergmann estimate, on the basis of a
rough approximation of Census data, that about one-third of children in child care from birth to 5 are in
the unregulated sector.

Many children experience appalling conditions in child care
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
172.

The appalling conditions that exist nationwide for millions of vulnerable young children in their most
formative stages of development constitute an assault of young children's rights to grow and develop in
supportive and nurturing landscapes. There are a multitude of studies in the current literature on early

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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

development pointing to the critical links between healthy development and child care quality; yet the
existing professional knowledge appears to hold little sway as the overall national crisis of child care
continues to worsen. Public policies, such as welfare "reform," have only exacerbated the acute demand
for care by low-income mothers, and major social spending cuts further limit access to care.


                                 Child Care Quality Is Low
Most US child care poor to mediocre

 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
173.

The results, based on licensed child care centers, were sobering. The researchers concluded that most
child care in the United States was poor to mediocre, with only 14% of centers providing quality care
that promotes healthy development; and only 8% of the infant and toddler settings were rated as good
quality, with over 40% providing less than minimal quality care! The authors concluded that widespread
substandard care was sufficiently bad to impair children's emotional and cognitive development. The
CQO follow-up in June 1999 tracked the children four years later as they moved into second grade. "At-
risk" children and those whose mothers had lower educational levels were far more sensitive to the
negative effects of bad child care. Such experiences only exacerbate the developmental obstacles that
children in poverty encounter, as they continue on to public school and experience greater academic
difficulties and are most likely to experience developmental delays.

Many child care centers of low quality
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
173.

Only 9% of the family day care homes in the study were rated as good, 56% were rated as
adequate/custodial, and 35% were rated as inadequate and "growth-harming." In addition, 81% of the
day care homes were illegally "nonregulated" -- caring for more children than state regulations
permitted. Even more disturbing was the fact that over 50% of the children in care were assessed as
insecurely attached to their caregivers.

Majority of poor children have low quality child care options
Wendy Barnard, (Evaluation & Research Specialist, U. of Pittsburgh Office of Child Development),
EVIDENCE-BASED PRACTICES AND PROGRAMS FOR EARLY CHILDHOOD CARE AND
EDUCATION, 2007, 102.

The importance of regulating home-based and family child care and improving the quality of these
services is clear. The National Child Care Survey suggests that the majority of children under five years
of age whose mothers work full time are cared for in the homes of a neighbor, friend, family child care
provider, or relative. Thirty-eight percent of children are cared for in home-based care verses thirty-five
percent in center-based care.
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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


              State Standards For Child Care Quality Are Too Lenient
State standard for child care quality weak
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
169.

There is no federal regulation of private child care, and it is up to the states to set minimum standards for
child care centers, but minimum translates to less than minimal in terms of regulating the quality of care
provided for young children. Standards of best practice have been developed by the National
Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC) and include ten major program standards
and related criteria that define "quality" for child care, preschools, and kindergarten programs and focus
on both structural and pedagogical/process factors. The standards broadly encompass relationships;
staffing that includes small group size and high adult-child ratios; developmentally appropriate and
culturally sensitive curricula; responsive teaching; assessment; children's health, nutrition, and safety;
supervision and leadership; community linkages; and a developmentally enriching indoor and outdoor
physical environment.

State standards for child care quality are low
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
170-171.

Standards are deplorably low across the nation; only 21 states require licenses for all child care centers,
12 states exempt religiously-affiliated centers, and 20 states exempt part-day centers. In over half of the
states there are minimal or no staff-training requirements -- in 37 states, "teachers" without any training
in child development or education are permitted to work in child care centers. High ratios of children to
staff, a clear indicator of poor quality, are permitted in 20 states, and 18 states permit a ratio of 5 infants
to one caregiver. Group sizes and staff turnover due to low wages and bad working conditions are also
critical indicators of stability and quality. Many for-profit chains, with their standardized classroom
routines that manage large groups of children in rigid and inflexible environments, draw on a pool of
untrained and unqualified child care workers who are easily replaceable. Such centers commonly hire
low-wage workers to cut costs and increase revenues and are far more likely to produce inferior care.

State standards for child care quality are too lenient
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
171.

Only eleven states require that small family day care homes be licensed. Nineteen states require no
regulation, six regulate those receiving public funds, and fourteen permit one provider to care for nine or
more children! The majority of states require no training whatsoever or, at best, a minimum of six hours
a year, with no prior qualifications or experience necessary for caregivers. In most states, small and
large family day care homes may employ providers as young as 18 years, and in some states, providers

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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

may be just 16 years old. Helburn and Bergmann conclude that 30 states have inadequate regulation of
small family day care home providers.


                         Too Few Child Care Slots Are Available
Number of subsidized childcare slots dwarfed by demand
Anna Marie Smith, (Prof., Government, Cornell U.), WELFARE REFORM AND SEXUAL
REGULATION, 2007, 224-225.

The number of subsidized childcare places that are offered each year is massively dwarfed by demand,
the quality of subsidized childcare is uneven at best, and eligibility is restricted to low-income parents
and the parents who participate in the poverty programs, such as TANF. Although childcare allocations
for AFDC/TANF recipients improved somewhat between 1994 and 2001, federal spending was virtually
frozen by the mid-2000s. Because of the scarcity in childcare allocations, the states impose formal and
informal rationing systems. The states are cutting childcare subsidies to needy parents who are not in the
TANF program, and some of the single parents who participate in the TANF program are not receiving
adequate childcare assistance, even when they are obliged to report to their welfare offices, attend job
readiness classes, or rack up their weekly workfare hours. The public subsidies for caregiving that are
enjoyed by nonpoor families often take the form of indirect benefits, such as childcare expense tax
write-offs or pretax savings programs for medical expenses, that have value only for those Americans
who earn a decent income from wage earning in the formal labor market or from investment returns.

Only enough slots for 15% of those eligible
Joel Handler & Yeheskel Hasenfeld, (Prof., Law, UCLA & Prof., Social Welfare, UCLA), BLAME
WELFARE, IGNORE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY, 2007, 260.

Although low-earning families may qualify for child care subsidies, the federal Child Care and
Development Fund covers only about 15 percent of all eligible children.

Subsidized child care centers at capacity
Joel Handler & Yeheskel Hasenfeld, (Prof., Law, UCLA & Prof., Social Welfare, UCLA), BLAME
WELFARE, IGNORE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY, 2007, 274.

Child care centers are at capacity. The Children's Defense Fund reports, "More than 50,000 babies are
born in Chicago each year. Yet in 2001, there were only 438 slots for infants in child care centers and
only 4,431 slots for infants in licensed child care homes in the city and surrounding suburbs. In Alameda
County, California, there were approximately 21,600 children under age two living in households where
all parents work, but only 6,300 slots in licensed child care centers and family care home." Similar
shortages exist throughout the country.

Precious few childcare slots in poor communities
Susan Neuman, (Prof., Educational Studies, U. Michigan), CHANGING THE ODDS FOR CHILDREN
AT RISK: SEVEN ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS THAT BREAK
THE CYCLE OF POVERTY, 2009, 100-101.


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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

And the system is extraordinarily fragile. Bruce Fuller, project director of the Growing Up in Poverty
study, found precious few child care slots in communities for poor parents when compared to those
available to more well endowed families. When having to rely on friends, family, and relations for long
hours at a time where children's very safety may be at issue, it is not surprising to find that instability in
family life has sharply increased. Lacking a safety net of care for their children, and having limited
options for child care, only fuels higher rates of erratic employment and further instability.


                              Long Waiting Lists For Child Care


Long waiting lists for child care
Katherine Newman, (Prof. Sociology, Princeton U.), ENDING POVERTY IN AMERICA: HOW TO
RESTORE THE AMERICAN DREAM, 2007, 110.

Middle-class mothers have a hard time finding comprehensive, affordable child care. Working poor
families and those who have pulled themselves out of poverty but fall short of affluence face even more
difficulty, particularly if they cannot turn to relatives for help, as many families are forced to do. In
California, where the state's budget was hammered by the energy crisis that brought Governor Arnold
Schwarzenegger into office, nearly 280,000 children are on waiting lists for day care." In New York
City about 11,000 low-income families are lining up for nonexistent spaces, a consequence of "relatively
slow growth in the number of available . . . slots, combined with a huge increase in demand as nearly a
million women left welfare rolls in the city since 1996."




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                       Child Care A Problem For Welfare Leavers
Child care major challenge for people trying to escape welfare
Edward Royce, (Prof., Sociology, Rollins College), POVERTY AND POWER: THE PROBLEM OF
STRUCTURAL INEQUALITY, 2009, 254.

In their struggle to manage child care, poor families, including those headed by single mothers, many of
whom have been driven into the labor market under the pressure of welfare reform, face an assortment
of daunting problems. They have to find a competent and responsible provider, and one who is available
at the right place, the right time, and for the right price. They have to arrange for the kids to be dropped
off and picked back up again, no easy matter for parents lacking access to a reliable car or dependent on
public transportation. They have to negotiate a bewildering bureaucratic "maze" if they hope to finesse a
government subsidy. And they have to figure out how to coordinate child-care provision, work
schedules, and family life -- all the while hoping to avoid harmful tradeoffs.

Welfare reform ignored child care needs
 Nancy Cauthen, (Deputy Dir., National Center for Children in Poverty, Columbia U.), WELFARE,
2008, 103.

One of the casualties of welfare reform's narrow preoccupation with employment is that policymakers
have ignored the fact that all parents have another critically important responsibility -- the care and
nurturance of their children. The needs of children have disappeared from the public discourse about
welfare, and it's time for us to restore children's needs to their proper place at the center of the debate.

Access to child care critical to leaving welfare
Randy Albelda & Heather Boushey, (Prof., Econ., U. Mass./Sr. Economist, Center for Economic and
Policy Research), WELFARE, 2008, 47.

By definition, welfare recipients are virtually all single-parent families and they now face the same
problems faced by millions of low-income working families: not enough time and not enough income.
For working parents, gainful employment requires not only a good job, but also reliable child care.
While the wages of most parents leaving welfare are relatively low, child care costs remain high -- more
expensive than attending the state university in most states -- and subsidized slots continue to be elusive.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                       Child Care A Problem For Welfare Leavers
Welfare reform increased problems of inadequate affordable child care options
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
177-178.

Multiple proposals for creating a nationwide, quality child care system have been floated in the decades
since the Comprehensive Child Care Development Act was vetoed by former President Nixon in 1973.
In the mid-1990s, Edward Zigler, the founder of Head Start, wrote that the state of child care had
reached a crisis "placing millions of the nation's young children at developmental risk because we are
letting them grow up in child care environments that are inadequate and fail to provide a level of quality
that promotes healthy development and learning." A decade later, many more millions of low-income
mothers with young children are in the work force, and the crisis has only been exacerbated by the
increased welfare-to-work requirements that generate more urgent demands for infant care and child
care. With drastic cuts in social spending under the current Bush Administration and a race to the
bottom by states to provide child care subsidies that support the cheapest of care, who will care for our
children?

Few child care options for working mothers
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 9-
10.

In 2004, 77.5% of women with children 6-17, 62.2% with children under 6 years old, and 57.3% with
children under 3 years old, were in the labor force. However, there is still a dearth of family support
policies available to working parents. As Gornick and Meyers point out, "This exceptionally private
conception of family life leaves American families to craft individual solutions to what is essentially a
social dilemma: If everyone is at the workplace, who will care for the children?" The United States
stands alone among all major industrialized countries in failing to provide paid parental leave, child
care, and health care for all its children. As mothers are the primary caregivers for children, child care is
indeed a woman's issue where economic independence, autonomy, and social equality are directly linked
to access, availability, and affordability of good quality child care. Far-reaching changes in the structure
of families and women's employment have, in the past decades, increased the need for child care and
there has long been a "care deficit" for working mothers, both married and single.

Child care a problem for welfare leavers
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 10.

Although welfare "reform" has dramatically increased the demand for care, particularly for infants and
toddlers, the public supply is grossly underfunded, leading states into a race to the bottom for the
cheapest of publicly subsidized child care. At present there are long waiting lists in over 20 states, and
only one in seven income-eligible children actually receives any child care subsidy.

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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

                       Child Care A Problem For Welfare Leavers
Youngest members of society have no entitlements
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 12.

It is paradoxical that the youngest and most vulnerable members of our society are shut out from the
only two universal public systems that exist in the United States -- the education system and the social
security system. A free public education system -- albeit riddled with "savage inequalities" and
segregated schooling -- is still an entitlement for 6 to 18 year-olds. Social security for elderly
Americans, although under increasing attack from the right, is still considered an earned entitlement and
functions as an important antipoverty measure for low-income seniors. But a social security system for
children (which, in turn, would depend on benefit transfers to their parents) forms part of a completely
different conversation because parents, specifically poor mothers, are seen as undeserving of
government support.

States excluding those who are eligible
Katherine Newman, (Prof. Sociology, Princeton U.), ENDING POVERTY IN AMERICA: HOW TO
RESTORE THE AMERICAN DREAM, 2007, 110.

Nationwide, only 14 percent of the children who are technically eligible for federal assistance with
child-care costs actually received it in 2001. The population served is declining in size because the states
have lowered income eligibility limits, frozen waiting lists, cut provider payments, and increased the
amount families are expected to pay above the level of their grants. Yet the provision of reasonably
priced child care is essential to keeping parents in the labor force. We need to increase the number of
children who have subsidized child care by increasing the supply of places, lowering the threshold of
eligibility, increasing the funds directed at providers (so they can afford to accept more children and
provide them with quality care), and reducing the co-payments for families.

States excluding those who are eligible
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 52.

Critical support programs such as child care are weighted down with layers of obstructive red tape,
practices of harassment and delay tactics are widespread," and the National Campaign for Jobs and
Income Support reports a pervasive problem of "endemic lawlessness" existing in states across the
country, where a "culture of indifference, arbitrariness, and intimidation characterizes states'
implementation of these programs."




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                                   Spending Too Small Now
Child care services for young kids inadequate
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
180.

Currently 38 states offer state-funded prekindergarten, which served 800,000 children during 2004-
2005. However, that figure represents only 17% of the nation's 4-year-olds and 3% of 3-year-olds.
Despite an overall pattern of growth (Florida's new pre-K program initiative is likely to add 100,000 4-
year-olds), 11 states actually reduced enrollment as part of budget cuts and retrenchment, and in some
cases 3-year-olds were cut from pre-K programs in order to maintain 4-year-old enrollments. Oklahoma
is currently the only state with near-universal prekindergarten coverage, with 90% of 4-year-olds
enrolled in pre-K, Head Start or special education and community preschool programs.

Federal funding for child care inadequate
Larry Snyder, (President, Catholic Charities USA), PROPOSALS FOR REDUCING POVERTY, Hrg.,
House Ways & Means Comm., Apr. 20, 2007, 22. 24-25.

Every child deserves quality child care and the early education they need to get a strong start in life.
They also need to be safe and secure when their parents are working. For many low-income families,
access to child care determines the choice between work and training, on one hand, and a lifetime of
poverty on the other. Unfortunately, federal child care funding continues to be insufficient to meet the
needs of working families, and even fewer families can gain access to quality child care. The Federal
Government should provide adequate child care funding to allow more low-income parents to place their
children in safe, nurturing, learning environments while they are working or going to school. Improve

Only 15% of eligible people receive services
Joel Handler & Yeheskel Hasenfeld, (Prof., Law, UCLA & Prof., Social Welfare, UCLA), BLAME
WELFARE, IGNORE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY, 2007, 263.

Under the Bush administration's proposed budget, child care funding will be frozen through 2009, thus
preventing the states from maintaining their current levels. Currently, only about 15 percent of children
eligible under the federal rules receive assistance. Families who are excluded often have to rely on poor
quality care, pay a large proportion of their income for care, or both.

Spending levels too small to allow parents to work more hours
John Crawford, (Staff, CQ Weekly), WELFARE, 2008, 54.

Research shows that the availability of child care is critical for moving people off welfare and into the
labor force. Some senators were trying to craft a bipartisan plan that would have increased child care
spending by $6 billion over five years, and made it more broadly available to the working poor. That bill
never made it to the floor, and the reauthorization language that sits in the not-quite-enacted spending-
cut measure would increase child care spending by just $1 billion over five years. That pittance amounts
to about S100 a year for each family on welfare, or $50 a year for each working poor family -- assuming
                                                                                                       14
Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

all were eligible -- and will do very little to allow mothers or fathers to work more hours and put more
money in their pockets, the ostensible goal of the new welfare regime.


                                    Spending Too Small Now
US spends less on child care than any other developed country
 Mark Winne, (Dir., Hartford Food System), CLOSING THE FOOD GAP: RESETTING THE TABLE
IN THE LAND OF PLENTY, 2008, 181.

Reinforcing its reputation as a socially stingy country, America also shoots itself in the foot by spending
less than any other developed nation on childcare. By making it difficult for ordinary people to obtain
childcare, it's difficult for the poor and even the middle class to pursue jobs and careers.

Spending too small now
Matthew Ladner, (Vice President, Goldwater Institute), POVERTY: OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS
SERIES, 2008, 173-174.

Only $1 billion is provided for child care programs for welfare beneficiaries even though modest
estimates show that more than $7 billion would be needed to aid parents who, under this legislation, will
also be forced to work longer hours. It is estimated that by 2010, some 255,000 additional children in
low-income working families will have been denied child care aid.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


        Child Care And Development Fund (CCDF) Inadequate Solution


Child care and development fund (CCDF) inadequate solution
Edward Royce, (Prof., Sociology, Rollins College), POVERTY AND POWER: THE PROBLEM OF
STRUCTURAL INEQUALITY, 2009, 256.

To assist the working poor in managing their childcare needs, Congress created, as part of PRWORA,
the Child Care and Development Fund (CCDF), a block grant program administered by the states. But
many low-income families are unable to benefit from this program. There is not nearly enough funding
available, so only a fraction of eligible families actually receive assistance, approximately one in seven
according to the calculations of the Children's Defense Fund, and in some states even these fortunate
recipients have high co-payment costs.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                  Few Eligible Families Receive Childcare Subsidies
Less than 25% of eligible parents receive childcare subsidies
James McDermott, (U.S. Representative, Washington State), DYNAMICS OF SOCIAL WELFARE
POLICY: RIGHT VERSUS LEFT, 2008, 13.

According to data from their own HHS, Health and Human Services Department, only about a quarter of
the children who are eligible for childcare subsidies under state eligibility criteria actually receive
assistance. This fraction drops to roughly one out of seven, if you use the federal eligibility standard for
daycare assistance. The data does not lie. We are falling short in helping low-income families meet the
challenges of raising a family and at the same time going to work.

Childcare subsidies serve a minority of those eligible
 Jason Furman, (Sr. Fellow, Brookings Institution), POVERTY: OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS SERIES,
2008, 138.

Unfortunately, due to a lack of funding, child care subsidy programs serve only a minority of those
eligible for such assistance. Working families that need child care but cannot afford it and do not receive
subsidies have few options -- they can try to rely on friends and family for care or find lower-cost paid
providers that likely offer lower-quality care.

Funding for childcare subsidies inadequate
Karen Seccombe, (Prof., Community Health, Portland State U.), FAMILIES IN POVERTY, 2007, 135.

Consequently, funds to increase the number (and in some states the amount) of childcare subsidies were
an important component of TANF, and the initial funding seemed promising. However, since 2002,
funding has been stagnant, while the need is increasing. Consequently, there is tremendous unmet need.
Only one in seven children eligible for childcare assistance actually receives it. Moreover, with
caseloads inching up again, and with the inflationary erosion of TANF block grants to states, at least 23
states have reduced childcare funding for low-income families since 2003. For example, Nebraska cut
1,600 children off subsidies when it reduced the income cutoff from 185 percent to 120 percent of
poverty. At least one-third of states place eligible families who apply for assistance on waiting lists or
turn them away without even taking their names because there are not enough funds to provide services.

Few eligible families receive childcare subsidies
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 68.

Since the passage of welfare "reform" legislation, there has been a precipitous drop in the number of
families receiving welfare -- from 5 million in 1994, to 4 million in 1996, and down to just 2 million by
2002. President Bush and the Republican Congress declared the 1996 welfare legislation "a resounding
success," and under the reauthorization of PRWORA a 40-hour mandatory work requirement has been
imposed, but no income and job supports, no investment in postsecondary education, and no additional
child care subsidies. As Marian Wright Edelman of the Children's Defense Fund put it: "The President


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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

requires more hours of work, but not one dime more for child care. . . . Right now only one in seven
children eligible for federal child care assistance gets it."


                   Child Care Subsidies Do Not Go To Poor Persons


Child care subsidies do not help the poorest families
Mark Greenberg, (Dir., Task Force on Poverty, Center for American Progress), THE NEXT
GENERATION OF ANTIPOVERTY POLICIES, 2007, 79.

The tax system provides a small entitlement to middle- and upper-income families, but no help to the
poorest families. In theory, the CDCTC could provide up to $2,100 to a family with child care costs of
or exceeding $6,000. In reality, the credit is small in relation to child care costs, wholly unavailable to
poor families, and provides little help to other low-income families.

Child care tax credit does not benefit poor families
Susan Whitelaw Downs, (Prof., Social Work, Wayne State U.), CHILD WELFARE AND FAMILY
SERVICES: POLICIES AND PRACTICES, 8th ed., 2009, 53.

Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit helps families reduce their child care costs by allowing them to
deduct up to $5,000 of these costs from their federal tax obligation. An important limitation of this
program is that it helps only families who earn enough to pay federal taxes. In 2003, the federal cost of
this program was $2.7 billion.

Subsidies insufficient to cover child care costs
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 11.

 As child care costs between $4,000 and $10,000 a year, low-income families must often compete with
families on welfare for scarce child care subsidies. In 20 states a family earning $25,000 a year is not
even eligible for child care subsidies. Subsidies also do not pay the full cost of care, and in the majority
of states, the reimbursement rates are based on outdated market surveys. When state reimbursement
rates are low, many child care providers are reluctant to accept children whose parents cannot pay the
difference in copayments, which may run as high as $200 to $300 a month, further exacerbating the
stratified system of care.

Child care tax credit does not help poor women
Mark Greenberg, (Dir., Task Force on Poverty, Center for American Progress), THE NEXT
GENERATION OF ANTIPOVERTY POLICIES, 2007, 77.

The CDCTC is not refundable: a family's credit cannot exceed the amount of its income tax liability. As
a result, the credit provides almost no benefit to lower-income families. In 2005, families with incomes
below $20,000 received an estimated 0.6 percent of CDCTC benefits, while two-thirds of the benefits
went to families with incomes exceeding $50,000. A single parent paying for child care for two children
would not benefit from the credit unless her earnings reached about $21,500.

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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

                Child Care Subsidy Programs Discourage Applicants


Child care subsidy programs discourage applicants
Joel Handler & Yeheskel Hasenfeld, (Prof., Law, UCLA & Prof., Social Welfare, UCLA), BLAME
WELFARE, IGNORE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY, 2007, 263.

Navigating the child care subsidy system can be quite complex and discourage families from applying or
retaining subsidies. Although some local welfare offices may facilitate the application and retention of
child care subsidies, others can set complex administrative barriers. Parents who face other employment
barriers (e.g., language, transportation) may experience greater difficulties in accessing and retaining
child care subsidies. Requiring working parents to make in-person visits to the appropriate offices,
which are generally open only during working hours, also discourages application. Having to recertify
eligibility periodically (usually every six months) may undermine the stability of child care.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


          Child Care Providers Don't Participate In Subsidy Programs
Child care providers don't participate in subsidy programs
Edward Royce, (Prof., Sociology, Rollins College), POVERTY AND POWER: THE PROBLEM OF
STRUCTURAL INEQUALITY, 2009, 256.

Many providers, furthermore, refuse service to low-income families because the reimbursement rate for
subsidized care remains well below market value. Ultimately, the supply of good child care accessible to
poor families falls well short of the growing demand. While the CCDF offers some financial assistance,
it fails to address adequately the key child-care problems faced by low-income parents: affordability,
availability, and quality.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                           Welfare Rules Undermine Child Care
Women lack freedom to make childcare choices
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 25.

In the United States, a country already rated rock bottom among the industrialized First World in terms
of the provision of social insurance policies that would primarily benefit women and children, mothers
face competing demands for work and parenting, with few external supports, as they navigate a labor
market unfriendly to the notion of mother as worker. Low-income women face substantially
compromised lives as they work at unstable jobs with inflexible time demands and wages that keep
many impoverished, and they lack the freedom to make child care choices in the best interests of their
young children. Impoverished women in the United States, like women in the developing world,
experience unremitting obstacles to their human capabilities, as the geography of poverty and gender
inequality spreads across a global terrain.

Poor women coerced into working – not caring for their children
Deborah Stone, (Prof., Government, Dartmouth College), REMAKING AMERICA: DEMOCRACY
AND PUBLIC POLICY IN AN AGE OF INEQUALITY, 2007, 190.

In the national debates about welfare, taking care of family had come to be seen as the antithesis of
work, almost a luxury or privilege that comes with already having earned enough to drop out of the
workforce. Economics, casting its market lens on the family, transforms children into just another
consumption item: "Having children is largely a voluntary choice, and may even be viewed as a matter
of personal consumption preference from the point of view of parents," droned two economists. Touting
the same idea, Elinor Burkett made a media sensation with her book, The Baby Boon, in which she
portrayed child rearing as a luxury hobby and chastised those who wish to indulge in it without having
the means. In this brave new world, staying home to care for the kids was now the adult equivalent of
playing hooky.

Increasing work requirements undermine women’s choice regarding child care

Deborah Stone, (Prof., Government, Dartmouth College), REMAKING AMERICA: DEMOCRACY
AND PUBLIC POLICY IN AN AGE OF INEQUALITY, 2007, 193.

Welfare reform shrank the space for family care in low-income women's lives. States were allowed by
the federal government to set their own program rules within certain parameters. Exempting women
with young children was one of those parameters. By the year 2000, forty-four states exempted adult
recipients from work requirements if they were caring for a young child, but only five of these exempted
parents with a child older than one year. Twenty-three states required recipients to work when their child
reached age one, and sixteen states set the age for exemption at younger than one year.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

                           Welfare Rules Undermine Child Care
Low income women have few choices
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 11.

Making choices in the best interests of one's child is arguably a vital parental responsibility. But low-
income women have few choices. And the poorer they are, the less autonomy they have as providers and
caregivers. Why should poor women in the United States not have the right to make choices about the
care of their own children? While conservatives continue to urge middle-class mothers to choose the
traditional terrain of a stay-at-home motherhood, in order to raise their own children and "preserve the
family," poor mothers are still located in the space of a marginal motherhood, and family values for
them are constructed as something entirely different.

Poor women have no choice about childcare
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 22.

The burden of unpaid care work across the life cycle -- for children, aging parents, and other family
members -- still disproportionately falls on women creating "one of the most entrenched and
consequential components" of gender inequality. As there is no paid parental/maternity leave in the
United States, the lack of safe, developmentally supportive child care for infants and toddlers creates
even more acute needs for low-income working women.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                 Mother Work Schedules Make Child Care Difficult
Mother work schedules make child care difficult
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
171.

As demonstrated throughout this book, low-income families in general encounter greater difficulties
accessing higher quality care as lack of resources diminishes choices, there is less access in poor
neighborhoods to higher quality care, and unstable odd-hour work schedules make child care
arrangement very difficult. Vandell and Wolfe report that one-third of employed mothers with incomes
below the poverty line and more than 25% of employed mothers with incomes below $25,000 have
nontraditional hours and rotating schedules, including weekends. Consequently, mothers must rely on
makeshift and multiple care arrangements that create further instability in a young child's life.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                                 Child Care Is Very Expensive
Child care is a significant cost for poor families
Anjali Gupta, (Doctoral Candidate, Human Development and Families Sciences, U. Texas, Austin),
HANDBOOK OF FAMILIES & POVERTY, 2008, 34.

Families earning $18,000 or less and purchasing averaged-priced child care in one of 38 states would
expend at least 30% of their annual income. These figures are based on average prices and do not
consider quality or accreditation. Overall, child care is a significant and necessary cash outlay for
families with working parents -- especially for single mothers without kith or kin child-care resources.

Working families face significant child care costs
 Jason Furman, (Sr. Fellow, Brookings Institution), POVERTY: OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS SERIES,
2008, 138.

Many working families face significant child care costs, and quality child care programs can be out of
reach for low-income working families. According to the National Association of Child Care Resource
and Referral Agencies, in the median state in the 2004-2005 academic year, full-time infant care in a
licensed child care center cost an average of $7,100 per year, while full-time care for preschoolers in a
licensed child care center cost an average of $5,800. Without a child care subsidy, a family earning at or
near the minimum wage is unlikely to be able to afford such a tuition bill for one child, let alone two or
more children.

Child care costs are rising
Joel Handler & Yeheskel Hasenfeld, (Prof., Law, UCLA & Prof., Social Welfare, UCLA), BLAME
WELFARE, IGNORE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY, 2007, 104.

Child care costs keep rising; consequently, the number of children receiving child care subsidies has
fallen since 2003 and will continue to fall as funding remains flat. It is projected that there will be a 17
percent decline in subsidies over the next six years. Since 2001, about three-fifths of the states have
lowered the eligibility as percentage of the poverty level for child care assistance. Twenty-four states
have waiting lists.

Child care is very expensive
Joel Handler & Yeheskel Hasenfeld, (Prof., Law, UCLA & Prof., Social Welfare, UCLA), BLAME
WELFARE, IGNORE POVERTY AND INEQUALITY, 2007, 258.

A study by the Children's Defense Fund found that "the average annual cost for a one year-old in a child
care center exceeds $4,750 in almost two-thirds of the 47 cities surveyed." For an infant, the annual cost
of center care was even higher, exceeding $5,500 in most cities. The annual cost of family child care,
while lower, was still more than S4,500 per year of a four-year-old in about half the cities. There were
considerable variations among the states. It was $3,900 in Arkansas and $12,978 in Massachusetts. For
low-income families, even devoting 10 percent of their income to child care would cover less than half
the cost of center care in most cities.


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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

                                Child Care is Very Expensive
Child care is a major expense for poor families
Robert Greenstein, (Dir., Center on Budget and Policy Priorities), THE ROLE OF FEDERAL FOOD
ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS IN FAMILY ECONOMIC SECURITY AND NUTRITION, Hrg., Senate
Comm. on Agriculture, Jan. 31, 2007, 76-77.

Child care is a major expense for many working families. Yet only a minority of low-income working
families receive child care assistance, so many parents must fend for themselves when finding and
paying for care for their children while they work. Census data show that child care consumes an
average of 25 percent of the income of poor working families that pay for care for a child. The cost of
child care and nursery school has grown at twice the rate of inflation over the last decade.

Child care is very expensive and subsidies are limited
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
169.

The current patchwork of child care provisions for children under 5 with employed mothers includes
almost one-quarter of children in organized child care facilities (including centers, preschools, and a
very small percentage in Head Start programs); an additional 17.3% in nonrelative care, including
13.4% in family day care; and another 24.8%, in relative care. Children enter child care facilities as
young as 6 weeks and may be in care for 40 hours a week until they enter school. Only 14% of the
children eligible for child care subsidies receive assistance, and child care costs more than college
tuition at most public universities, ranging from $4,000-10,000 a year, and reaching as high as $15,000
at the "baby Ivies."




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                       Working Mothers Can't Afford Child Care
Most single mothers can’t access affordable child care
Duncan Lindsey, (Prof., UCLA School of Public Affairs), CHILD POVERTY AND INEQUALITY:
SECURING A BETTER FUTURE FOR AMERICAS CHILDREN, 2009, 15.

Even given access to adequate, reliable and inexpensive day care, single mothers will still find
themselves at a disadvantage in the labor market -- for most single mothers do not have access to quality
day care. These mothers do not have flexible work schedules and often have to miss work in order to
meet the demands of motherhood. Typically lacking a college degree, the poor single mother is
competing for minimum wage jobs -- jobs that will never, even if the women were capable of working
50 hours a week, every week of the year, match the costs of feeding, housing and caring for their
children.

Child care absorbs 26% of poor families income
Edward Royce, (Prof., Sociology, Rollins College), POVERTY AND POWER: THE PROBLEM OF
STRUCTURAL INEQUALITY, 2009, 254.

Child-care expenditures absorb 25 percent of the monthly income of poor families, compared to 7
percent for families above the poverty line. In many states, a minimum-wage worker with two children
in a day-care center would have nothing left after paying the child-care bill. For single mothers working
low-wage jobs, in the absence of substantial government assistance, child care in a licensed center with a
well-trained staff is well beyond their financial means.

Mothers living in poverty can’t afford child care
Jonathan Forman, (Prof., Law, U. Oklahoma), PROPOSALS FOR REDUCING POVERTY, Hrg.,
House Ways & Means Comm., Apr. 20, 2007, 132.

Most proposals aimed at reducing poverty look to promoting family self-sufficiency through meaningful
employment. Yet, it is particularly difficult for mothers with young children living in poverty to afford
child care because of the kinds of jobs they tend to have (i.e. service jobs), the nontraditional hours they
are often required to work, and the poor quality child care that is available. Young children living in
poverty are much more likely to have a mother who works nontraditional hours compared with young
children living above the poverty line. Service jobs, which often entail very low wages, few benefits and
nontraditional work hours, are disproportionately filled by less-educated women who now comprise a
large group of mothers who are entering the labor force as a result of welfare reform and federal work
requirements.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                       Working Mothers Can't Afford Child Care
Child care burden falls disproportionately on poor mothers
 Joseph Kennedy, (Former Chief Economist, U.S. Dept. of Commerce), ENDING POVERTY:
CHANGING BEHAVIOR, GUARANTEEING INCOME, AND REFORMING GOVERNMENT,
2008, 86.

One of the key challenges that low-income parents face is the heavy implicit tax imposed by child care.
When going to work necessitates placing a child in day care, the parent only receives the difference
between his or her salary and day care expenses in return for working. Due to their lower salaries, this
burden falls relatively hardest on the working poor. This significantly reduces the net rewards from
working. The impact is only partially offset by the fact that current law gives parents a tax credit for up
to three thousand dollars of work-related child care.

Low income families can't afford child care
Karen Seccombe, (Prof., Community Health, Portland State U.), FAMILIES IN POVERTY, 2007, 72.

However, given the costs of childcare noted in Chapter 2, should we be surprised that low-income
families cannot afford the highest quality care? More than one in four families with young children earn
less than $25,000 per year; therefore, most forms of formal childcare remain out of their reach without
some sort of public subsidy. Instead, poor families are often forced to leave their children in
substandard, unlicensed, and unregulated care.

Long waiting lists mean poor women can’t access subsidized care
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 11.

Gornick and Meyers argue that there is an urgent need for new public policies that would redistribute the
costs of caregiving. While affluent working mothers compete to enroll their toddlers in the "baby Ivies"
paying up to $15,000 a year, how does a food-service worker mother earning $6 an hour at her local
Taco Bell purchase quality care? If she lives in New York City, where there are 38,000 children on
waiting lists for subsidized care, she has few options open to her other than the cheap informal care
sector.

Long waiting lists mean poor women can’t access subsidized care
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 11.

Gornick and Meyers argue that there is an urgent need for new public policies that would redistribute the
costs of caregiving. While affluent working mothers compete to enroll their toddlers in the "baby Ivies"
paying up to $15,000 a year, how does a food-service worker mother earning $6 an hour at her local
Taco Bell purchase quality care? If she lives in New York City, where there are 38,000 children on
waiting lists for subsidized care, she has few options open to her other than the cheap informal care
sector.


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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

                       Working Mothers Can't Afford Child Care
Free market child care unaffordable
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 22.

In the absence of a nationally subsidized child care system, child care, for most parents, must be bought
on the private market. Costs are prohibitive, and low-income mothers spend an average of 18.4% of
their income on child care, with some low-income mothers spending as much as 25%, compared to 6.1%
for mothers in upper-income households. As more and more low-income mothers of infants, like
Jasmine, are forced to enter the labor market and work longer hours as part of the escalating work
requirements of the 1996 federal welfare legislation, there is a growing national crisis of unmet need:
Inferior quality, unstable, makeshift arrangements, and the worst and the cheapest of care for the poorest
of children.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


  Child Care Is Not Considered An Alternative To Work For Poor Mothers
Child care is not considered an alternative to work for poor mothers
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 10.

Under the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) welfare
legislation, the need for child care expanded exponentially as poor single mothers were coerced, under
threat of sanctions and benefit cutoffs, into the low-wage labor market, leaving infants as young as 12
weeks old behind. Paradoxically, poor women's care for their own infants or young children does not
count as a legitimate work requirement, and their rights to make decisions about their own children's
nonparental care is severely undermined by the inflexibility of the welfare-to-work mandates. The
underlying assumptions behind this legislation are that poor mothers are work-aversive, dysfunctional
parents, and unfit to care for their own children. Such legislation impugns their dignity and "repudiates
them as mothers."




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                             Lack Of Child Care Causes Poverty
Inadequate child care and poverty are in a perpetual cycle
Jonathan Forman, (Prof., Law, U. Oklahoma), PROPOSALS FOR REDUCING POVERTY, Hrg.,
House Ways & Means Comm., Apr. 20, 2007, 133.

Research indicates that the strongest effects of quality child care are found with at-risk children --
children from families with the fewest resources and under the greatest stress. Yet, at-risk infants and
toddlers who may benefit the most from high-quality child care are unlikely to receive it -- they receive
some of the poorest quality care that exists in communities across the United States. Poor quality child
care for at-risk children may diminish inborn potential and lead to poorer developmental outcomes.

Inadequate child care undermines education
Susan Neuman, (Prof., Educational Studies, U. Michigan), CHANGING THE ODDS FOR CHILDREN
AT RISK: SEVEN ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS THAT BREAK
THE CYCLE OF POVERTY, 2009, 124.

Quality matters for all children, but especially for those who are poor. It is these children who have the
most to lose from poor programs and the most to gain from good-quality ones. By the age of three, these
children will already lag measurably behind their middle class peers in their ability to reason, use
language, and believe in their own efficacy. Only the very highest-quality programs, having consistent,
sensitive, and stimulating care, can possibly transcend these circumstances to protect and promote
children's development. Subject to poor quality, children who are surrounded by chaos, defeat, and
unpredictability -- the ill effects of living in poverty -- will only further succumb to the social and
economic stresses in society. We now have overwhelming evidence that we can change the odds for
literally thousands of these children. Programs that are successful recognize the inseparable connections
between the care and education of children. They understand that we simply can't educate children
without caring for them, and we can't care for them well without educating them.

Child care demands perpetuate poverty
Edward Royce, (Prof., Sociology, Rollins College), POVERTY AND POWER: THE PROBLEM OF
STRUCTURAL INEQUALITY, 2009, 255.

Poor families face extraordinary difficulties managing child care, and the problems they experience, as
Julie Press argues, decrease their likelihood of avoiding or escaping poverty. Child-care demands
perpetuate poverty by limiting the time parents can devote to work, training and education, thus
reducing their earnings in both the short- and the long-terms. As Press shows, poor parents with child-
care problems, mothers more so than fathers, are less likely to be in the labor force, they work fewer
hours when they are employed, and they are more susceptible to periodic bouts of unemployment. They
are also more likely to work only part-time, to be tardy or absent, to quit a job or be fired as a result of
child-care issues, and to refuse a promising opportunity for the sake of a job with an accommodating
boss or parent-friendly hours.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

                       Zero Tolerance Policies Hurt Poor Children
Poor children uniquely disadvantaged by zero tolerance policies
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
104.

The increasing trend towards expulsion and "disenrollment" of toddlers and preschoolers from their
child care programs for "out of control" behaviors appears to follow on the heels of broader "zero-
tolerance" policies enacted within the K-12 public education system. Young children perceived by
teachers and child care providers in early childhood settings to be disruptive and unmanageable are now
being expelled and are in jeopardy of experiencing failure, even before starting kindergarten. For poor
children the consequences are particularly damaging, exacerbating existing inequalities that begin before
children ever set foot in public school.

Applying zero tolerance policies to young children exacerbates poverty harms
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
104.

However, the situation becomes even more problematic when zero-tolerance policies move downward
and are applied to very young children in both public and private child care settings. For vulnerable
young children such as Anita and Joseph, who have already experienced multiple stress-ors in their early
years -- domestic violence, parental abandonment, poverty, unstable housing, poor quality child care --
an expulsion may be the tipping point in terms of family viability. Once expelled, a young child risks
exclusion from other early childhood settings, and developmental risks compound. Poor children, and
children of color, traditionally ill-served by public education, are likely to suffer the most adverse
consequences, as they are launched on a trajectory of academic and social failure before they even enter
kindergarten. For single-parent families in particular, we can see how expulsion may also induce a
downward spiral of events that threatens a family's survival: lack of child care may lead to loss of a job,
which in turn may lead to eviction, homelessness, and destitution.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                            Lack Of Child Care Hurts Children
Child care quality has both short and long term effects on kids
Karen Seccombe, (Prof., Community Health, Portland State U.), FAMILIES IN POVERTY, 2007, 72.

There is important evidence that the quality of childcare experienced during the preschool years has both
immediate and long-term effects on the child. For example, poor process quality predicts increased
behavior problems, whereas children in higher process quality environments have closer and more
secure attachments, and they perform better on standardized cognitive and language tests.

Quality of child care linked to cognitive performance
Louise Kaczmarek, (Prof., Special Education, U. Pittsburgh), EVIDENCE-BASED PRACTICES AND
PROGRAMS FOR EARLY CHILDHOOD CARE AND EDUCATION, 2007, 29-30.

Research on child care has clearly substantiated that child outcomes (i.e., primarily cognitive
performance and social competence) are related to program quality. Research and model demonstration
projects, from which initial empirical findings of early intervention effectiveness were derived, offered
well-trained staff and abundant resources to children from economically disadvantaged families.
Generally speaking, however, children living in poverty are more likely to be placed in low quality child
care programs that do not have the resources usually available in model programs.

Poor quality child care poses serious harms to kids
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
172-173.

However, while the positive outcomes are significant, the converse must also be emphasized: the serious
negative impact that poor quality child care has on low-income, young children. The Cost Quality and
Outcomes Study (CQO) conducted during the early 1990s, made site visits to a total of 521 state-
licensed preschool classrooms and 228 infant/ toddler licensed centers in four states, using
environmental rating scales and classroom observations to evaluate the day-to-day quality of care for
children, and researchers interviewed directors, teachers, and parents.

Poor children more susceptible to harms from low quality child care
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
173.

The large number of infants and toddlers in child care is of particular concern because they are most
susceptible to the harmful effects of bad care. Seventy-three percent of the infants and toddlers of
employed mothers (about 6 million children under 3) spend much of their waking hours in child care in
both the formal and informal sector, and 39% are in full-time care. In the well-known study conducted
by the Families and Work Institute, Galinsky and her coresearchers studied regulated and nonregulated
family day care home providers, as well as relative care providers for young children 10 months and
older.
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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

                           Lack Of Child Care Hurts Children
Poor kids more likely to experience low quality child care
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
174.

Children in low-income and minority families were more likely to receive inadequate care where "the
lower the child's family income, the lower the quality of the child care home in which he or she is
enrolled."




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                    Early Years Are Crucial To Child Development
Early years are crucial to child development
Anna Johnson, (Prof., Couple & Family Therapy, Drexel U.), HANDBOOK OF FAMILIES &
POVERTY, 2008, 82.

How children spend their early years is crucial. The first 5 years of life, often referred to as early
childhood, are critical for cognitive, social, and behavioral development. These years are also those in
which children are most vulnerable to the well-documented negative effects of growing up poor; in
particular, deep, persistent poverty that begins early in life is noted to be detrimental to healthy
development.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                       Lack Of Child Care Disadvantages Children
Lack of child care disadvantages children
Duncan Lindsey, (Prof., UCLA School of Public Affairs), CHILD POVERTY AND INEQUALITY:
SECURING A BETTER FUTURE FOR AMERICAS CHILDREN, 2009, 18.

Children are a major responsibility. They require food, clothing, and shelter. They require love and
attention. Child rearing is a labor-intensive activity that is critical to proper child development and the
nurturance of effective citizens. Unlike women who share household and child rearing chores with a
spouse or have the resources to hire help, most single mothers are denied the opportunity to provide the
early nurturing and personal attention that is so important in the earliest years. The financial costs of day
care are one thing, but the costs in human terms are much more difficult to count. But they can be
measured when the children enter school. They enter kindergarten far behind their well-off counterparts
and do not have a chance to catch up.

Lack of child care disadvantages children
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
174.

Most low-income children experience multiple child care arrangements during their earliest years, and
those in single-mother families spend almost double the amount of hours in outside care than do the
children of two-parent families. Center care is used more widely by African-American (30%) and White
working mothers (24%), than by Hispanic mothers (10%), whose use of relative care is far higher
(39%). The children of higher-income families tend to enroll in child care centers in greater numbers,
whereas relative care is most common for children in poor and low-income families.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                                   Competitiveness Advantage
Other developed countries provide child care
Duncan Lindsey, (Prof., UCLA School of Public Affairs), CHILD POVERTY AND INEQUALITY:
SECURING A BETTER FUTURE FOR AMERICAS CHILDREN, 2009, 16.

Although other developed countries have safeguards in place -- for instance, day care at night for
women who have to work evening shifts, safe state-run day care, guaranteed health care for children --
the United States has pursued a path of continually eroding support for single parents over the past 20
years. In many European countries, day care is far more than the glorified babysitting that many of the
preschool children from poor families in the United States are subject to. There is no television blaring
in the corner, no chaotic and unsupervised clutter of experiences. Europe's preschool centers are called
academies and their focus is on school readiness as they prepare their small charges for success down
the line.

Other developed countries provide child care
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
162.

Davis and Powell argue that because of its failure to offer basic social protections and family supports to
its citizens, the United States is an outlier in the international arena and that it is a misguided strategy to
rely only on domestic law to attempt to establish child care provisions.

Other developed countries provide child care
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
163.

From a cross-national comparative perspective, the United States fails on almost all indices of child and
family well-being. The U.S. poverty rate is characterized by Gornick and Meyers in their 12-nation
comparative analysis as "exceptional" and of particular concern, given high rates of poverty even among
two-parent working families. Among single-mother families who are employed, 45% live in poverty in
the United States, a dramatic contrast to levels of 8% in Denmark, and 4% in Sweden.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                              International Human Rights Law

CEDAW requires childcare options
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 28.

Viewing child care through a framework of human rights and using international covenants and
international law to spur domestic policy changes exposes American deficits to international scrutiny.
The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights (ICESCR) all recognize the centrality of child care and family support policies for
parents and children. The United States has not ratified any of these international human rights treaties,
which exert considerable moral pressure on governments to reexamine and change their policies to align
with the stated goals of the treaties.

CEDAW requires childcare options

Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
163.

CEDAW, hailed as an "international bill of rights for women," was adopted by the UN General
Assembly in 1979 and entered into force as a treaty in 1981. CEDAW has been ratified by 169
countries, excluding the United States. There is explicit recognition in CEDAW of the links between
women's equality, the right to work, family life, and the necessity for government to ensure that these
rights and opportunities are upheld by focusing on provisions for the care of children. Article 11
specifically addresses women's "right to work as an inalienable right," including "the right to maternity
leave with pay or with comparable benefits." State Parties are enjoined to make it possible to "combine
family obligations with work responsibilities and participation in public life . . . through promoting the
establishment and development of a network of child-care facilities."




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


             Child Care Should Be Regarded As A Fundamental Right
Child care should be framed as a fundamental right
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
162.

The absence of child care should not be viewed as another competing demand of a special interest
group, but rather, child care should be framed as a fundamental human right, emanating from
international human rights standards, and an affirmative obligation of government.

Denying fundamental right to child care is American exceptionalism
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
162.

By framing child care solely as a domestic policy agenda, women's and children's advocacy groups have
actually "abetted the United States policy of exceptionalism."

International human rights law recognizes affirmative obligation to support family child
care
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
162.

As discussed in Chapter 1, the affirmative obligation of government to create family support policies
and child care provisions is recognized in three international human rights conventions, which the
United States has failed to ratify: the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and the International
Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The CRC, adopted by unanimous
consent at the United Nations in 1989, was implemented in 1990 and has been ratified by 191 countries.
In the CRC, children, for the first time, are recognized as "rights bearers," as citizens, and as social
actors. The CRC also addresses children's rights to receive care and protection and the promotion of
their best interests for "full and harmonious development." Article 18 emphasizes that State Parties must
provide "appropriate assistance to parents . . . in the performance of their child-rearing responsibilities"
and take " all appropriate measures to ensure that children of working parents have the right to benefit
from child-care services."




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


             Child Care Should Be Regarded As A Fundamental Right
ICESCR recognizes right to providing for child care
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
163.

Similarly, ICESCR ratified by 145 countries, but not the United States, ensures the "equal right of men
and women to the enjoyment of all economic, social and cultural rights" including rights to "fair wages,"
"a decent living for themselves and their families," paid maternity leave, and adequate social security
benefits for working mothers. The U.N. Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has,
according to Davis and Powell, broadly interpreted the Treaty's provisions to also encompass child care,
citing as an example the Committee's recommendations to Canada that provisions "such as . . . child care
. . . are available at levels that ensure the right to an adequate standard of living."

Dearth of child care resources violates human rights
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
164.

The absence of family support policies, such as paid parental leave, takes a heavy toll on the lives of
infants and their struggling-to-make-it parents. The dearth of child care provisions and the
developmentally damaging care that so many young poor children are subjected to violate their human
rights. Poor women in particular, as solo mothers, as earners, as caregivers of their children, are stripped
of their rights to live as fully functioning human beings, when the conditions for living are distorted.

Ec protects rights to child care
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
165.

The pejorative discourse in the United States about poor single mothers stigmatizes and disrespects them
as mothers and requires those in need of welfare and child care subsidies to run through a series of
mazes to seek any public support, all the while enduring the humiliation of the "undeserving poor." In
contrast, the European Commission's Report on Social Inclusion in the EU focuses on combating
poverty and social exclusion and supporting parents "so they are not financially disadvantaged" and
addresses the wide variety of supports available to lone- (single) parent and two-parent families,
including minimum-income guarantees, parental-leave entitlements, and flexible working patterns.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


             Child Care Should Be Regarded As A Fundamental Right
US alone among world leaders in not recognizing child care rights
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
168-169.

Public responsibility for families engenders the capability for private responsibility. Yet the United
States has not joined the community of nations in acknowledging or affirming these rights. Rather the
family's viability is essentially a private problem entailing private solutions, so other people's toddlers
may end up in filthy basements, but that is their problem, not ours. The right to care and development
must be purchased on the free market, and as with any commodity, you get what you pay for. Hence,
tragically for a young child, to have is to be.

Should align us child care policy with international human rights law
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
185.

Poverty in a land of plenty is a moral disgrace; so too is the consequential child care crisis among
America's millions of low-wage families. Many other countries take seriously the fundamental care gaps
that must be filled in order for children and their mothers to remain healthy and stable, by developing
carefully crafted social protections aligned with the key international human rights treaties.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


             Justice Requires Child Care Options For Working Women
Women lack freedom to make childcare choices
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
164-165.

Furthermore, welfare "reform" legislation violates poor mother's human rights by wresting from them
the fundamental right to care for their own infants, as they are forced into the low-wage workplace in
order to avoid destitution. With no paid parental leave and with their infants left alone or subject to the
perils of the unregulated license-exempt child care sector, how is it possible for poor women to make
decisions in the best interests of their babies and ensure their "full and harmonious development"?

Justice requires child care options for working women
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 21.

It is clear that a social care infrastructure is a fundamental condition for achieving gender equality, and
that women's economic independence in the labor market is also heavily dependent on the existence of
"universally accessible child care as a public service." Furthermore, argues Mahon, because child care is
a key social citizenship right for women, it is also a politically charged "gendered" issue.

Justice requires child care options for working women
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 26.

The current American discourse of private responsibility negates the moral principles underlying the
notion of a public space: the public responsibility of a society to ensure that a minimum social threshold
exists as a starting point for individuals; an opportunity to make a life and care for one's children with
dignity; and not to be treated as the stigmatized object of an ownership society.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                            Alternative Care Arrangements Bad
Grandparent child care is problematic
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
144-145.

The U.S. Census Bureau's most recent report on "Who's Minding the Kids?" indicates that for employed
mothers, grandparents are a significant source of care, with 29.1% of preschool children cared for by
their grandparents. Single, never-married mothers rely more heavily on grandparents for child care, as
do separated, divorced, and widowed mothers, with 37.8% and 31.9% of their preschool children,
respectively, cared for by grandparents. For low-income mothers, who use relative care at far higher
rates than do their nonpoor counterparts, grandparent care is also seen as far preferable, safer, and more
trustworthy, particularly because their children are likely to end up in the lowest quality of care in the
cheap informal care sector.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                Solvency -- Should Increase Funding For Child Care
Should increase federal funding for child care
Jonathan Forman, (Prof., Law, U. Oklahoma), PROPOSALS FOR REDUCING POVERTY, Hrg.,
House Ways & Means Comm., Apr. 20, 2007, 133.

Congress should ensure that all babies and toddlers, particularly those living in poverty, have access to
quality child care. An increase in federal funding for child care would lead to increased investments in
quality and would help to ensure that more low-income infants and toddlers have access to quality child
care settings to allow parents to reach and maintain self-sufficiency while being assured that their
children are in safe nurturing environments. More funding needs to be directed specifically to improving
the quality of care for infants and toddlers, and providing professional development opportunities with
infant-toddler content for early childhood staff who work with this age group.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


  Solvency -- Child Care Tax Exemption Should Be Higher In First 5 Years
Child care tax exemption should be higher in first 5 years
 Joseph Kennedy, (Former Chief Economist, U.S. Dept. of Commerce), ENDING POVERTY:
CHANGING BEHAVIOR, GUARANTEEING INCOME, AND REFORMING GOVERNMENT,
2008, 86.

Federal tax law also provides a $3,300 exemption for each child. In many ways this assistance is
mismatched to the cost of care. Parents are likely to face the greatest effective costs in the early years
before the child can attend first grade. Prior to this, parents must either forego income in order to stay at
home or pay for day care. Changing the exemption to nine thousand dollars but limiting it to the first
five years of a child's life would provide assistance when it is most important. Changing the exemption
to a fully refundable credit would broaden the aid to those who need it most.

Child care tax credit should be made refundable
Mark Greenberg, (Dir., Task Force on Poverty, Center for American Progress), THE NEXT
GENERATION OF ANTIPOVERTY POLICIES, 2007, 81.

The CDCTC should be made refundable, expanded to cover at least 50 percent of allowable
expenditures for lower-income families, and indexed for inflation. Making the credit refundable would
extend its benefits to the lowest-income families and ensure that all eligible families could receive the
full amount for which they qualify. Making a greater share of a family's child care spending subject to
the credit would both defray expenses and help families purchase higher-cost care.

Child care tax credit should be made refundable
Mark Greenberg, (Dir., Task Force on Poverty, Center for American Progress), THE NEXT
GENERATION OF ANTIPOVERTY POLICIES, 2007, 81.

Leonard Burman, Elaine Maag, and Jeffrey Rohaly estimate that a refundable credit would provide
benefits to 1.5 million more households and would expand the share of benefits going to tax units with
incomes below $20,000 from less than 1 percent under current law to almost 26 percent.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                          Solvency -- Miscellaneous Mechanisms
21C proposal solves for child care
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
178.

Schools of the 21st Century (21C), a proposal developed by Zigler and Finn-Stevenson, embodies a
community school model that promotes the growth and development of children through the provision
of high quality child care and related family and community services. The Plan calls for using the public
schools as a hub to create full-day, year-round child care for all 3- and 4-year-olds, as well as after-
school programs for school-age children, operating from 6:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m., with some buildings
open into the evening hours. Using public schools to provide child care services builds on existing
facilities and public infrastructures already in place. Child care services would be provided in
partnership with local providers and subsidized by parent tuition based on sliding scale fees, state
Department of Education funds, local school district funds, and private foundation grants, as well as
federal Title 1 funds.

21C proposal has been implemented in 1,300 schools in the us
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
178.

In Kentucky and Connecticut, statewide legislation has already been influenced by the 21C Plan,
creating Family Resource Centers for child care and family supports, and San Diego's 6-to-6 program
has been a significant benefit for families, including Kathy's, described in Chapter 7. The 21C guiding
principles are based on current best practice models in the early childhood field and promote the use of
trained early childhood professionals and paraprofessionals with adequate compensation and wage
supports. The Plan relies on existing public funding, as well as grants from private foundations. To date,
variations of the model have been implemented in 1,300 schools across the United States.

21c proposal is a good demonstration program
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
178-179.

Although described as universal, the Plan, in its current configuration, provides a higher quality
alternative choice to parents in the existing patchwork service provisions. It is a good demonstration
model that could be expanded and adopted on a broader scale if adequate state and federal funds were
invested to sustain it. However, the 21C Plan does nothing to address the critical need for infant and
toddler care and tiptoes around the huge, unregulated private child care industry, positioning the Plan as
"another option for parents."




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

        Institute For Women's Policy Research Proposal For Child Care


Institute for women's policy research proposal for child care

Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
179.

The Institute for Women's Policy Research (IWPR) has developed a model for estimating the cost of
designing a universally accessible, state-based, high quality preschool program that would serve 3-5
year olds. The model emphasizes teacher training, credentials, and adequate compensation as key factors
in designing a high quality program. Teachers would be required to have bachelor's degrees in early
childhood education, and in many states would also need to meet requirements for state certification.
The model includes technical assistance, assessment and evaluation, and facilities costs and basically
builds on the existing early childhood service provisions that exist in each state. Estimates for additional
program costs incorporate the quality-assurance criteria built into the model. The model includes both a
full-day (10 hours) year-round program and a part-day (3 hours) school-year option.

Costs for institute for women's policy research proposal
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
179.

Based on a fictional state scenario, IWPR has developed cost estimates for universal preschool for the
state, starting with the assumption that a state prekindergarten program already exists. Direct unit costs
per child in this model are assessed at $9,536 a year for full-time full-year care, almost $4,000 more per
child in comparison to existing full-day preschool programs. That estimate does not include the costs of
upgrading staff credentials, or the renovation of facilities and program-evaluation costs. The model
develops cost estimates over a 10-year period for full- and part-day programs, with the total population
of children served increasing each year. In Year 1, the annual cost of universal preschool is projected to
be $136,860,694, serving only 10% of the projected population (23,500 children). By Year 10, when the
entire projected population (235,000 children) of the state is served, the annual cost estimate is projected
to be $967,090,620.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                       Helburn & Bergmann Plan For Child Care
Helburn & bergmann plan would expand poor kids’ access to childcare
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
180-181.

Helburn and Bergmann, building on the present market-based system of child care, propose three child
care subsidy plans: an Interim Plan, an Affordable Child Care at Improved Quality Plan, and a Free
Universal Care Plan. The Interim Plan involves an expansion of current existing programs and fully
funding state programs now in place that are funded by the Child Care and Development Fund (CCDF)
and by state appropriations. Fully funding current state plans would cost $12.8 billion a year in new
funding for a total cost of $25.8 billion. This plan would increase the number of children who receive
child care subsidies from 2 million to 10 million. The Universal Plan would provide free child care to all
children irrespective of family income. There would be no co-pays for care, and the annual net cost
would be $122.5 billion a year, requiring $102.5 billion in new funds.

Helburn & bergmann plan will serve 17 million children
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
181.

However, Helburn and Bergmann argue on pragmatic grounds that Plan Two, The Affordable Child
Care at Improved Quality, is the strongest proposal to push forward towards implementation. Plan Two
lays out a comprehensive national program that would provide all families access to affordable care,
requiring families to pay "no more than 20% of that part of [their] income that is above the poverty line"
as co-pays for child care. This formula would provide free care to those families at or below the federal
poverty line and would benefit middle-class parents as well, serving 17 million children, including
infants and children up to 12 years old.

Helburn & bergmann plan is a comprehensive child care plan
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
182.

The Helburn and Bergmann Plan is a comprehensive attempt to create affordable care for all children
from infancy through age 12; but the quality assurances are problematic. Leaving quality to an
incentive-based system in the child care market is a wild card. As most existing child care is less than
good, such a plan would mean that low-income children's care would be somewhat improved as many
children would shift from the unregulated sector to licensed care, but the incentive system would mostly
benefit higher quality centers and higher-income children. The existing segregated system of care would
be difficult to overcome without additional interventions and regulations, and the problematic upgrading
so essential in family day care homes would be left to market forces.


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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

        Greenberg's Proposal For Comprehensive Child Care Is Detailed
Greenberg's proposal pursues multiple goals
Ron Haskins, (Sr. Fellow & Co-Director of the Center on Children & Families, Brookings Institution),
THE NEXT GENERATION OF ANTIPOVERTY POLICIES, 2007, 8.

Greenberg's proposal is based on the view that a national child care strategy should pursue four goals.
First, every parent who needs child care to get or keep employment should be able to afford care without
having to leave the children in unhealthy or dangerous environments; second, all families should have
the opportunity to place their children in settings that foster education and healthy development; third,
parental choice should be respected; and fourth, a set of good child care choices should be available. To
attain these goals, the nation should revamp both federal child care subsidy programs and federal tax
policy related to child care.

Greenberg's proposal is a federal-state partnership to increase childcare options
Ron Haskins, (Sr. Fellow & Co-Director of the Center on Children & Families, Brookings Institution),
THE NEXT GENERATION OF ANTIPOVERTY POLICIES, 2007, 8.

To improve this flawed system, Greenberg would replace the block grant with a federal guarantee of
child care assistance for all working families with income under 200 percent of poverty. This federal
assistance program would be administered by the states under a federal-state matching formula, with the
federal government paying most of the cost. States would be responsible for developing and
implementing plans to improve the quality of child care, coordinate child care with other early education
programs, and ensure that child care payment rates are sufficient to allow families to purchase care that
fosters healthy child development. In addition, Greenberg would restructure the federal dependent care
tax credit as a refundable tax credit, with the credit set at 50 percent of covered child care costs for the
lowest-income families and gradually phasing down to 20 percent as family income increases.

Greenberg's proposal better coordinates subsidies
Ron Haskins, (Sr. Fellow & Co-Director of the Center on Children & Families, Brookings Institution),
THE NEXT GENERATION OF ANTIPOVERTY POLICIES, 2007, 8.

Taken together, the subsidy and tax changes would lead to a better-coordinated system of child care
subsidies in which working families below 200 percent of poverty would be assured of substantial
financial help, while tax-based help would ensure continued, albeit significantly reduced, assistance for
families with higher incomes. Greenberg estimates that the additional cost of these two reforms would
be on the order of $13.5 billion a year, of which the federal share would be about $8.5 billion if that
share remained the same as under current law.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                             Solvency -- Care Centers Effective
High quality care centers improve opportunities
Greg Duncan, (Prof., Education & Social Policy, Northwestern U.), HIGHER GROUND: NEW HOPE
FOR THE WORKING POOR AND THEIR CHILDREN, 2007, 89.

Of course, high-quality care, whatever the setting, not only promotes children's intellectual skills but
also helps them learn to get along with one another and to be responsible for their own behavior. Centers
vary greatly in quality, but the odds of a program with an educational focus, trained caregivers, and
planned learning opportunities are greater in centers than in the informal arrangements often used by
low-income families.

High quality care centers have long-term benefits
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
173.

However, the CQO study also shows the lasting impact of good child care was far more significant for
low-income children where "high quality child care experiences, in terms of both classroom practices
and teacher-child relationships, enhance children's abilities to take advantage of the educational
opportunities in school."




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                         Solvency -- Child Care Reduces Poverty
Child care enables employment
Josefina Figueira-McDonough, (Prof., Emeritus, Justice and Social Inquiry, Arizona State U.), CHILD
POVERTY IN AMERICA TODAY, Vol. 3, 2007, 80.

Other research shows a strong connection between the availability of child care and the participation of
mothers in the work force. Child-care subsidies increase the duration of employment for welfare
recipients and for those off welfare. Forty percent of women receiving this type of assistance are more
likely to stay employed at least for two years, compared to those who go without. The impact grows to
60 percent for former welfare recipients, and the benefits show up in the quality and stability of child
care.

Helps mothers stay in workforce
RICH0313

STRONG RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHILD CARE AND WORKFORCE PARTICIPATION

Josefina Figuera-McDonough, (Former Prof., Social Work, Arizona State U.), WELFARE, 2008, 94.

Other research shows a strong connection between the availability of child care and the participation of
mothers in the workforce. Child care subsidies increase the duration of employment, both for welfare
recipients and those off welfare. Forty percent of those receiving this type of assistance were more likely
to stay employed for at least 2 years than were those without. The impact goes still higher (60 percent)
for former welfare recipients, and the benefits show up in the quality and stability of child care.

Childcare helps low income mothers work

Josefina Figuera-McDonough, (Former Prof., Social Work, Arizona State U.), WELFARE, 2008, 94.

We know, then, that child care has two important effects: It makes it easier for low-income women to
work in a sustained manner, and it helps give their children a better future.

Child care program will increase employment
John Podesta, (Pres., Center for American Progress), PROPOSALS FOR REDUCING POVERTY,
Hrg., House Ways & Means Comm., Apr. 20, 2007, 10.

We propose that the federal and state governments guarantee child care help to families with incomes
below about $40,000 a year, with expanded tax help to higher-earning families. At the same time, states
should be encouraged to improve the quality of early education and broaden access to early education
for all children. Our child care expansion would raise employment among low-income parents and help
nearly 3 million parents and children escape poverty.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

                          Solvency -- Child Care Reduces Poverty
Child care critical to break the poverty cycle
Josefina Figueira-McDonough, (Prof., Emeritus, Justice and Social Inquiry, Arizona State U.), CHILD
POVERTY IN AMERICA TODAY, Vol. 3, 2007, 80.

Two factors make the deficiency of child care under TANF the Achilles heel of the program. The first
concerns the sheer number of children in need. According to 2001 TANF statistics, half of the parents
receiving assistance have children under 6 years of age. Second, as evidenced by the research reviewed
at the outset, adequate child care offers the best chance to break the intergenerational cycle of poverty.

Quality child care critical in breaking poverty cycle
Josefina Figuera-McDonough, (Former Prof., Social Work, Arizona State U.), WELFARE, 2008, 93-94.

Two considerations make the deficiency of child care under TANF the big failure of the program. The
first concerns the sheer number of children in need of this service. According to 2001 TANF statistics,
half of the parents receiving assistance have children under 6 years of age. Second, good child care
offers the best chance to break the intergenerational cycle of poverty. A growing number of studies
indicate that the initial years of life are critical for children's long-run social, emotional, and cognitive
development. Intervention in early childhood can help overcome obstacles created by poverty.

Increased funding for child care improves options for working women

Madeline Howard, (J.D. Candidate, U. of California, Berkeley School of Law), BERKELEY JOURNAL
OF GENDER, LAW & JUSTICE, 2007, 116.

The benefits of a low-paying job may be small in comparison with the harm children suffer from
inadequate care arrangements. Ironically, many of the most vigorous advocates for mandatory work
programs for low-income single mothers also praise more affluent mothers for choosing to stay at home
and raise children. If the policymakers who advocate so strongly for mandatory work programs would
commit to funding child care for all the parents they compel to work, low-income families would have a
more realistic chance to change their circumstances.

Good child care breaks the cycle of poverty
Josefina Figueira-McDonough, (Prof., Emeritus, Justice and Social Inquiry, Arizona State U.), CHILD
POVERTY IN AMERICA TODAY, Vol. 3, 2007, 71.

The case that good child care is the most effective method for preventing inter-generational poverty of
at-risk children is founded on evidence about its long-term effects that have been verified by research
and experiments carried out in the United States. At the same time, examination of the shortage of
public programs in the United States suggests either ignorance or indifference on the part of policy
makers. Comparisons between the United States and European countries that offer universal early
education programs document a stark contrast in political will and commitment to the development of
children.



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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

                            Child Care Improves Development
Children in poverty benefit most from early childhood education

Anna Johnson, (Prof., Couple & Family Therapy, Drexel U.), HANDBOOK OF FAMILIES &
POVERTY, 2008, 82.

Although research suggests that income is associated with young children's development during the
preschool years, studies have likewise found that the poorest children may benefit the most from high-
quality early childhood education and care (ECEC). For children in poverty, high-quality ECEC may
improve school readiness and subsequent chances for school success, financial independence, and social
stability, thereby reducing achievement gaps between poor and more affluent youngsters.

Good childcare services critical for poor kids’ development

Susan Neuman, (Prof., Educational Studies, U. Michigan), CHANGING THE ODDS FOR CHILDREN
AT RISK: SEVEN ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS THAT BREAK
THE CYCLE OF POVERTY, 2009, 98.

The absence of high-quality child care weighs heavily on all families. But for working poor families, the
situation is more dire. With limited personal resources or subsidies, parents resort to unstable
arrangements, compounding the consequences of growing up poor. And tragically it is these children,
the children who live in poverty, who have the most to lose from poor care and the most to gain from
good care. Although associations are seldom large, we know that the positive effects of high-quality
childhood care for children from the very poorest home environments can endure long into the adult
years. When we ignore children's child care experiences, we jeopardize their chances to become self-
sufficient and we jeopardize our chances to change the odds.

High quality child care improves cognitive outcomes

Josefina Figueira-McDonough, (Prof., Emeritus, Justice and Social Inquiry, Arizona State U.), CHILD
POVERTY IN AMERICA TODAY, Vol. 3, 2007, 72.

Children who had experienced high quality child care show good outcomes on cognitive, social, and
emotional outcomes through kindergarten and up to the second grade. What's more, they rate higher in
competence and happiness. Such beneficial long-term outcomes are absent among children in low-
quality care, more likely to exist in states with minimal child care standards.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                             Child Care Improves Development
Good care means kids benefit when parents work
Susan Neuman, (Prof., Educational Studies, U. Michigan), CHANGING THE ODDS FOR CHILDREN
AT RISK: SEVEN ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS THAT BREAK
THE CYCLE OF POVERTY, 2009, 101.

The irony is that in good care, children benefit when parents work. Moving off welfare and into work
with incomes above the poverty threshold is associated with parent well-being and better child
outcomes. Children see the value of employment in combating poverty. They learn important lessons
about self-sufficiency and hard work. They become exposed to a richer educational environment. They
try harder not to repeat patterns that led to their parents' dependence on federal assistance, such as
dropping out of school, drug dependence, and teen pregnancy. It is to everybody's advantage to support
policies that help make work pay.

High quality child care improves educational achievement for kids
Susan Neuman, (Prof., Educational Studies, U. Michigan), CHANGING THE ODDS FOR CHILDREN
AT RISK: SEVEN ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS THAT BREAK
THE CYCLE OF POVERTY, 2009, 101.

Affordable, flexible, and high-quality child care helps reward work. Strikingly, the research suggests
that when previously welfare-dependent families are able to find high-quality child care centers instead
of having to make informal arrangements with kith, kin, or others, their children come better prepared
for school. "Kids who have been exposed to center-based care are between three and four months ahead
developmentally of kids who have remained in home-based settings all the time," reported Bruce Fuller
in his welfare-to-work multiyear study. The study found that as participating mothers went to work,
many more used their subsidies to enter their children into center-based programs rather than remaining
at home with kith or kin. Children in these high-quality centers displayed stronger learning trajectories --
cognitive abilities, language, and school readiness skills -- associations that remained robust over time.

High quality child care improves cognitive and social skills
Susan Neuman, (Prof., Educational Studies, U. Michigan), CHANGING THE ODDS FOR CHILDREN
AT RISK: SEVEN ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS THAT BREAK
THE CYCLE OF POVERTY, 2009, 101.

These findings are not just confined to one project. An analysis of the Next Generation Project, a study
based on 13 welfare and antipoverty programs, providing information on over 30,000 low-income
single-parent families, tells a similar story. Center-based care, in contrast to informal kith-and-kin
programs, can positively affect children's school achievement. When child care assistance policies
expand access to center-based care arrangements, parents appear to use them; in turn, children's
cognitive and social behavior improves. Similarly, in a separate study sponsored by the National
Institute for Child Health and Human Development, researchers found that children who regularly
attended center-based programs showed stronger cognitive growth in such areas as language skills and


                                                                                                         55
Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence

familiarity with print materials than children who were placed in some type of informal child care
arrangement.


                     Solvency -- Child Care Improves Development
High quality child care improves cognitive outcomes
Susan Neuman, (Prof., Educational Studies, U. Michigan), CHANGING THE ODDS FOR CHILDREN
AT RISK: SEVEN ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS THAT BREAK
THE CYCLE OF POVERTY, 2009, 102.

When children are given consistent, sensitive, and stimulating care, they are not harmed but helped
when mothers return to work. High-quality child care -- care that provides the social involvement of
adults with children and language interactions -- can work to benefit children's cognitive development,
especially for children who come from low-income families. Evidence associating quality of care and
early cognitive and language outcomes is striking in its consistency. According to the NICHD Early
Child Care Research Network, the impact of high-quality care has been found to continue well into the
school years, with the strongest effects for children who have the fewest resources and the greatest
stress. Children at special risk, growing up in persistent and concentrated poverty -- children being
raised by a single parent and children of school-aged mothers -- can find good child care not just a lift
but a lifeline for themselves and their parents.




                                                                                                        56
Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                              Center Based Child Care Solves
Center based child care solves
Jill Duerr Berrick, (Prof., Social Welfare, U. California, Berkeley), TAKE ME HOME: PROTECTING
AMERICAS VULNERABLE CHILDREN AND FAMILIIES, 2009, 23.

In addition to home visiting, some family support programs are specifically targeted to young children.
These programs can be categorized as "center-based" and include intensive early childhood education
paired with services to parents. Evidence from these programs shows that high-quality care can have
important effects on children and that these effects may be greatest for vulnerable children in low-
income families.




                                                                                                      57
Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                                   Free Market DA Answers
Market problems with child care
Josefina Figuera-McDonough, (Former Prof., Social Work, Arizona State U.), WELFARE, 2008, 94.

Some commentators point out that, at least for low-income workers, child care should not be left to the
market, which by definition responds to competitive pressures and profit. Many OECD (Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development) countries -- Denmark, England, Finland, New Zealand,
Scotland, Spain, and Sweden -- have made the care of preschool children a universal right. The delay of
the United States in responding to the balance of benefits/costs in child care may reflect an unresolved
schizophrenia. Two ideals -- the self-sufficiency/work ethic and the traditional nuclear family ethic, with
its gendered functions -- pull against each other.

Free market cannot solve child care problems
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
177.

Countering the conservative refrain that child care is a private problem to be solved by individual
families, Warner analyzes the structural problems in the economy and existing public policy deficits:
jobs that do not pay a living wage, workplace policies that do not support the roles of parents as
workers, the failure of planners and policy makers to recognize these critical realities faced by working
parents, and the lack of an adequate infrastructure of child care provisions.

Free market cannot solve child care problems
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
177.

The child care industry is not an undeveloped market, argues Warner, as much as it is a problem of
"market failure," which entails the need for "government regulation and investment" to ensure quality
and promote the professionalization of the child care sector. Because competition erodes quality in child
care due to cost pressures (reducing the ratios of staff to children, for example), Warner asserts it is
essential that government underwrite high quality care through adequate child care subsidies to parents
and direct subsidies to providers. Warner views child care as both a private and public good. As a public
good, it supports parents by enabling them to be productive members of the work force and contributes
to expanding the earnings of working parents, and, she argues, the entire society benefits from the
human capital investment in children -- the future work force.




                                                                                                        58
Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                                      Spending DA Answers
Research demonstrates that child care is cost beneficial
Josefina Figuera-McDonough, (Former Prof., Social Work, Arizona State U.), WELFARE, 2008, 94.

Evidence from the Perry School in Ypsilanti, Michigan, the North Carolina Abecedarian Project, and the
Chicago Child-Parent Program confirm this. All three programs developed preschool programs for
children living in poverty. By age 20, those who had been enrolled in any of these experiments had
significantly higher rates of secondary school completion and lower rates of juvenile delinquency than
the control groups. The Chicago Program calculated that good public child care would result in a return
to society of $7 for every dollar spent on the program, calculating both tax revenues from future
economic activity and savings in remedial education and crime control costs. In sum, good child care
might in fact be an effective tool in breaking the generational cycle of poverty.

Benefits outweigh costs by billions

Katherine Newman, (Prof. Sociology, Princeton U.), ENDING POVERTY IN AMERICA: HOW TO
RESTORE THE AMERICAN DREAM, 2007, 111.

The most enlightened child-care policies are those that move young children into enriched early
childhood development to improve cognitive skills and increase school readiness. Economist Robert
Lynch points to the smart investment that high-quality early childhood programs represent in improved
academic performance, lifetime earnings, and decreased rates of criminal conduct for poor children who
participate in these programs. "Within 45 years," he writes, "the increase in earnings due to [early
childhood development] investments would likely boost the GDP by nearly one-half of 1%, or $107
billion (in 2004 dollars)." We now have several decades' worth of experience with Head Start, the
ambitious federal initiative to boost the cultural capital of poor children, and it largely bears these
findings out. Indeed, Lynch forecasts that benefits would outweigh costs by $31 billion by the year 2030
if we implemented a universal program of early childhood development today.

High quality child care has beneficial impact on educational achievement
Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007, 12.

And from a cost-benefit analysis, it is indisputable that investment in the early lives of young children
has clear demonstrable payoffs -- individual, social, and economic. The human capital benefits of
investing in high quality child care programs point to increased student achievement, improved health,
greater family stability, and young adult productivity. High quality child care appears to have a
particularly beneficial impact on low-income children's educational achievement.




                                                                                                        59
Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                                     Spending DA Answers
Child care is a sound economic development strategy
 Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
176.

Another argument that has gained currency in recent years is one that promotes strengthening the child
care industry as a sound economic development strategy, with impacts on local, regional, and national
economies. The "National Economic Impacts of the Child Care Sector" study examined the substantial
contributions that child care makes to the economy, focusing on expenditures on licensed child care,
employment in the child care industry, child care as a necessary infrastructure that enables the
employment and productivity of parents, and the value of investing in quality child care in terms of
future educational achievement and productivity of the work force.

Child care is cost beneficial

Valerie Polakow, (Prof., Educational Psychology & Early Childhood, Eastern Michigan U.), WHO
CARES FOR OUR CHILDREN? THE CHILD CARE CRISIS IN THE OTHER AMERICA, 2007,
176.

In 2001, $38 billion a year was spent on licensed child care programs alone, creating enough income to
support 2.8 million jobs, with one-third of those jobs in the child care industry. The child care sector
also generates $9 billion in tax revenues a year. More Americans, in fact, are employed in the child care
sector -- 934,000 -- than are employed as public secondary school teachers. By enabling parents to work,
the formal child care sector accounts for over $100 billion in annual earnings. Every dollar spent in the
formal child care sector generates $15.25 in additional earnings by parents. Child care services, it is
argued, are thus an essential part of the work force, enabling parents to work. Projections indicated that
by 2010, 85% of the labor force will be parents, and the number of working women is expected to
exceed the number of working men.




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Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                                        States CP Answers
State budgets can't handle child care

James Crone, (Prof., Sociology, Hanover College), HOW CAN WE SOLVE OUR SOCIAL
PROBLEMS, 2007, 66-67.

Our state governments and the federal government have recognized the problem of the cost of child care
for low-income parents and have provided funds to help pay a portion of the child care costs. This help
with mothers' child care expense gives mothers on welfare an added incentive to go to work, even with a
minimum wage job. The problem, however, is that with the downturn in the economy during recent
years, state governments have needed to hold the line on what they can afford to give out in child care
subsidies. For example, the state of Kentucky has a waiting list of 2,700 parents who have applied for
child care funding, but the state is unable to satisfy their requests. This lack of funding makes it harder
for these parents to get off of welfare and hold a job or, if they currently have a minimum wage job, to
continue to work without going back on welfare.

State budgets can't handle child care

Josefina Figueira-McDonough, (Prof., Emeritus, Justice and Social Inquiry, Arizona State U.), CHILD
POVERTY IN AMERICA TODAY, Vol. 3, 2007, 79.

This mismatch between child-care funding and demand worsened in 2001, when many state budgets
went into crisis. By then, the states served 18 percent -- one in seven -- of federally eligible children.
The situation has deteriorated further. Thirteen states decreased their investment in child-care assistance
in 2002. In one of these states, California, over 200,000 eligible children are on the waiting list. The
costs of services and restrictions on these services jeopardize poor women trying to keep up their work
commitments, and lack of access to quality child care aggravates the problem.

Federal government should guarantee child care
 John Podesta, (Pres., Center for American Progress), POVERTY: OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS SERIES,
2008, 153.

We propose that the federal and state governments guarantee child care help to families with incomes
below about $40,000 a year, with expanded tax help to higher-earning families. At the same time, states
should be encouraged to improve the quality of early education and broaden access to early education
for all children. Our child care expansion would raise employment among low-income parents and help
nearly 3 million parents and children escape poverty.




                                                                                                         61
Planet Debate 2009 – Child Care Affirmative Evidence


                                        States CP Answers
Federal government should guarantee child care

Mark Greenberg, (Dir., Task Force on Poverty, Center for American Progress), THE NEXT
GENERATION OF ANTIPOVERTY POLICIES, 2007, 74.

A better approach would restructure both tax and nontax policy as part of an overall national child care
strategy. Congress should expand the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit (CDCTC) and replace the
existing block grant structure with a new federal-state matching structure to guarantee subsidy assistance
to families with incomes below 200 percent of the official poverty line. A guarantee of child care
assistance that does not depend on a family's state of residence, or on its welfare status, or on whether
the funding for the year had been exhausted would promote work, ensure better care for children, and
reduce poverty among working families.




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