Speech PSC
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Speech By
HARRY GANOO
Secretary to Cabinet
and Head of the Civil Service
on the occasion of the
GOLDEN JUBILEE
of the
PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION
on
30 May 2005 at 10 30 a.m.
at
La Grande Cannelle
Domaine Les Pailles
Mr President,
The Chairman, Public and Disciplined Forces Service Commissions
Deputy Chairmen of the Public Service Commission
Commissioners of the Public and Disciplined Forces Service Commissions
Colleagues Senior Chief Executives and Permanent Secretaries
Distinguished Guests
I am honoured to have been given the opportunity to address you
this morning on the occasion of the celebrations marking the 50th
anniversary of the Public Service Commission. Let me congratulate the
Chairman and the Commissioners of the Public Service Commission for
having taken the initiative to celebrate this event. I would also like to
congratulate the PSC for its significant contribution during the last 50 years
to the development of the Civil Service and I wish the Commission every
success in all its future undertakings.
The PSC as we all know, is vested with the constitutional
responsibility for appointments, promotions and discipline in the Public
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Service. However, its mission goes well beyond that of an ordinary
employment agency as some may tend to think as the PSC also shares the
lofty responsibility for maintaining ethical standards and safeguarding
public confidence in the Public Service. As such, it continues to occupy a
pivotal role in our institutional landscape. This event may be the
appropriate time for all those at the helm of the PSC to take stock of what
have been accomplished in the fifty years gone by, draw the lessons and
celebrate the achievements and success. But above all, this should be an
occasion for the PSC to scan its environment and see what’s coming up the
hill so as to prepare the institution to face the upcoming challenges and
ensure that it continues to deliver effectively on its constitutional mandate.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
For today’s address I have chosen to speak on the character and the
core values of the Civil Service, and whether these values are being eroded
by the so called politicization of the Civil Service and finally on the
desirability of introducing a code for the guidance of Ministers and
Advisers so as to reinforce these fundamental values.
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I must here say that I have drawn profusely from the valedictory
speech of Sir Richard Wilson, former Secretary to Cabinet in the British
Civil Service.
All of us know that the constitutional and practical role of the Public
Service is to assist the duly constituted Government in formulating
policies, carrying out its decisions and administering public services for
which the Government is accountable to Parliament. As public officers, we
are therefore expected to work under the direction of the democratically
elected government of the day.
However, although the Civil Service owes its loyalty to the
government of the day, it is not the creature of any government. It has an
identity of its own, and it has over time developed a character of its own
which makes it a repository of values in public life, provided of course that
it remains fit for purpose.
Sir Richard Wilson defines the following four traits of the character of
the Civil Service.
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First, integrity. Sir Richard says, and I quote,
“I believe that it is a real benefit to the nation to know that the permanent
body of men and women at the core of the State are committed to public service and
to the conduct of public affairs with integrity. I do not intend to imply that others
lack integrity. I simply make the point because there is ample evidence abroad of
the harm that can follow if public servants lack this tradition”. unquote
Second, political impartiality. Sir Richard believes “that there is real
benefit in having a non-partisan Civil Service and states that -
“it is fundamental to the working of our constitution that governments
should use the resources entrusted to them, including the Civil Service, for the
benefit of the country as a whole and not for the benefit of their political party, and
that opposition parties should feel confident that this position is being respected.
The non-political character of our Civil Service underpins that convention. Very
few countries have such a Civil Service. It is an asset which I believe politicians of
all parties value”. unquote
The third trait of character defined by Sir Richard is merit, by which
he means the ability to do the job, plus the right personal qualities. There
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is indeed real benefit in recruiting and promoting public officers on the
basis of merit rather than their political loyalty or personal connections.
This is not because political loyalty in itself is bad; it is not, says Sir
Richard. The vital thing is to get the best people into key jobs. The merit
principle does this and underpins political impartiality.
The fourth and last trait, is the ability of the Civil Service to work for
successive governments. In the words of Sir Richard, “the permanence of a
non-political service carries with it a commitment to certain standards of conduct
and discretion which ensure that it can provide loyal service to whatever
government is in power, responding flexibly to new political priorities. It also
ensures that there is in every government department a body of knowledge and
experience – a corporate memory – which is at the disposal of every government,
however inexperienced”.
Ladies and Gentlemen, if we are to maintain our Civil Service as an
institution of value and a force in public life, we must, by all means, protect
and preserve its sacrosanct character and the core values which constitute
its foundation.
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As you all know, Civil Service reform has always been at the top of
every government’s agenda. However, the reform process and the
preservation of values cannot be dissociated. All the reform programmes
initiated so far have taken into account the need to protect the fundamental
values that underpin our Civil Service and they have in fact been targeted
at consolidating those very values. We have so far spent a lot of time and
money under these reform programmes. But I believe that pouring in extra
money alone will not be enough. We need at the same time to have in
place a comprehensive process and system that will demonstrate that
reform is producing the desired impact and the scale of improvement
required. We have certainly made very good progress.
But inspite of all the positive measures that have been introduced for
the improvement of the Civil Service and the consolidation of its core
values, we have often heard that the Civil Service is being politicised. But
is that really so?
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Ladies and Gentlemen,
The relationships between public officers and Ministers should be
one of mutual trust and understanding. This is crucial for the effectiveness
of any Government. The success of the top team in any organization
depends to a great extent on loyalty and trust. The accusation about the
politicization of our Civil Service is that the Government wants people who
are their cronies or “one of them” and that the Civil Service is being used as
an arm of the political party in power. This issue has also been the subject
of debate recently in Britain among both academics and practitioners.
Speaking on this very issue, Sir Richard Wilson said, and I quote,
“in practice there is no evidence that Ministers want the permanent Civil
Servants who work for them to share their political views. What Ministers are
interested in, quite rightly, is having competent people working for them, the best
people to do the job. The eternal challenge for the Civil Service is to win the trust
of the Government of the day in its ability to serve them well. It requires a
constant supply of able rising stars in every field. But that is not politicization.”
Unquote
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I must say that I totally subscribe to these views and that the
situation is not different as far as our Ministers are concerned. Our Civil
Service is a national asset that is leased by successive Governments to
whom its loyalty should be instantly available on tap. The Civil Service is
not any government’s individual property. It has not been so over the 37
years of our independence and there is no sign it is becoming so now. If it
does, the internal balance of the whole system will change. However, the
Government of the day is perfectly entitled to expect a highly performing
and responsive Civil Service and for this purpose it may take such
measures as it deems fit, including for example the hiring of new people
having new vision and the overhauling of certain bureaucrative rigidities,
etc., provided it does not change the fundamental values of the Civil
Service. But again, this cannot by any means be termed as politicization.
The question that we should perhaps ask ourselves is whether the
dangers of drawing public officers into the political arena are growing with
the increasing prominence of civil servants in public life following mainly
the advent of private radios in the audiovisual environment. There is now
much more news coverage round the clock, more competition and more
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questions that dominate the political environment. Our actions as civil
servants have become the subject of daily public scrutiny and comments on
private radios. But civil servants cannot and should not become public
figures and give personal views on government policies or else loyalty and
trust will be eroded.
The other charge is that the Civil Service is being dragged into the
political arena as it is being used to implement the political manifesto of the
Government. This is also unjustified. The Civil Service is here precisely for
that – to implement the Government’s programme. However, although
there may not be any perceptible level of politicisation, it has been argued
that the danger may be of a more insidious kind where a young officer
seeing that advice which Ministers want to hear falls with a joyous note in
their ears - and advice which they need to hear falls on their ears with a
rather dismal note - will tend to make him twist his advice to what
Ministers want to hear rather than to what they need to hear.
But still I take exception to the allegations about the politicisation of
the Civil Service. As you are aware, a few years back we introduced a
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Code of Ethics for Public Officers to supplement other existing manuals.
The Code sets out the framework within which Public Officers work and
the values they are expected to uphold. In our endeavour to protect the
fundamental values of the Civil Service, there has obviously been a natural
tendency to focus on Public Officers alone. But the reputation of the Civil
Service does not rest solely on the shoulders of Public Officers. We share
this responsibility with all our Ministers and for quite some time now, with
their Advisers.
Ministers have a strong hold on the Ministries they are responsible
for and control, specially if they tend to give a wider interpretation to their
fuzzy mandate under the Constitution, and thus tend to assume more
powers than the founding fathers intended. Politics attracts the person
who is eager to change society to his own view. The Minister is therefore
naturally tempted to take actions that yield results in the short term. This
may lead to the administration being subject to political influence. The
result of such encroachment by Ministers over the administration may
easily be imagined. It is generally agreed that the Minister and the Civil
Servant, have each his role in the initiation, formulation and execution of
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public policies. Neither can substitute for the other. Those who have tried
to usurp the functions of the other have inevitably headed for a fall.
Modern governance and administration is based on the premises that the
separation of rules and functions between politics (fonctionnaire d’autorité)
and administration (fonctionnaire de gestion) increases the quality and
potential of either of them. Civil servants should be able to ‘speak truth to
power’ as it is a vital ingredient of professional ethics and moral integrity
of not only civil servants but the administrative machinery as a whole.
As we know, according to our Constitution, the Minister is
responsible for the good administration of his ministry within the confines
of the Constitution and of our existing laws.
On the other hand, the Constitution also provides that a ministry
under the responsibility of a Minister shall be supervised by a Supervising
Officer, i.e. a Senior Chief Executive or as in most cases, a Permanent
Secretary.
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Between the political and administrative chambers is found in every
department of Government a grey area. It is in this grey area that political
and administrative influences meet and confront each other. This grey area
can be an area of much or little activity, but it has the potential to colour the
tone of a Ministry and of the Civil Service.
Since Ministers share the responsibility for upholding the values of
the Civil Service, they too are required to behave according to the highest
standards of constitutional and professional conduct in the performance of
their duties and to contribute to reduce the risk of ‘colouring’ and
‘politicizing’ the Civil Service. It is mainly for this reason, that in Britain,
the Government has deemed it fit to introduce a Ministerial Code which
provides guidance to Ministers on how they should conduct the affairs of
the State in order to uphold these standards. The Code which applies to
all members of the Government, lists the principles which should prevail
in particular situations. It covers issues of Parliamentary Customs, practice
and procedures and also the more substantive issues of ministerial
conduct. The Code has recently been reviewed by the Committee on
Standards in Public Life, chaired by Sir Nigel Wicks. This Committee has
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even recommended that the Code should be defined as having equal
weight and authority as the existing Civil Service Code.
The introduction of such a code in Mauritius will, in my opinion, not
only help considerably in clarifying the grey area that characterizes the
political/administrative interface, but it will also contribute significantly in
enhancing public trust in Government. Besides, it will certainly dovetail
the Code on Good Corporate Governance, the introduction of which was
unanimously welcomed by all of us in Mauritius.
The code would not be a rule book and it would certainly not be the
role of the Secretary to the Cabinet or other officials to enforce it. In fact the
Wicks Report has recommended that the Secretary to Cabinet and
Permanent Secretaries should have no responsibility whatsoever for giving
advice to Ministers on conflict of interests arising under the Ministerial
Code. Ministers are personally responsible for decisions how to act and
conduct themselves in the light of the Code. Ministers remain in office as
long as they retain the confidence of the Prime Minister. It is therefore the
Prime Minister who is the ultimate judge of the standards of behaviour
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expected of a Minister and the appropriate consequences for any breach of
these standards.
Any eventual code for Ministers would have to be framed against the
background of the overarching duty of Ministers to comply with the law,
to uphold the administration of justice and to protect the integrity of public
life. The code would impose an obligation on Ministers to observe the
seven principles of public life, i.e. selflessness, integrity, objectivity,
accountability, openness, honesty and leadership. It might also cover,
inter-alia, the following areas of ministerial life :-
(i) Matters pertaining to Cabinet proceedings;
(ii) Conduct in the National Assembly;
(iii) Legal proceeding involving Ministers;
(iv) Membership of Select Committees;
(v) Ministers interactions with Public Officers;
(vi) The role of the Accounting Officer;
(vii) Public Officers and Party Conferences;
(viii) Contacts of Ministers with outside groups, including lobbyists;
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(ix) Minister’s constituency and Party Interest;
(x) Relations with other Governments;
(xi) Expenses on travel abroad and hospitality;
(xii) Acceptance of hospitality and gifts;
(xiii) Presentation of Government’s policies and broadcast by
Ministers;
(xiv) Writing of press articles and books by Ministers;
(xv) Writing for Party and other publications;
(xvi) Complaints against the Media;
(xvii) Minister’s private interests;
(xviii) Relations with NGOs and Trade Unions
(xix) Financial interest, Partnership and Directorship; and
(xx) Acceptance of appointments after leaving ministerial office.
A Code covering all the issues which are likely to arise in the areas
just mentioned would not only be an immensely useful guide to all
Ministers but would significantly enhance transparency, public trust and
confidence in the running of Government business. In Mauritius, the
Manual of Cabinet Procedures is the only document that is provided to a
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Minister on his assumption of office. First-time Ministers have to learn all
the rest on the job. The Wicks Committee Report I referred to earlier, has
gone very far in even recommending a scheme for the Education and
Training of Ministers. Experience elsewhere has indeed shown that there is
a need to prepare Ministers who have had no previous experience of
Government. In the UK there is already a programme of joint seminars
and workshops for Ministers and Senior Civil Servants and reports indicate
that three quarters of Ministers have attended at least one such seminar.
Recognising the crucial relationship between Civil Servants and Ministers,
and the need for incoming Ministers to trust the Civil Service they inherit
from a previous administration, the Committee has recommended Training
and Education for the following groups :
(i) Opposition politicians shadowing Cabinet posts;
(ii) New and inexperienced Ministers entering Government on a
change of administration; and
(iii) New Ministers appointed during the lifetime of a Government.
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Such training, it has been recommended, should focus on how
Government works, its organisation, standards and boundaries and the
role of the Civil Service.
I believe that in Mauritius we have reached a stage where, through
our membership of, and affiliations with, specialized international
organizations like the Commonwealth Association of Public
Administration and Management, we can envisage to expand our training
options in place to cover the needs of both the newly appointed Ministers
and of opposition politicians shadowing Cabinet posts.
Finally I would like to come to the role of Advisers particularly
Political Advisers. Increasingly Governments are securing the services of
Special Advisers who have now become part of our political system. And
they are no doubt here to stay. I think there is nothing wrong in that.
Public Officers cannot claim to have the monopoly of giving advice to
Ministers. The Government should be able to tap other professional
sources for advice. Sir Richard advises that “we should take a positive
approach to their role, bring them in from the shadows, put them on a proper
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footing, as clearly as we can, and recognize that they have a legitimate contribution
to make to the working of government as it is evolving. They can help understand
the mind of the Minister, work alongside officials on the Minister’s behalf and
handle party-political aspects of government business”.
Advisers are employed to help Ministers on matters where the work
of Government and the work of the government party overlap and where it
would not be appropriate for permanent public officers to become
involved. They are an additional resource for the Minister providing
advice from a standpoint that is more politically committed than would be
available to a Minister from the Civil Service. In this way they can surely
help protect the Civil Service against allegations of politicisation.
But I also believe that Advisers must remain subject to many of the
canons and disciplines of government service. There should be a Code of
Conduct for Advisers as well, which would, inter-alia define:
(i) the sort of work an Adviser might do;
(ii) their status and conduct;
(iii) their relations with the government party;
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(iv) their interactions with the media; and
(v) their involvement in politics.
However, it would perhaps be wiser to clarify what they should not
be doing rather than what they should do. It has been suggested that
Advisers should not have any role in the appraisal, reward and promotion
of public officers or in the appraisal and award of public contracts. They
should not exercise any statutory powers nor any management functions in
respect of the Civil Service and they should also not be allowed to
authorise expenditure from public funds. For at the end of the day it is the
civil servant, and not the Minister or the Adviser, who is personally
accountable for the propriety and regularity of public finances.
Ladies and Gentlemen
The thoughts that I wanted to share with you today reflect
some of the concerns that I have had during the past years in particular
how to instill more public trust and confidence in our institutions. Not
everyone will agree with all that I have said, but I sincerely believe that
these issues need to be aired and debated. May I therefore venture to
suggest that the Government coming to power after the forthcoming
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General Elections, consider the desirability of setting up a working group
to examine the proposals for the preparation of a Ministerial Code and a
Code of Conduct for Advisers. Even if partly implemented, I consider that
these proposals will not only help reduce the perception of the
politicisation of the Civil Service and improve standards of propriety, but
will also enhance transparency and public trust in the Government
machinery and help further strengthen our democracy.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I wish the PSC well and I thank you for your
time and attention.
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