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Document Sample
A Grammar of Tiranige
Dogon language family
Mali
Jeffrey Heath
University of Michigan
draft dated December 2011
fragmentary early draft, do not cite
author’s email
schweinehaxen@hotmail.com
color coding (excluding section and chapter headings) as indicated below will
permit fast searching; color coding (especially brown, pink, red) can eventually
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blue transcriptions for this language
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red comments to oneself (e.g. data to be elicited, section to be rewritten)
orange temporary cross-refs to examples in other sections, especially those of
the form "see (xx3) in §5.1.2"; since the numbering of sections
and of exx may change it is useful to include a fragment from
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example numbers are entered, e.g. "see (xx3) in §5.1.2
("milked the cows")"
dk yellow Jamsay forms in sample index, to be replaced by forms from the
language in question
1
Contents
1 Introduction ........................................................................................1
1.1 Dogon languages .................................................................................... 1
1.2 Tiranige (aka Duleri) language ............................................................... 1
1.3 Environment ........................................................................................... 1
1.4 Previous study of and current fieldwork on Tiranige ............................. 1
1.4.1 Previous study .................................................................................. 1
1.4.2 Fieldwork ......................................................................................... 2
1.4.3 Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 2
2 Sketch ..................................................................................................3
2.1 Phonology ............................................................................................... 3
2.1.1 Segmental phonology....................................................................... 3
2.1.2 Prosody ............................................................................................ 3
2.1.3 Key phonological rules .................................................................... 3
2.2 Inflectable verbs ..................................................................................... 3
2.3 Noun phrase (NP) ................................................................................... 4
2.4 Case-marking and PPs ............................................................................ 4
2.5 Main clauses and constituent order ........................................................ 4
2.6 Nominalized clauses and constituent order ............................................ 5
2.7 Relative clauses ...................................................................................... 5
2.8 Interclausal syntax .................................................................................. 5
3 Phonology ...........................................................................................7
3.1 General ................................................................................................... 7
3.2 Internal phonological structure of stems and words ............................... 7
3.2.1 Syllables ........................................................................................... 7
3.2.2 Metrical structure ............................................................................. 7
3.3 Consonants ............................................................................................. 7
3.3.1 Alveopalatals (c, j) ........................................................................... 8
3.3.2 Voiced velar stop g and g-Spirantization (g→) ............................. 8
3.3.3 Back nasals (ŋ, ɲ) ............................................................................ 8
3.3.4 Voiceless labials (p, f) .................................................................... 8
3.3.5 Laryngeals (h, ʔ) ............................................................................. 8
3.3.6 Sibilants (s, , z, ) ........................................................................ 8
3.3.7 Nasalized sonorants (rⁿ, wⁿ, yⁿ) ................................................... 9
3
3.3.8 Consonant clusters ........................................................................... 9
3.3.8.1 Word- and morpheme-initial CC clusters ................................. 9
3.3.8.2 Medial geminated CC clusters ................................................... 9
3.3.8.3 Medial non-geminate CC clusters.............................................. 9
3.3.8.4 Medial triple CCC clusters ...................................................... 10
3.3.8.5 Final CC clusters ...................................................................... 10
3.4 Vowels .................................................................................................. 10
3.4.1 Short and (oral) long vowels .......................................................... 10
3.4.2 Nasalized vowels ........................................................................... 10
3.4.3 Initial vowels.................................................................................. 11
3.4.4 Stem-final vowels .......................................................................... 11
3.4.5 Vocalic harmony ............................................................................ 11
3.4.6 Vocalism of verb-stem alternations ............................................... 11
3.5 Segmental phonological rules ............................................................... 13
3.5.1 Trans-syllabic consonantal processes ............................................ 13
3.5.1.1 Nasalization-Spreading ........................................................... 13
3.5.1.2 Consonantal metathesis in suffixal derivatives of verbs ......... 13
3.5.2 Vocalism of suffixally derived verbs ............................................. 14
3.5.2.1 Suffixal Vowel-Spreading ....................................................... 14
3.5.2.2 Presuffixal V2-Raising ............................................................. 14
3.5.3 Other vocalic rules sensitive to syllabic or metrical structure ....... 14
3.5.3.1 Epenthesis................................................................................ 14
3.5.3.2 Syncope ................................................................................... 14
3.5.4 Apocope ......................................................................................... 15
3.5.4.1 Word-Final (High-Vowel) Apocope ...................................... 15
3.5.4.2 Inter-Word Apocope ............................................................... 15
3.5.5 Local consonant sequence rules ..................................................... 15
3.5.5.1 Derhoticization (/rⁿ/ to n) ...................................................... 16
3.5.5.2 Rhotic Assimilation ................................................................. 16
3.5.5.3 Rhotic-Cluster/Sequence Lateralization (/rr/ll) or
/rvr/lvl) .......................................................................................... 16
3.5.5.4 Rhotic-Cluster Fortition (/rr/ or /rⁿr/ > /t/) ........................ 16
3.5.5.5 Rhotic-Fortition (/r/ > /d/ after nasal) .................................... 16
3.5.5.6 Semivowel-Fortition (/w/ > /b/ or /g/ after nasal) ................... 16
3.5.5.7 Semivowel-Assimilation (/wy/ > /ww/) ................................... 16
3.5.5.8 Alternation of m and {w wⁿ } ................................................. 17
3.5.5.9 Alternations involving stem-final {y yⁿ} ............................. 17
3.5.6 Vowel-vowel and vowel-semivowel sequences ............................ 17
3.5.6.1 Hiatus between adjacent vowels in reduplications .................. 17
3.5.6.2 VV-Contraction ....................................................................... 17
3.5.7 Local vowel-consonant interactions............................................... 18
3.5.7.1 Vowel-Semivowel Assimilation.............................................. 18
4
3.5.7.2 Monophthongization (/iy/ to i:, /uw/ to u:) ........................ 18
3.6 Cliticization .......................................................................................... 18
3.6.1 Phonology of ‘it is’ clitic clitic ................................................... 19
3.7 Tones .................................................................................................... 19
3.7.1 Lexical tone patterns ...................................................................... 19
3.7.1.1 At least one H-tone in each stem ............................................. 19
3.7.1.2 Lexical tones of verbs ............................................................. 19
3.7.1.3 Lexical tone patterns for unsegmentable noun stems .............. 20
3.7.1.4 Lexical tone patterns for adjectives and numerals .................. 21
3.7.1.5 Tone contours or H-tone accent?............................................. 21
3.7.1.6 Possible lexically {L}-toned stems ......................................... 21
3.7.1.7 Tone-Component location for bitonal noun stems .................. 22
3.7.1.8 Tone-Component location for tritonal noun stems .................. 22
3.7.2 Grammatical tone patterns ............................................................. 22
3.7.2.1 Grammatical tones for verb stems ........................................... 22
3.7.2.2 Grammatical tones for noun stems .......................................... 23
3.7.2.3 Grammatical tones for adjectives and numerals ...................... 23
3.7.3 Tonal morphophonology ................................................................ 24
3.7.3.1 Autosegmental tone association (verbs) .................................. 24
3.7.3.2 Phonology of {HL} tone contour ............................................ 24
3.7.3.3 Tonal changes in decimal numerals ........................................ 25
3.7.3.4 Atonal-Morpheme Tone-Spreading ........................................ 25
3.7.4 Low-level tone rules ...................................................................... 25
3.7.4.1 Rising-Tone (or: Contour-Tone) Mora-Addition .................... 25
3.7.4.2 Contour-Tone Stretching ......................................................... 25
3.7.4.3 Final-Tone Resyllabification ................................................... 25
3.7.4.4 Rightward H-Spreading........................................................... 26
3.7.4.5 Stranded-Tone Re-Linking ...................................................... 26
3.7.4.6 Final-Cv R-to-H Reduction ..................................................... 26
3.8 Intonation contours ............................................................................... 26
3.8.1 Phrase and clause-final terminal contours () ......................... 26
3.8.2 Expressive elements with lexically specified prolongation () .... 27
3.8.3 Dying-quail intonational effect .................................................. 27
4 Nominal, pronominal, and adjectival morphology .......................29
4.1 Nouns.................................................................................................... 29
4.1.1 Simple nouns.................................................................................. 29
4.1.1.1 Singular (zero) and plural (ge) ............................................... 29
4.1.1.2 Frozen classifying suffixes (*-ŋge, *-ge, *-ŋgɔ) ................ 31
4.1.2 Irregular nouns (‘woman’, 'man', ‘child’, ‘person’, ‘thing’) .......... 33
4.1.3 ‘So-and-so’..................................................................................... 33
4.1.4 Initial Cv- reduplication in nouns .................................................. 33
5
4.1.5 Final reduplications in nouns ......................................................... 33
4.1.6 Nouns with full-stem iteration ....................................................... 33
4.1.7 Frozen initial a- or aN- in nouns ................................................. 34
4.2 Derived nominals.................................................................................. 34
4.2.1 Characteristic derivative ................................................................ 34
4.2.2 Verbal Nouns (-w ) ...................................................................... 34
4.2.3 Instrument nominals....................................................................... 35
4.2.4 Uncompounded agentives .............................................................. 35
4.2.5 Expressive iteration ........................................................................ 35
4.3 Pronouns ............................................................................................... 35
4.3.1 Basic personal pronouns ................................................................ 35
4.3.2 Personal pronouns as complements of postpositions ..................... 36
4.3.3 Personal pronouns as complements of postpositions ..................... 36
4.4 Definite and deictic words .................................................................... 37
4.4.1 Determiners .................................................................................... 37
4.4.1.1 Definite morpheme (r ) ......................................................... 37
4.4.1.2 ‘This/that’ (deictic demonstrative pronouns) .......................... 38
4.4.1.3 Prenominal Discourse-Definite ko ‘that (same)’ ..................... 39
4.4.1.4 Anaphoric/logophoric demonstrative pronouns ...................... 39
4.4.2 Demonstrative adverbs................................................................... 39
4.4.2.1 Locative adverbs ..................................................................... 39
4.4.2.2 Emphatic and Approximinative modifiers of adverbs............. 40
4.4.3 Presentatives (‘here’s !’) ............................................................ 40
4.5 Adjectives ............................................................................................. 40
4.5.1 Morphologically simple adjectives ................................................ 41
4.5.2 Iterated adjective stems .................................................................. 43
4.5.3 Phrasal adjectives (exemplars) ....................................................... 43
4.5.4 Negative adjectives (- ) ............................................................. 43
4.5.5 Diminutive adjectives (-w ) ......................................................... 44
4.6 Participles ............................................................................................. 45
4.6.1 Negative participial adjectives (-r ) ............................................ 46
4.7 Numerals............................................................................................... 46
4.7.1 Cardinal numerals .......................................................................... 46
4.7.1.1 ‘One’ ( ), ‘same (one)’ ( ), and ‘other’ ( :).... 46
4.7.1.2 ‘2’ to ‘10’ ................................................................................ 46
4.7.1.3 Decimal multiples (‘10’, ‘20’, ) and their combinations (‘11’,
‘59’, ) 47
4.7.1.4 Large numerals (‘100’, ‘1000’, ) and their composites ....... 48
4.7.1.5 Currency .................................................................................. 48
4.7.1.6 Distributive numerals .............................................................. 48
4.7.2 Ordinal adjectives .......................................................................... 48
4.7.2.1 ‘First’ and ‘last’ ....................................................................... 49
6
4.7.2.2 Other ordinals (suffix -ŋŋŋ) .................................................. 49
4.7.3 Fractions and portions .................................................................... 50
5 Nominal and adjectival compounds ...............................................51
5.1 Nominal compounds ............................................................................. 51
5.1.1 Compounds of type ] ...................................................... 51
5.1.2 Compounds of type ]......................................................... 51
5.1.3 Compounds with final Verbal Noun, type -VblN] ............. 52
5.1.4 Possessive-type compounds ] ........................................... 52
5.1.5 Agentive compounds of type ] ............................................ 53
5.1.6 Compounds with ŋŋŋ ‘child’ (and ŋŋŋ ‘fruit’) ............................ 53
5.1.7 Compounds with ‘man’ (ŋŋŋ) and ‘woman’ (ŋŋŋ) ...................... 54
5.1.8 Compounds with ŋŋŋ ‘owner’ ...................................................... 54
5.1.9 Loose and tight compounds with ŋŋŋ (‘authentic’, ‘entire’) ........ 54
5.1.10 Natural-species compounds (X-m/na:-X) ................................ 55
5.1.11 Instrumental relative compounds (‘oil for rubbing’) ................... 55
5.1.12 Other phrasal compounds ............................................................ 55
5.1.13 Unclassified nominal compounds ................................................ 55
5.2 Adjectival compounds .......................................................................... 56
5.2.1 Bahuvrihi (“Blackbeard”) compounds ] or ] ... 56
5.2.1.1 With adjectival compound final ] ............................... 56
5.2.1.2 With numeral compound final ]............................. 56
5.2.2 Compounds of ŋŋŋ- ‘very’ plus adjective ................................... 56
6 Noun Phrase structure.....................................................................57
6.1 Organization of NP constituents ........................................................... 57
6.1.1 Linear order.................................................................................... 57
6.1.2 Headless NPs (absolute function of demonstratives, etc.) ............. 59
6.1.3 Bifurcation of relative-clause head NP .......................................... 59
6.1.4 Internal bracketing and tone-dropping in unpossessed NP ............ 60
6.2 Possessives ........................................................................................... 61
6.2.1 Alienable possession (Poss NP.PTC) ............................................ 61
6.2.1.1 Nonpronominal NP as prenominal alienable possessor .......... 61
6.2.1.2 Pronominal alienable possessor............................................... 62
6.2.1.3 Tone contour of modifiers following an alienably possessed
noun 63
6.2.2 Inalienable possession .................................................................... 65
6.2.2.1 Kin terms and similar relationship terms ................................ 65
6.2.2.2 Tone contour of modifiers following an inalienably possessed
noun 65
6.2.3 Recursive possession ..................................................................... 66
7
6.3 Core NP (noun plus adjective).............................................................. 66
6.3.1 Noun plus regular adjective ........................................................... 66
6.3.2 Adjective ŋŋŋ ‘certain (ones)’ ...................................................... 67
6.3.3 Expansions of adjective ................................................................. 67
6.3.3.1 Adjective sequences ................................................................ 67
6.3.3.2 Adjectival intensifiers ............................................................. 68
6.3.3.3 ‘Good to eat’............................................................................ 68
6.4 Numeral phrase (NumP) ....................................................................... 68
6.4.1 Ordinary NumPs ............................................................................ 68
6.4.2 Adj-Num Inversion ........................................................................ 68
6.5 NP with determiner............................................................................... 69
6.5.1 Prenominal ko ‘the (afore-mentioned)’ ......................................... 69
6.5.2 Postnominal demonstratives .......................................................... 69
6.5.3 Definite morpheme plus noun ........................................................ 71
6.6 Universal and distributive quantifiers................................................... 71
6.6.1 ‘All’ ( ) .................................................................................. 71
6.6.2 ‘Each’ (ŋŋŋ) .................................................................................. 72
6.6.3 Universal and distributive quantifiers with negation ..................... 72
6.7 Accusative (gi) .................................................................................... 73
7 Coordination.....................................................................................75
7.1 NP coordination .................................................................................... 75
7.1.1 NP conjunction (‘X and Y’) ........................................................... 75
7.1.1.1 Ordering of coordinands.......................................................... 75
7.1.1.2 Conjunction with final summative quantifier .......................... 75
7.1.1.3 'X and Y' with a modifier or postposition ............................... 76
7.1.2 “Conjunction” of verbs or VP’s ..................................................... 77
7.2 Disjunction ........................................................................................... 77
7.2.1 ‘Or’ (ŋŋŋ) ...................................................................................... 77
7.2.2 Clause-level disjunction ................................................................. 77
8 Postpositions and adverbials ........................................................... 79
8.1 Dative and instrumental ........................................................................ 79
8.1.1 Dative absent.................................................................................. 79
8.1.2 Instrumental ŋŋŋ ........................................................................... 80
8.2 Locational postpositions ....................................................................... 80
8.2.1 Locative, allative, and ablative functions....................................... 80
8.2.2 Simple and composite PPs ............................................................. 80
8.2.3 Locative 'in, at, on' ......................................................................... 81
8.2.3.1 Locative by vowel-lengthening ............................................... 81
8.2.3.2 Locative postposition (ŋa) ...................................................... 81
8
8.2.4 'Inside X' ( y ŋ ) ........................................................ 82
8.2.5 ‘On (the head of) X’ ( ŋ ) ...................................... 83
8.2.6 ‘Next to, beside X’ ([X :l ŋ , [X j l ŋ )............... 84
8.2.7 ‘In front of’ ( ŋ ) ...................................................... 85
8.2.8 ‘Behind/after X’ ( ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ) ............................................... 85
8.2.9 ‘Over X’ ( ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ), ‘under X’ ( ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ) ........... 86
8.2.10 ‘Between’ ( Y ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ) ............................................. 86
8.2.11 ‘From X to Y’ .............................................................................. 86
8.3 Purposive-Causal ‘for’ ( ) ............................................................ 86
8.4 Other adverbs (or equivalents) ............................................................. 87
8.4.1 Similarity (ŋŋŋ ‘like’) ................................................................... 87
8.4.2 Extent (‘a lot’, ‘a little’) ................................................................. 87
8.4.3 Specificity ...................................................................................... 88
8.4.3.1 ‘Approximately’ (ŋŋŋ) ........................................................... 88
8.4.3.2 ‘Exactly’ (ŋŋŋ, ŋŋŋ, ŋŋŋ) ..................................................... 88
8.4.3.3 ‘Specifically’ (ŋŋŋ) ................................................................ 88
8.4.4 Evaluation ...................................................................................... 89
8.4.4.1 ‘Well’ and ‘badly’ ................................................................... 89
8.4.4.2 ‘Proper, right, (socially) normal’ (ŋŋŋ) .................................. 89
8.4.5 Manner adverbs.............................................................................. 89
8.4.6 Spatiotemporal adverbials .............................................................. 89
8.4.6.1 Temporal adverbs .................................................................... 89
8.4.6.2 ‘First’ (ŋŋŋ) ............................................................................ 90
8.4.6.3 Spatial adverbs ........................................................................ 90
8.4.7 Expressive adverbials (EAs) .......................................................... 91
8.4.8 ‘Flat and wide' ................................................................................ 92
8.4.8.1 ‘Straight’ (ŋŋŋ) ....................................................................... 93
8.4.8.2 ‘Apart, separate’ (ŋŋŋ) ........................................................... 93
8.4.8.3 ‘Always’ (ŋŋŋ), ‘never’ (ŋŋŋ) ............................................... 93
8.4.8.4 ‘Exclusively, together’ (ŋŋŋ) ................................................. 93
8.4.8.5 ‘All, entirely’ (ŋŋŋ) ................................................................ 93
8.4.9 Reduplicated (iterated) adverbials ................................................. 94
8.4.9.1 Distributive adverbial iteration ................................................ 94
8.4.9.2 ‘Scattered, here and there’ (ŋŋŋ) ............................................ 94
9 Verbal derivation .............................................................................95
9.1 Reversive verbs (-lv-) ....................................................................... 95
9.2 Deverbal causative verbs ...................................................................... 98
9.2.1 Productive causative with suffix - - ......................................... 98
9.2.2 Minor causative suffixes ................................................................ 99
9.3 Passive suffix -ŋŋŋ- ......................................................................... 100
9.4 Mediopassive and Transitive .............................................................. 100
9
Alternation of Mediopassive -yo- and Transitive -ro- ~ -do-
9.4.1
100
9.4.2 )- 'do (sth)' and - - 'do (sth) for (sb)' ............... 102
9.5 Ambi-valent verbs without suffixal derivation ................................... 102
9.6 Deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbs ........................................ 103
9.7 Denominal verbs ................................................................................. 104
9.8 Obscure verb-verb relationships ......................................................... 104
10 Verbal inflection ...........................................................................107
10.1 Inflection of regular indicative verbs................................................ 107
10.1.1 AN suffixes or chained auxiliary verbs? .................................... 107
10.1.2 Overview of AN categories ....................................................... 108
10.1.3 Verb stem shapes ....................................................................... 110
10.1.3.1 Cv: verb stems ................................................................... 110
10.1.3.2 ŋŋŋ ‘xxx' [one such section for each irregular Cv(:) verb]
112
10.1.3.3 CvC verb stems ................................................................... 112
10.1.3.4 nCv- and mCv- verbs ....................................................... 113
10.1.3.5 Regular bisyllabic stems ...................................................... 113
10.1.3.6 ŋŋŋ ‘xxx' [one such section for each irregular bisyllabic
stem] 116
10.1.3.7 Trisyllabic stems ................................................................. 117
10.2 Positive indicative AN categories..................................................... 118
10.2.1 Perfective positive system (including perfect) ........................... 118
10.2.1.1 (Simple) Perfective .............................................................. 118
10.2.1.2 Perfective-1a -ŋŋŋ-, Perfective-1b -ŋŋŋ- ...................... 121
10.2.1.3 Perfective-2 (-s ) .............................................................. 123
10.2.1.4 Periphrastic resultative with 'have' ................................ 125
10.2.1.5 Experiential Perfect ‘have ever’ (- :) ............................. 127
10.2.1.6 Recent Perfect (-ŋŋŋ-) ...................................................... 127
10.2.1.7 Reduplicated Perfective (Cv-) ............................................ 128
10.2.2 Imperfective positive system ..................................................... 129
10.2.2.1 Imperfective (-w ~ - ) .................................................. 129
10.2.2.2 Reduplicated Imperfective (Cv-)........................................ 132
10.2.2.3 Progressive ( - ) ................................................. 132
10.2.2.4 Future (-ŋŋŋ-) ................................................................... 135
10.2.3 Negation of indicative verbs ...................................................... 135
10.2.3.1 Perfective Negative (-ni) .................................................. 135
10.2.3.2 Experiential Perfect Negative (- - ) ......................... 137
10.2.3.3 Recent Perfect Negative -ŋŋŋ-ŋŋŋ-................................ 138
10.2.3.4 Imperfective Negative (-ra- ~ -da) ................................ 139
10.2.3.5 Progressive Negative -ŋŋŋ-ŋŋŋ- .................................... 141
10
10.3 Pronominal paradigms for non-imperative verbs ............................. 142
10.3.1 Subject pronominal suffixes ...................................................... 142
10.3.2 Nonhuman (or inanimate) versus 3Sg subject ........................... 142
10.3.3 Vowel-consonant interactions of AN and pronominal suffixes . 143
10.3.4 Tones of subject pronominal suffixes ........................................ 143
10.4 Stative form of verbs (reduplicated and unreduplicated) ................. 143
10.4.1 Stative positive ........................................................................... 143
10.4.2 Stative Negative (-na) .............................................................. 145
10.5 Temporal clitics and particles ........................................................... 146
10.5.1 Past clitic (=ŋŋŋ) [or particle ŋŋŋ] .......................................... 146
10.5.1.1 Past Imperfective (positive and negative) ........................... 147
10.5.1.2 Past Progressive (positive and negative) ............................. 148
10.5.1.3 Past Perfect (positive and negative) .................................... 148
10.5.1.4 Past Experiential Perfect (positive and negative) ................ 149
10.5.1.5 Past Recent Perfect (positive and negative) ........................ 149
10.5.1.6 Past Stative (positive and negative)..................................... 149
10.5.2 ‘Still’, ‘up to now’, '(not) yet’ .................................................... 150
10.6 Imperatives and Hortatives ............................................................... 151
10.6.1 Imperatives and Prohibitives...................................................... 151
10.6.1.1 Imperative (unsuffixed singular, plural -y) ........................ 151
10.6.1.2 Prohibitive (- , plural - -y) ........................................ 154
10.6.2 Hortatives ................................................................................... 156
10.6.2.1 Hortative (-yⁿ, plural -y yⁿ) ........................................... 156
10.6.2.2 Hortative Negative (- yⁿ, plural - yⁿyⁿ ) ............... 159
10.6.3 Non-1st person hortatives .......................................................... 161
10.6.3.1 Third person Hortative (I/U-stem) ...................................... 161
10.6.3.2 Third person Hortative Negative (- yⁿ) ........................ 164
11 Clause, VP, and predicate structure ..........................................165
11.1 Clausal constituents .......................................................................... 165
11.1.1 Subjects ...................................................................................... 165
11.1.1.1 Subjects in indicative main clauses ..................................... 165
11.1.1.2 Subjects in relative and complement clauses ...................... 165
11.1.1.3 Subjects of imperative and hortative verbs ......................... 166
11.1.1.4 Subjects of lexicalized subject-verb combinations.............. 166
11.1.2 Simple transitives ....................................................................... 167
11.1.2.1 Direct objects of simple transitives ..................................... 167
11.1.2.2 ŋŋŋ 'do' with onomatopoeias and loanwords ...................... 167
11.1.2.3 Lexicalized verb-object combinations with low-referentiality
objects 168
11.1.2.4 Forms of cognate nominals associated with verbs .............. 168
11.1.2.5 Grammatical status of cognate nominal .............................. 171
11
11.1.3 Clauses with additional arguments and adjuncts ....................... 172
11.1.3.1 Syntax of expressive adverbials (EAs) ................................ 172
11.1.3.2 Adverbial phrases with verbs of motion, being in, and putting
173
11.1.3.3 Ditransitives ........................................................................ 173
11.1.3.4 Valency of causatives .......................................................... 174
11.1.4 Verb Phrase ................................................................................ 174
11.2 ‘Be’, ‘become’, ‘have’, and other statives and inchoatives .............. 174
11.2.1 ‘It is’ clitics ................................................................................ 174
11.2.1.1 Positive ‘it is’ (=ŋŋŋ) ......................................................... 175
11.2.1.2 ‘It is not’ (=ŋŋŋ-) .............................................................. 176
11.2.2 Existential and locative quasi-verbs and particles ..................... 177
11.2.2.1 Existential particle ( ~ ) .................................................. 177
11.2.2.2 'Be (present)' (bo- ~ w -, past b (:)- ......................... 179
11.2.2.3 Negative - 'is not (in a place)', ɔr- - 'was not' ......... 180
11.2.3 Other stative locational and positional quasi-verbs ................... 182
11.2.3.1 Other stative locational quasi-verbs ('be in/on') .................. 182
11.2.3.2 Stative stance/position quasi-verbs ................................. 183
11.2.4 'Become', 'happen', and 'remain' predicates................................ 183
11.2.4.1 ‘Remain’ ( -) .............................................................. 183
11.2.4.2 ‘Become, be transformed into’ ( -) ............................ 183
11.2.4.3 ‘Become’ related to 'be (somewhere) quasi-verbs (ŋŋŋ) .... 184
11.2.5 Mental and emotional statives ................................................... 184
11.2.5.1 ‘Know’ (y y)...................................................................... 184
11.2.5.2 ‘Want, like’ ( y-) ............................................................ 185
11.3 Quotative verb .................................................................................. 185
11.3.1 ‘Say’ (ŋŋŋ) ................................................................................ 185
11.4 Adjectival predicates ........................................................................ 186
11.4.1 Positive adjectival predicates ..................................................... 186
11.4.2 Negative adjectival and stative predicates (=ŋŋŋ) .................... 187
11.5 Possessive predicates ........................................................................ 188
11.5.1 ‘X have Y’ (ŋŋŋ)....................................................................... 188
11.5.2 ‘Y belong to X’ predicates ......................................................... 189
11.6 Verb iteration .................................................................................... 189
11.6.1 Uninflected iteration of type [v1-v1(-v1 )] .............................. 189
12 Comparatives ...............................................................................191
12.1 Asymmetrical comparatives ............................................................. 191
12.1.1 Predicative adjective with ŋŋŋ ‘than’ and comparandum ......... 191
12.1.2 Verbal predicate plus ŋŋŋ ‘than’............................................... 191
12.1.3 ‘Surpass’ (ŋŋŋ).......................................................................... 191
12.1.4 ‘Be better, be more’ (ŋŋŋ-) ...................................................... 192
12
12.1.5 ‘Best’ (ŋŋŋ) ............................................................................... 192
12.2 Symmetrical comparatives ............................................................... 192
12.2.1 ‘Equal; be as good as’ (ŋŋŋ) ..................................................... 192
12.2.2 ‘Same (equal)’ (ŋŋŋ) ................................................................. 193
12.2.3 ‘Attain, equal’ (ŋŋŋ) ................................................................. 193
12.3 ‘A fortiori’ (ŋŋŋ) ............................................................................. 193
13 Focalization and interrogation ...................................................195
13.1 Focalization ...................................................................................... 195
13.1.1 Basic syntax of focalization ....................................................... 195
13.1.1.1 Which constituents can and cannot be focalized? ............... 195
13.1.1.2 No movement of focalized constituent ................................ 196
13.1.1.3 Focus morpheme (y ~ w ) ...................................... 197
13.1.1.4 {LH} contour on defocalized verb ...................................... 198
13.1.1.5 Existential e absent ............................................................. 199
13.1.1.6 Effect on cognate nominals and other fixed subject/object
nouns 200
13.1.2 Subject focalization .................................................................... 200
13.1.3 Object focalization ..................................................................... 201
13.1.4 Focalization of PP or other adverb............................................. 201
13.1.5 Focalization of postpositional complement ............................... 202
13.1.6 Focalization of verb or VP ......................................................... 202
13.2 Interrogatives .................................................................................... 202
13.2.1 Polar (yes/no) interrogatives (le, ni) ....................................... 202
13.2.2 ‘Who?’ ( :) ............................................................................... 203
13.2.3 ‘What?’ ( ), ‘with what?’, ‘why?’ ................................... 204
13.2.4 ‘Where?’ ( ).......................................................................... 205
13.2.5 ‘When?’ ( -ŋ ) ................................................................. 205
13.2.6 ‘How?’ (ŋŋŋ) ............................................................................ 206
13.2.7 ‘How much/many?’ (ŋŋŋ)......................................................... 206
13.2.8 ‘Which?’ (ŋŋŋ).......................................................................... 206
13.2.9 ‘So-and-so’ (ŋŋŋ) ...................................................................... 207
13.2.10 Embedded interrogatives ......................................................... 207
14 Relativization ................................................................................209
14.1 Basics of relative clauses .................................................................. 209
14.2 Head NumP ...................................................................................... 212
14.2.1 Tone-dropping on final word(s) of head NP in relative clause .. 212
14.2.2 Restrictions on the head of a relative clause .............................. 213
14.2.3 Conjoined NP as head ................................................................ 213
14.2.4 Headless relative clause ............................................................. 213
13
14.2.5 Head noun doubled after relative clause .................................... 214
14.3 Preverbal (or: preparticipial) subject pronoun in non-subject relative
214
14.4 Verb (or: verbal participle) in relative clause ................................... 216
14.4.1 Participles of positive perfective-system verbs .......................... 217
14.4.2 Participles of positive imperfective-system and stative verbs ... 217
14.4.3 Participles of negative perfective-system verbs ......................... 218
14.4.4 Participles of negative imperfective-system and stative verbs .. 218
14.4.5 Participle of Past clitic =ŋŋŋ ..................................................... 219
14.5 Relative clause involving verb- or VP-chain .................................... 219
14.6 Late-NP elements that follow the verb (or verbal participle) ........... 220
14.6.1 Determiners (demonstrative and definite).................................. 220
14.6.2 Free Plural particle (ŋŋŋ) .......................................................... 220
14.6.3 Non-numeral quantifiers ('each', 'all') ........................................ 221
14.7 Grammatical relation of relativized-on NP....................................... 221
14.7.1 Subject relative clause................................................................ 221
14.7.2 Object relative clause ................................................................. 222
14.7.3 Possessor relative clause ............................................................ 222
14.7.4 Relativization on the complement of a postposition .................. 222
15 Verb (VP) chaining and adverbial clauses ................................ 225
15.1 Direct chains (without chaining morpheme) .................................... 225
15.1.1 Verbal Noun of directly chained verbs ...................................... 226
15.1.2 Presence of AN suffix in nonfinal verb in direct chains ............ 226
15.1.3 Arguments of directly chained verbs ......................................... 226
15.1.4 Negation of direct verb chains ................................................... 227
15.1.5 Direct chains including ŋŋŋ ‘leave’ .......................................... 227
15.1.6 Direct chains including a motion verb ....................................... 228
15.1.7 Durative verb-iterations chained to a motion verb..................... 228
15.1.8 Chains including ŋŋŋ- ‘be/do together’ ................................... 229
15.1.9 Chaining with ŋŋŋ ‘go with’, 'take along with oneself' ............ 229
15.2 Temporal adverbial clauses with overt chaining or subordinating
morpheme .................................................................................................... 230
15.2.1 Adverbial clauses expressing temporal simultaneity or overlap 230
15.2.1.1 Noun-headed temporal relative clause (‘[at] the time when
’) 230
15.2.1.2 Backgrounded durative clauses (ŋŋŋ) ................................ 231
15.2.1.3 Backgrounded durative clauses with iterated stem and (ŋŋŋ)
231
15.2.1.4 Imperfective subordinator -ŋŋŋ ......................................... 232
15.2.1.5 Imperfective -ŋŋŋ on activity verb plus time-of-day verb 232
15.2.1.6 Imperfective -ŋŋŋ plus ŋŋŋ- ‘be’ quasi-verb ................. 232
14
15.2.1.7 ‘Since ’ clauses (ŋŋŋ) ..................................................... 233
15.2.2 Adverbial clauses expressing a chronological sequence............ 233
15.2.2.1 Clauses with ŋŋŋ ‘and then’ (different subject, anterior) ... 233
15.2.2.2 Clauses with -ŋŋŋ (same-subject, anterior) ....................... 234
15.2.2.3 Clauses with ŋŋŋ ‘and then’ (same-subject, anterior, future
time) 234
15.2.2.4 ‘Worked until got tired’ = ‘worked for a very long time’ ... 235
15.2.2.5 ‘No sooner did, than ’ (ŋŋŋ) ....................................... 235
15.2.3 Chronological reversal (‘before ' clauses).............................. 235
15.3 Spatial and manner adverbials .......................................................... 236
15.3.1 Spatial adverbial clause (‘where ’)......................................... 236
15.3.2 Manner adverbial clause (‘how ’) .......................................... 236
15.3.3 Headless adverbial clause as spatiotemporal or manner clause . 236
15.3.4 ‘From X, until (or: all the way to) Y’ ........................................ 237
15.3.5 ‘As though ’ clause ................................................................ 237
16 Conditional constructions ........................................................... 239
16.1 Hypothetical conditional with ŋŋŋ ‘if’ ............................................ 239
16.1.1 Regular antecedent clause .......................................................... 240
16.1.2 ‘Unless’ antecedent .................................................................... 240
16.2 Alternative ‘if’ particles ................................................................... 240
16.2.1 ‘Even if ’ (ŋŋŋ) ..................................................................... 240
16.2.2 ‘As soon as ’ (ŋŋŋ)................................................................ 241
16.3 Willy-nilly and disjunctive antecedents (‘whether X or Y ’) ....... 241
16.4 Counterfactual conditional ............................................................... 241
17 Complement and purposive clauses ...........................................243
17.1 Quotative complements .................................................................... 243
17.1.1 Direct versus indirect in quotative complements ....................... 243
17.1.2 ‘Say that ’ with inflectable ‘say’ verb (ŋŋŋ) ......................... 243
17.1.3 Quotative clitic ŋŋŋ................................................................... 244
17.1.4 Jussive complement (reported imperative or hortative) ............. 245
17.1.4.1 Quoted imperative ............................................................... 245
17.1.4.2 Embedded hortative............................................................. 245
17.2 Factive (indicative) complements ..................................................... 246
17.2.1 ‘Know that ’ complement clause ........................................... 246
17.2.2 ‘See (find, hear) that ’ ............................................................ 247
17.2.2.1 Direct-perception type (relative-clause complement) ......... 247
17.2.2.2 Recognition (inference, hearsay) construction .................... 247
17.2.3 Factive complement with ŋŋŋ ‘it is certain’ ............................. 248
17.3 Verbal Noun (and other nominal) complements .............................. 248
15
17.3.1 Structure of Verbal Noun Phrase ............................................... 248
17.3.2 ‘Prevent’ (ŋŋŋ) .......................................................................... 249
17.3.3 ‘Dare’ (ŋŋŋ) .............................................................................. 249
17.3.4 ‘Consent’ (ŋŋŋ) ......................................................................... 249
17.3.5 ‘Want’ (ŋŋŋ) ............................................................................. 250
17.3.6 ‘Forget’ (ŋŋŋ)............................................................................ 250
17.3.7 Obligational (ŋŋŋ ‘duty’) .......................................................... 251
17.3.8 ‘Be afraid to’ (ŋŋŋ) ................................................................... 251
17.3.9 ‘Begin’ (ŋŋŋ) ............................................................................ 251
17.3.10 ‘Finish’ (ŋŋŋ) .......................................................................... 252
17.3.11 ‘Cease’ (ŋŋŋ) .......................................................................... 252
17.4 Locative verbal noun or other nominal complement ........................ 252
17.4.1 ‘Help’ (ŋŋŋ) .............................................................................. 252
17.5 Direct chain complements ................................................................ 253
17.5.1 ‘Be able to, can’ (ŋŋŋ) .............................................................. 253
17.6 Purposive, causal, and locative clauses ............................................ 254
17.6.1 Clauses with Purposive postposition ŋŋŋ ‘for’ ......................... 254
17.6.2 Purposive clauses with Imperfective participle ......................... 254
17.6.3 Purposive clause with motion verb ............................................ 255
17.6.4 Causal (‘because’) clause (ŋŋŋ) ................................................ 255
17.6.5 ‘Because of’ (ŋŋŋ) .................................................................... 255
18 Anaphora ......................................................................................257
18.1 Reflexive........................................................................................... 257
18.1.1 Reflexive object (Sg ŋŋŋ, Pl ŋŋŋ)............................................ 257
18.1.2 Reflexive PP complement (Sg ŋŋŋ, Pl ŋŋŋ) ............................ 258
18.1.3 Reflexive possessor (Sg ŋŋŋ, Pl ŋŋŋ) ...................................... 258
18.1.4 No antecedent-reflexive relation between coordinands ............. 258
18.2 Emphatic pronouns ........................................................................... 259
18.3 Logophoric and indexing pronouns .................................................. 260
18.3.1 True third person logophoric function ....................................... 260
18.3.2 Non-logophoric topic-indexing function ................................... 261
18.4 Reciprocal ......................................................................................... 262
18.4.1 Simple reciprocals (ŋŋŋ) ........................................................... 262
18.4.2 ‘Together’ (ŋŋŋ)........................................................................ 262
19 Grammatical pragmatics ............................................................ 265
19.1 Topic ................................................................................................. 265
19.1.1 Topic (ŋŋŋ) ............................................................................... 265
19.1.2 ‘Now’ (ŋŋŋ) .............................................................................. 266
19.1.3 ‘Also’ (ŋŋŋ) .............................................................................. 266
16
19.1.4 ‘Even’ (ŋŋŋ) .............................................................................. 266
19.2 Preclausal discourse markers ............................................................ 267
19.2.1 ‘As much as ’ (ŋŋŋ) .............................................................. 267
19.2.2 ‘Well, ’ (ŋŋŋ) ........................................................................ 267
19.2.3 ‘So, ’ (ŋŋŋ) ............................................................................ 268
19.2.4 Clause-initial emphatic particle (ŋŋŋ, ŋŋŋ) ............................. 268
19.2.5 ‘But ’ (ŋŋŋ) ........................................................................... 268
19.2.6 ‘Lo, ’ (ŋŋŋ)............................................................................ 269
19.3 Pragmatic adverbs or equivalents ..................................................... 269
19.3.1 ‘Again’, ‘not again’, ‘on the other hand’ ................................... 269
19.4 ‘Only’ particles ................................................................................. 269
19.4.1 ‘Only’ (ŋŋŋ) .............................................................................. 269
19.4.2 ‘Just (one)’ (ŋŋŋ) ...................................................................... 270
19.5 Phrase-final emphatics...................................................................... 270
19.5.1 Phrase-final ŋŋŋ ‘exactly’ (confirming) ................................... 270
19.5.2 Clause-final ŋŋŋ 'sure' (firm agreement or answer) .................. 270
19.5.3 Clause-final ŋŋŋ (admonitive) .................................................. 271
19.6 Backchannel and uptake checks ....................................................... 271
19.7 Greetings........................................................................................... 272
20 Text ................................................................................................ 274
Index ......................................................................................................276
17
1 Introduction
1.1 Dogon languages
Dogon is a well-defined genetic family of languages spoken on the Dogon
plateau, the cliffs and slopes that lead down from them, the sandy plains that
stretch out to their north and east, and scattered inselbergs separated from the
plateau to the north. Not all varieties have been surveyed professionally, but
there are at least 80 varieties with distinct local names, and we currently think
that these can be grouped into about 20-25 units of the sort that linguists
generally consider to be "languages."
Dogon is thought to belong to Niger-Congo, but no close relationships to
specific NC families have been demonstrated.
1.2 Tiranige (aka Duleri) language
Tiranige is the endonym, used by native speakers to denote the language. Duleri
is an exonym used by others. This type of split is very common in Dogon
languages.
region where spoken
names of villages (including Dogon pronounciation)
neighboring languages, lingua franca in markets
1.3 Environment
physical landscape
dominant ecozones
vegetation and agriculture
1.4 Previous study of and current fieldwork on Tiranige
1.4.1 Previous study
This language has been mentioned in the various surveys of Dogon
languages/dialects, as either Duleri or Tiranige.
1
No significant documentation of the language has been done previously.
1.4.2 Fieldwork
brief description
1.4.3 Acknowledgements
funding source(s)
the reference for the 2009-12 funding to J Heath is National Science
Foundation grant BCS 0853364, Documenting Endangered Languages
(DEL) program
professors etc.
any colleague who commented critically on manuscript
local people
Mom, Dad, God, the Devil (as the case may be)
2
2 Sketch
[short chapter describing main highlights of the grammar including any notable
idiosyncracies not shared with other Dogon languages; also describe notation
for tones and intonation; give a few examples but do not overload this short
sketch]
2.1 Phonology
2.1.1 Segmental phonology
consonants
nasalized sonorants present? (rn, yn, wn)
vowels
ATR, vowel-length, nasalized vowels
2.1.2 Prosody
lexical tone patterns
metrical structure (strong and weak positions)
tonosyntax (overriding lexical tones or adding to them)
intonation
2.1.3 Key phonological rules
Nasalization-spreading
Consonantal rules (consonant clusters, metathesis, etc.)
Syncope and apocope of high vowels
2.2 Inflectable verbs
main derivations (Reversive, Causative, Mediopassive)
inflectional categories (tense-aspect, polarity, modals)
3
2.3 Noun phrase (NP)
linear and tonal relationships of nouns, modifying adjectives, numerals, non-
numeral quantifiers, determiners, and possessors (summary)
morphosyntax of possessed NPs
2.4 Case-marking and PPs
Marking of direct and indirect objects (NPs and pronouns)
Accusative morpheme present?
Postpositions
Prepositions (?)
2.5 Main clauses and constituent order
The basic order is SOV, as clearly seen when both subject and object in a
transitive clause are nonpronominal (xx1).
(xx1) [m w r ] g ] b nd -
[vehicle Def] [A Acc] bump.Perf.L-3SgS
'The vehicle bumped Amadou.'
A spatiotemporal adverb setting the scene may intervene between subject
and object (xx2).
(xx2) a. g s - -
A tomorrow sheep slaughter-Impf-3SgS
'Amadou will slaughter a sheep tomorrow.'
b. [bɔmɔkɔ ŋ ] w - -
A [B in] work(n.) do-Impf-3SgS
'Amadou will work in Bamako.'
Double objects occur with ditransitive verbs (xx3).
(xx3) g n -w ] g ] ɔ-w -
A tomorrow [sheep 3Sg-Poss] [1Sg Acc] sell-Impf
'Amadou will sell me his sheep-Sg tomorrow.'
4
(xx4) w : ɔrɔ g -
A house.in sugar put.Perf.L-3SgS
'Amadou put the sugar in the house.'
structure of a normal main clause with a few examples
SOV order, usually verb-final (exception: Toro Tegu SOVX)
obligatory clause-initial subject position?
temporal adverbs ('yesterday') usually before or after subject NP?
pronominal-subject expressed by suffix on inflected verb, by prefix on inflected
verb, or by clause-initial pronoun?
2.6 Nominalized clauses and constituent order
verbal-noun (and any similar nominals) as complements
expression of direct object and subject of verbal noun
2.7 Relative clauses
head NP (tone-dropping, Relative marker ?)
determiners and non-numeral quantifiers separated from core NP and numeral,
displaced to post-participial position
verb replaced by participle (agreement in nominal features with head NP?)
2.8 Interclausal syntax
most important clause and VP combinations
direct verb chaining (no special morpheme)
looser VP chains with chaining (subordinating) morpheme
same-subject and different-subject subordinators?
factive and other complement clauses
5
3 Phonology
3.1 General
description of chapter
3.2 Internal phonological structure of stems and words
3.2.1 Syllables
attested word-final syllables in nonmonosyllabic words, e.g. Cv, CvL (final
sonorant)
attested word-initial syllables, e.g. Cv, Cv:, v, v:, CvL
monosyllabic superheavy Cv:C ?
(I prefer lower-case "v" for vowel unless the language has a v phoneme; it
is easier to put tone diacritics on "v" than on "V").
3.2.2 Metrical structure
weak metrical positions favoring raising vowels to high {i u}, and/or
favoring syncope/apocope of high vowels
3.3 Consonants
inventory of consonant phonemes in tabular form
marginal phonemes enclosed in parentheses
extremely marginal phonemes enclosed in double parentheses
(xx1) Consonants
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
labial p b m (f) ((v)) w wⁿ
alveolar t d n s (z) l r rⁿ
alveopalatal c j ɲ (( )) (( )) y yⁿ
velar k g ŋ
7
laryngeal (h) ((ʔ))
c is IPA [tʃ], j is [dʒ], is [ʃ], y is [j].
key to columns: 1. aspirated voiceless stops (c is affricated); 2. voiced
stops; 3.nasals, 4. voiceless fricatives (including sibilants); 5. voiced
fricatives (including sibilants); 6. laterals; 7-8. unnasalized then
nasalized sonorants; 9-10. laryngeals
[following sections include any relevant comments about the status of particular
consonants or groups of consonants]
3.3.1 Alveopalatals (c, j)
{c j} (affricate-like), distinct from {k g} before front vowels?
3.3.2 Voiced velar stop g and g-Spirantization (g→)
Is /g/ typically spirantized to [γ] between back/low vowels?
3.3.3 Back nasals (ŋ, ɲ)
distinguishable before /i/ ?
3.3.4 Voiceless labials (p, f)
status of /f/ versus /p/
3.3.5 Laryngeals (h, ʔ)
initial /h/ in Fuldulde and other loans?
/ʔ/ in ‘uh-huh’ type interjections?
phonetic /ʔ/ in vowel-vowel sequences? (hiatus)
3.3.6 Sibilants (s, , z, )
as allophone of /s/ before front vowels?
8
any voiced sibilants?
3.3.7 Nasalized sonorants (rⁿ, wⁿ, yⁿ)
absent?
present but only in intervocalic position (unclustered)
wⁿ and yⁿ also initially?
distinguish autonomous occurrences (no preceding nasal or nasalized segment)
as in tawⁿa versus cases where nasalization may have spread from the left as
in awⁿa and suffixed tana-wⁿa
3.3.8 Consonant clusters
[data can be extracted from the lexicon]
3.3.8.1 Word- and morpheme-initial CC clusters
nasal-obstruent clusters initially?
inventory and one example each (mention whether common or rare)
3.3.8.2 Medial geminated CC clusters
inventory and examples (mention whether common or rare)
3.3.8.3 Medial non-geminate CC clusters
inventory and examples (mention whether common or rare)
break-down by type
homorganic nasal-voiced stop
homorganic nasal-voiceless stop
other nasal-consonant (sibilant?) clusters
liquids plus consonant
semivowels plus consonant
9
3.3.8.4 Medial triple CCC clusters
usually lmb, ŋ , rmb, ŋ if any
inventory and examples
distinguish morpheme-internal from cross-morpheme cases
3.3.8.5 Final CC clusters
any stem- or word-final clusters?
3.4 Vowels
inventory (excluding tones) in tabular form; scratch any that are absent.
add column for short nasalized vowels if present
(xx1) short oral long oral nasalized (long)
u u: u ⁿ
o o: o ⁿ
ɔ ɔ: ɔ ⁿ
a a: a ⁿ
: ⁿ
e e: e ⁿ
i i: i ⁿ
3.4.1 Short and (oral) long vowels
vowel-length distinctive in monosyllabic Cv, CvC (verbs, nouns, ...)?
distinctive in final Cv syllable of nonmonosyllabic stem?
3.4.2 Nasalized vowels
Examples of each such phoneme
list of all monosyllabic stems (verbs, nouns) with nasalized vowel, if short
nasalized vowels always long?
any high nasalized vowels (u:ⁿ i:ⁿ)?
only in expressive adverbials? (explains in "Nasalized vowels" section
10
3.4.3 Initial vowels
inventory and examples of vowel-initial stems
3.4.4 Stem-final vowels
any interesting observations about final vowels (e.g. “u is rare”)
3.4.5 Vocalic harmony
Advanced tongue root (ATR) distinguishes two sets of mid-height vowels,
+ATR {e o} and -ATR { ɔ}. The two sets normally do not combine within
a stem, so we can speak of ATR harmony. High vowels {i u} are
extraharmonic; they can combine in a stem with vowels of either ATR category.
Examples: - 'blow (nose)' versus ɔ- 'pull' or 'shut'. Low
vowel a can combine with +ATR but not -ATR vowels, so a could be
considered a member of the +ATR set.
Some exceptions to ATR harmony occur in noun stems that contain a
frozen classifier suffix; see end of §4.1.1.
In verbal morphology, the A/O-stem (one of three vocalically defined forms
of each verb stem) involves overlaying +ATR values on all vowels in the stem,
with final { ɔ} becoming a and nonfinal { ɔ} becoming {e o}.
any mixed-ATR stems? Perhaps frozen compounds--still segmentable?
any ATR switches due to preceding or following nasal consonant? (Yorno-
So, Yanda) These may result in mixed-ATR stems.
high vowels {i u} extraharmonic, freely co-occur with either harmonic
class? (One might argue that each high vowel is divisible into a covertly +ATR
form and a covertly -ATR form, but this may be circular.)
relationship of a to vowel-harmonic classes?
3.4.6 Vocalism of verb-stem alternations
Verbs have three stems defined by vocalic ablaut. The vocalism is determined
by the stem's prosodic shape, ATR value, and presence/absence of nonfinal a-
vowels. The vocalically defined stems are cross-cut by tone contours (melodies)
for particular AN categories. The vocalic patterns are summarized in (xx1). I
11
will generally use the O-stem as the citation form, but other choices would also
be possible.
(xx1) O-stem A/O-stem E/I-stem I/U-stem gloss
a. -ATR stems
monosyllabic, a in A/O-stem, C onset in E/I-stem
ɲɔ: ɲa: ɲ : ɲi: 'eat, drink'
monosyllabic, ɔ in A/O-stem, Cw onset in E/I-stem
dɔ: dɔ: dw : dwi: 'pount' or 'insult'
nonmonosyllabic, final a in A/O-stem, nonfinal nonlow vowel
j yɔ jeya j y jeyi 'kill'
tɔyɔ toya tɔy toyi 'step on'
diyɔ diya diy di: 'abandon'
duyɔ duya duy duyi 'bathe'
b. +ATR stems
monosyllabic, final o in A/O-stem, Cw onset in E/I-stem
go: go: gwe: gwi: 'go out'
nonmonosyllabic, final o in A/O-stem, nonfinal nonlow vowel
gujo gujo guje guji 'dig'
jiyo jiyo jiye ji: 'harvest'
noyo noyo noye noyi 'sleep'
nonmonosyllabic, a in A/O-stem, nonfinal a-vowel
najo naja naje naji 'have fun'
dayo daya daye dayi 'lay out'
c. final-high-vowel type
nonmonosyllabic, final u in A/O-stem, nonfinal nonlow vowel
un(u) un(u) uni uni 'go'
sin(u) sin(u) sini sini 'convey'
nonmonosyllabic, final a in A/O-stem, nonfinal a-vowel
kan(u) kana kani kani 'do'
bamu bama bami bami 'beat (tomtom)'
d. irregular
ndo nda: nd : ndi: 'give'
gun(u) guna gun guni 'say'
The stems with final high vowel (xx1c) are best treated separately from the
main set of verbs exemplified in (xx1a-b). For these final-nonhigh-vowel verbs,
the underlying ATR value is clearly seen in the O-stem, which ends in o or ɔ,
and in the E/I-stem, which ends in e or . The underlying ATR value is
disguised in the A/O- and I/U-stems, which allow only +ATR vowels and a
12
along with extraharmnic {i u} throughout the stem. We can recover the
underlying ATR value even from the A/O-stem by a somewhat tortuous
calculation: stems with final o, and stems with nonfinal a vowel plus final a,
are +ATR, while stems with final a and nonfinal vowel other than a are -ATR.
In other words, unless the stem has a nonfinal a, a final a in the A/O-stem is an
indirect (but reliable) indicator of -ATR quality. Therefore an A/O-stem like
toya can only be from a -ATR verb, in spite of the +ATR o in the penult and the
final nonharmonic a. We are not so lucky with the I/U stem, which completely
neutralizes ATR values, except that a nonfinal a vowel points to +ATR.
Stems with final high vowel are not classifiable as -ATR or +ATR based on
stem vocalism. The nonfinal vowel is either low or high, but not mid-height.
The final vowel is also high, either /u/ (often deleted by syncope/apocope) in the
O-stem and A/O-stem or i in the E/I-stem.
3.5 Segmental phonological rules
3.5.1 Trans-syllabic consonantal processes
3.5.1.1 Nasalization-Spreading
Forward Nasalization-Spreading from stem to suffix (frequent)
CvNv plus -Cv > CvNv-Cⁿv
can be made problematic by the shift *mb > m where we get an m that does
not trigger Forward Nasalization-Spreading, similarly *ŋ > ŋ.
*mbara > mara, in some languages eventually leveled as a ⁿa
for this reason, be careful of transcribing y vs. yⁿ and w vs. wⁿ word-
finally in e.g. ay(ⁿ), aw(ⁿ)
Backward Nasalization-Spreading from suffix to stem (infrequent)
e.g. yv-Nv > yⁿv-Nv (Toro Tegu)
3.5.1.2 Consonantal metathesis in suffixal derivatives of verbs
apparent or real metathesis (inversion) of C’s may occur in certain reversives,
especially involving two syllables with { ⁿ}
e.g. Cvlv-rv- > Cvrv-lv-
13
If not clearly metathesized, reserve minor consonantal shifts in reversives
etc. to §3.5.5.
3.5.2 Vocalism of suffixally derived verbs
3.5.2.1 Suffixal Vowel-Spreading
Derivational suffixes on verbs, usually -Cv, often have underspecified
vowels that acquire their quality by spreading of features from the left. Or they
may be specified for height but not ATR. These processes usually reflect general
constraints on the shape of multisyllabic verb stems (allowable vowel
sequences).
e.g. taba-wv > taba-wa
what if only stem vowel is high {i u}?
3.5.2.2 Presuffixal V2-Raising
stem-final vowel of nonmonosyllabic verb stem shifts to high before suffix?
reflects metrically weak position
often leads to syncope
e.g. tama-lv > tam(i/u)-la
3.5.3 Other vocalic rules sensitive to syllabic or metrical structure
Any tendency for first vowel in CvNCv to lengthen to Cv:NCv, as in Nanga?
3.5.3.1 Epenthesis
any cases of schwa or high vowel inserted to break up a CC cluster at
morpheme boundaries? (not usual in Dogon). If none, say so.
Toro Tegu type Cvŋ-rv- > Cvŋ (u)-rv-, Cvm-rv- > Cvmb(u)-
rv-,
3.5.3.2 Syncope
Deletion of short vowel in word-medial syllable (metrically weak position).
14
Typically deletes stem-final short high vowels before a suffix if no CC
cluster before or after, as in CvCi-Cv > CvC-Cv. The high vowel may be
secondary, see Presuffixal V2-Raising above.
Deletion may or may not apply in the same way word-finally (Apocope). If
so, combine Syncope and Apocope into one section below.
3.5.4 Apocope
3.5.4.1 Word-Final (High-Vowel) Apocope
Deletion of a word-final vowel, usually a short high vowel after an
unclustered sonorant. May be similar to Syncope.
3.5.4.2 Inter-Word Apocope
Apocope that applies to a word-final short high vowel only when followed
by another word within the phrase; similar to Syncope except that it occurs over
a word-boundary)
may be sensitive to specific consonants, for example when the target vowel
is both preceded and followed by consonants of the same position (both velar,
both coronal, etc.)
example: bugu + ku > [buk:u] via /bugku/, in a language where bugu does not
apocopate except before a velar.
3.5.5 Local consonant sequence rules
wⁿ m > m m n wⁿ 'salt', n m m : 'my salt'
Have a subsection for each rule adjusting CC clusters and CvC sequences that
arise at boundaries, generally between verb stem and suffix (in the case of CC
clusters, after Syncope). Examples can be looked for in lists of Reversive and
Transitive derivatives (-lv-, -rv-, -dv-), and in Perfective Negative forms
of verbs (-li-, -ri-).
Delete unnecessary subsections and add new ones as needed. No need to
standardize subsection numbers across grammars.
15
3.5.5.1 Derhoticization (/rⁿ/ to n)
/ ⁿ/ > /n/ syllable-finally, i.e. before a consonant or a pause
3.5.5.2 Rhotic Assimilation
/rd/ > /dd/ = phonetic [d:], etc.
i.e. /r/ assimilates totally to some or all following coronal C’s
3.5.5.3 Rhotic-Cluster/Sequence Lateralization (/rr/ll) or /rvr/lvl)
describe any processes of this kind, either in Perfective Negative verb or in
Reversive and any other verbal derivational suffixes beginning in /r/.
may affect just the cluster /rr/ after Syncope (Rhotic-Cluster
Lateralization), or it may affect a /rvr/ sequence with the vowel remaining
(Rhotic-Sequence Lateralization).
if /rvr/ becomes lvr, call it Rhotic-Sequence Dissimilation
these rules may be un- or semi-productive
3.5.5.4 Rhotic-Cluster Fortition (/rr/ or /rⁿr/ > /t/)
as in Toro Tegu (Perfective Negatives)
3.5.5.5 Rhotic-Fortition (/r/ > /d/ after nasal)
If Stative Negative is - v, it may shift to - v after a nasal.
3.5.5.6 Semivowel-Fortition (/w/ > /b/ or /g/ after nasal)
Toro Tegu type:
(wⁿw >) mw > mb
ŋw > ŋg
3.5.5.7 Semivowel-Assimilation (/wy/ > /ww/)
in Toro Tegu.
16
would also apply to any cases of /yw/ > yy, /yw/ > ww, or /wy/ > yy
3.5.5.8 Alternation of m and {w wⁿ }
Some verbs may vary between a full form Cvwⁿv- or Cvwv- and a syncopated
form Cvm- (Ben Tey).
3.5.5.9 Alternations involving stem-final {y yⁿ}
If the language has any Cvy or Cvyⁿ verb stems (whether or not due to
Syncope), describe any phonological processes unique to them.
Ben Tey example: Cvyⁿ stems have PerfNeg /Cvyⁿ- / > Cv- , but
Hortative Neg /Cvyⁿ-r - / > Cv-l - .
3.5.6 Vowel-vowel and vowel-semivowel sequences
tautosyllabic vowel sequences may occur in Perfective verbs that end in
diphthong-like / /, /ɔ /, /a /, etc., arguably a stem-final vowel plus an
- ~ -e Perfective morpheme.
vowel sequences that arise in compounds may remain separately
articulated (hiatus) or may contract into a long vowel.
vowel sequences may also arise in initial Cv- reduplications of verb stems
that begin in a vowel. This seem to be always pronounced with hiatus
3.5.6.1 Hiatus between adjacent vowels in reduplications
Separate articulation of two vowels that come together at a boundary, e.g. in
compounds and/or in initial reduplications. May involve a phonetic glottal stop
as separator.
3.5.6.2 VV-Contraction
Cases where two vowels come together at a boundary and contract to a
long or sometimes short vowel (indicate all relevant morphological contexts,
with exx. or cross-refs to sections).
17
Perfectives ending in an e-vowel are difficult to model. They sometimes
look like suffixation of -e ~ - to the stem, especially when a trace of the stem-
final vowel is audible. When the stem-final vowel is absent, one could either
think of them as suffixation as before (with VV-Contraction), or as an ablaut-
like stem change. These perfectives behave quite unlike other clearly suffixal
inflections.
3.5.7 Local vowel-consonant interactions
Delete and add subsections below as needed.
3.5.7.1 Vowel-Semivowel Assimilation
examples:
/i/ > u before any labial (or just before /w/)
/u/ > i before alveopalatal (or just /y/)
3.5.7.2 Monophthongization (/iy/ to i:, /uw/ to u:)
occurs syllable-finally; may apply for ex. to verb stems ending with pronominal-
subject (or participial) suffix -y or -w.
3.6 Cliticization
no second-position clitics ("special clitics").
most candidates for status of clitic are enclitic (they follow the host word)
Clitics are distinguished from (other) particles by permitting some phonological
interactions to occur with the host word. The clearest cases involve segmental
phonological interactions. Particles and even postpositions that get their tone
by spreading from the left might be considered clitics. However, the more
phonological interaction there is the harder it is to distinguish clitic from suffix.
Usually the 'it is' morpheme is a clear clitic.
Other morphemes that might be considered enclitics (need discussion):
'it is not' morpheme (or morpheme sequence)
18
Past morpheme b - added to verb or other predicate;
Stative Negative - etc.
'be' quasi-verbs wɔ, kɔ etc.
Pronouns:
3rd person wɔ, kɔ etc. after a verb or other predicate may be enclitics
preverbal object pronouns may be proclitics
preverbal subject pronouns (in relative clauses) may be proclitics
transcription for clitic boundaries: =
3.6.1 Phonology of ‘it is’ clitic clitic
Brief summary of phonological form(s) of 'it is' clitic, see §11.2.1.
3.7 Tones
3.7.1 Lexical tone patterns
3.7.1.1 At least one H-tone in each stem
In most Dogon languages, nouns, verbs, adjective, and numerals (i.e.
members of the basic lexical stem-classes) must include a lexical H-tone. The
result is that tone-dropping is always audible.
Yanda-Dom: many nouns appear to be {L}-toned, but they "grow" a final
H-tone in the 'it is' clitic form, suggesting a mostly covert {LH} lexical contour.
But some Dogon languages may have true {L}-toned nouns etc.
expressive adverbials can be {L}-toned in some but not all languages that
otherwise require a H-tone in each stem. Expressive adverbials are not subject
to tone-dropping.
any monosyllabic stems, esp. Cv verbs, that show signs of being lexically
toneless or {L}-toned? Perhaps really {LH} with the H element unable to be
realized.
3.7.1.2 Lexical tones of verbs
Often two lexical types, {H} and {LH}, best heard in the bare chaining form
(used in nonfinal position in chains) and before syllabic suffixes in the
19
perfective system. Some languages (Yanda Dom) have a wider array of lexical
tone contours.
{H} is required when the initial stem consonant is voiceless (obstruents, h).
{LH} is required when the initial stem consonant is a voiced obstruent.
Exceptions include Fulfulde and other loanwords that may be {H} even with an
initial voiced obstruent. Vowel-initial and sonorant-initial stems can be {H} or
{LH} (lexical choice). In Yanda-Dom, stems with initial {n l} have their own
distinctive tone contours. Lexical tone contours are usually carried over to
suffixal derivatives (Reversive, Causative, etc.). The correlations between initial
consonant and lexical tone contour apply only to verb stems. For example,
cognate nominals of the same verbs quite regularly have different tones:
'perform work' (noun plus verb).
Monosyllabic Cv verbs may neutralize {H} versus {LH}, or may preserve it,
perhaps vestigially in certain forms (e.g. Perfective Negative, Causative). Cv:
verbs may or may not behave similarly.
For trimoraic and longer stems, indicate where the tone break is in {LH}
stems. Is the tone break as close as possible to the left or right edge? Consider
Cv:Cv, CvCCv, and CvCvCv. Right-edge type should give Cv:Cv, CvCCv,
and CvCvCv. Left-edge type is usually Cv :Cv, CvCCv (note!), and
CvCvCv (if so, the rule is that the break occurs before the second vocalic
mora). In this latter type there may also be a distinction between true CvCCv
and a secondary type Cv C-Cv syncopated from CvCv-Cv.
Lexical tone contours are often totally overridden by suffixally controlled
tone contours in other inflectional categories, especially negatives. There are
also cases (Najamba) where the suffix overrides lexical tones on stems but does
allow {LH} stems to keep the first syllable L, so the {H} versus {LH} distinction
remains audible (barely). Imperatives (suffixless) also often have tones (and
vocalism) distinct from the lexical form, with CvCv and CvCv stems typically
neutralized as CvCv (disregarding the initial consonant).
Irregular verbs 'bring' and antonym 'take (sth) away' may have special tone
contours such as {HL} and even {HLH}. Brief mention here and full details in
chapter 10.
3.7.1.3 Lexical tone patterns for unsegmentable noun stems
“Nouns” is interpreted broadly here, including some noun-like adverbs (e.g.
'yesterday')
Aside from compounds, lexical contours of noun stems are typically {H},
{HL}, {LH}, and {LHL}; {HLH} is rare but does occur in Toro Tegu.
20
Give examples of each type, separately for each syllabic type: Cv (if
present), Cv:, CvC, CvCv, CvCCv, Cv:Cv, CvCvCv. Notation: angled brackets
as in <LH> for rising or falling tone pattern of a single syllable, hence L<LH>
(= LR) means a low-toned syllable plus a rising-toned syllable; curly brackets
as in {LH} and {H} for stem-wide contours, whether lexical or overlaid.
Terminology: monotonal is e.g. {H}, bitonal is {HL} or {LH}, tritonal is {LHL}
or {HLH}.
mention any productive deverbal nominalizations that produce <LHL> tones.
nominals in -y after monosyllabic stem?
3.7.1.4 Lexical tone patterns for adjectives and numerals
Tone contours usually about the same as for nouns, but there are not many
monosyllabic or trisyllabic stems.
3.7.1.5 Tone contours or H-tone accent?
Given the constraint against stem-wide lexical {L} contour, one is tempted to
think in terms of a H-toned accent, with one syllable or mora marked for accent
(with low-level rules then specifying the final output).
For non-verb words there is no obvious way to avoid having to specify that
a L-tone precedes and/or follows. If the moras (or syllables) are represented as
x's, and is accented, the only possibilities for bimoraic CvCv stems with one
accent are and . To account for the three outputs, {H}, {HL}, and {LH},
we would have to add another unaceented type xx. If the latter is realized as
{H}, we can get the correct outputs, but how would anyone learn it?
For verbs, in languages where the two basic patterns are {H} and {LH}, an
accentual analysis could work. For example, we could equate {H} with H-tone
accent, and {LH} with the absence thereof. Or we could equate {LH} with
L-tone accent, and {H} with the absence thereof. Either way, we would need
rules to account for the remaining surface tones not directly equated with the
accent.
3.7.1.6 Possible lexically {L}-toned stems
The constraint on {L} might be shifted from the lexicon to the surface. For
example, we might take some {LH} stems to be {L}, with the H-tone later
surfacing to satisfy an output constraint. Evidence in favor of this possibility
21
comes from Jamsay nouns where the H-tone appears on the suffix -n (singular)
or -m (plural), e.g. dɔ ɔ- '(a) Dogon', compare dɔ ɔ without the suffix.
3.7.1.7 Tone-Component location for bitonal noun stems
'soap'
~ 'sauce'
For bi- and tritonal noun stems, where are the tone breaks in CvCv,
Cv:Cv, CvCCv, CvCvC, etc. Before the last syllable (even if heavy) as in
CvCv: and CvCvC ? Before the last mora as in CvCv : and CvCv C ? Or
before the last vocalic mora as in CvCv : and CvCvC? In any of these cases,
as long as tone-break location is predictable, we could adopt an autosegmental
model in which the tone contour and the segmental representation are
ontologically separate.
Or is the choice lexically variable? In that case, the autosegmental model
will not work cleanly, since we would have to stipulate which syllables/moras
the tone elements are associated with.
3.7.1.8 Tone-Component location for tritonal noun stems
Similar to the preceding, paying attention to syllabic structure especially of
final syllable. Nouns usually prefer LLH rather than LHH, even in languages
that have LHH as the {LH} contour for verbs.
3.7.2 Grammatical tone patterns
Subsections below discuss how the morphology and syntax change the
lexical tone contours of stems. Distinguish stem-wide tone overlays (which
erase the underlying lexical tone contour) from partial modifications.
3.7.2.1 Grammatical tones for verb stems
The lexical tone contour of a verb stem, usually {H} or {LH}, is audible in
the bare stem (used in chaining) and in the positive Perfective forms.
Tone-dropping to {L} may occur before the Perfective Negative and/or the
Imperfective Negative. The Imperative and/or the positive Imperfective may
22
raise some or all {LH} toned verbs to {H}, in addition to any segmental
changes.
The simple Perfective, and possibly other inflected forms, may drop to {L}
after other constituents, especially a focalized constituent. Tone-dropping here
is an expression of defocalization of the verb.
In compound agentives, e.g. 'millet-farmer' or 'gazelle-hunter', the verb as
compound final may have an overlaid {H} or {LH} contour in addition to any
segmental changes.
Relative-clause forms of verbs, whether or not participial in suffixal
morphology, involve additional tone-contour changes.
If the system is complex (as in Najamba and Yanda), a tabular summary
would help.
3.7.2.2 Grammatical tones for noun stems
NPs are the site of the most systematic tonosyntactic processes, and nouns are
the primary targets. Brief discussion here, full discussion in Chapter 6.
A noun is tone-dropped to {L} by a following adjective or demonstrative (in
some languages also a definite suffix or an 'each' quantifier), or when it
functions as head of a relative.
A noun is subject to a tone contour controlled by a preceding possessor.
The contour may be {L}, {HL}, or (especially for prosodically light stems) {H},
rarely {LH} (for some kin terms). For conflicts between right-to-left and left-to-
right contours, see Chapter 6.
Nouns are common compound initials and finals. There are several
compound types defined by tone contours. Usually one involves tone-dropping
the initial to {L} and keeping the regular tones on the final; another usually
mimics possessor-possessed constructions. See Chapter 5 for details.
3.7.2.3 Grammatical tones for adjectives and numerals
Adjectives and numerals are subject to tone-dropping controlled by a following
demonstrative (in some languages also a definite morpheme), or when the NP
they are in is the head NP of a relative.
When a NP consisting of N-Adj or N-Num has a preceding possessor, the
possessor-controlled tone contour affects the noun and may also extend to the
adjective or numeral. Check both N-Adj and N-Num in combination with both
alienable and inalienable possessors (which may differ tonosyntactically).
23
3.7.3 Tonal morphophonology
3.7.3.1 Autosegmental tone association (verbs)
For non-verb stem-classes such as nouns, the existence of {H}, {HL}, {LH},
and {LHL} stems leaves us with little choice but to recognize these as separate
contour types, rather than adopting an accentual model.
To the extent that the location of tone breaks is predictable (as opposed to
lexically specified), we can isolate the contours from the segmental level, so that
e.g. : could be represented as bala: combined with an {LH} autosegment.
For verbs, an autosegmental analysis may be attractive. This is because the
same model can work for a verb and (some of?) its suffixal derivatives. For
example, a CvCv verb stem might have a CvCv-Cv derivative, if the language
prefers tone breaks near the right edge. If we analyse the stem as CvCv plus
{LH}, we first add the -Cv suffix to the stem, then we associate {LH} to the
trisyllabic result to get CvCv-Cv. This analysis is less compelling for
languages with tone breaks near the left edge.
3.7.3.2 Phonology of {HL} tone contour
'soap'
~ 'sauce'
summary of data presented in other sections as to how the {HL} contour is
expressed in various word classes and morphological contexts, for example
HLL or HHL on trisyllabics.
Consider:
{HL} as lexical contour for nouns, adjectives, numerals.
{HL} as possessed-noun contour.
any {HL} contours in verbal morphology.
{HL} on adjective or numeral as compound final in bahuvrihi compounds
(‘Blackbeard’, ‘three-head[ed]’).
special tone contours in iterated (fully reduplicated) verbs, e.g. {HL}-{L}-
{L}… iterations of verbs to emphasize prolongation of an activity (such as
motion) in a story.
The different contexts may involve different ways of applying the H and L
components, e.g. HLL versus HHL.
24
3.7.3.3 Tonal changes in decimal numerals
If there are unusual tonal changes in numerals in decimal terms (‘20’ to
‘90’), which begin with ‘ten’ and add a numeral ‘2’ to ‘9’ (often with
phonological mutations), they can be briefly described here.
3.7.3.4 Atonal-Morpheme Tone-Spreading
Suffixes (with shapes like -C and -Cv) and clitics (including some
postverbal subordinating particles like ‘if’) may be atonal (no intrinsic tone)
and acquire tone by spreading from the final tone element of the preceding
word.
Give a list of such morphemes.
3.7.4 Low-level tone rules
3.7.4.1 Rising-Tone (or: Contour-Tone) Mora-Addition
Word-final /Cv / with rising tone may require lengthening of the vowel (i.e.
addition of one mora) to permit the contour tone to be articulated.
In some languages, this lengthening also applies to word-final /Cv / with
falling tone, i.e. it applies to all final-syllable contour tones
3.7.4.2 Contour-Tone Stretching
A contour tone (<HL> or <LH>) that occurs on a Cv:L syllable (L = a
sonorant) is usually realized with the tone break at the L (i.e. as close as
possible to the right edge of the syllable), even when an atonal -L suffix is added
to Cv:- or Cv:-.
This involves shifting the tone break slightly to the right, e.g. /Cv :-x/ >
/Cv :- / (Atonal-Morpheme Tone-Spreading) > Cv:- (Contour-Tone
Stretching)
3.7.4.3 Final-Tone Resyllabification
If a word-final syllable with contour tone <LH> or <HL> is followed by a
clitic that has =Cv shape, the contour tone may divide into an initial tone
element that remains on the word-final syllable, and a second tone element that
25
is realized on the clitic (or merges with the clitic’s tone if the two tones are
identical).
Jamsay examples: m ‘milk’, with clitic = : ‘it is milk', -n
'woman', with clitic - = : ‘it is a woman'.
3.7.4.4 Rightward H-Spreading
A high tone may spread to the right within a word, perhaps across a
morpheme boundary, e.g. CvCvCv > CvCvCv and CvCvC > CvCv C.
In some languages (Nanga) we also get CvCv > CvCv , with falling tone
on the final short vowel.
3.7.4.5 Stranded-Tone Re-Linking
If the vowel to which a tone was attached has disappeared due to Syncope
or Apocope, the tone is usually reattached to the preceding (or, less often,
following) syllable. Thus CvCvCv > Cv CCv.
3.7.4.6 Final-Cv R-to-H Reduction
In languages where a word-final /Cv / is not realized as Cv : by Contour-
Tone Mora-Addition, and where final short vowels cannot express rising tone, it
can surface as Cv, as the L-tone part of <LH> tone is dropped.
3.8 Intonation contours
3.8.1 Phrase and clause-final terminal contours ()
Phrases and clauses may have a marked terminal intonation, mainly on the
final syllable. Typically the final pitch is higher than usual () for nonfinal
phrases/clauses in pairs or series, and the final phrase/clause in the series ends
with a marked pitch drop (). The final syllable may also be prolonged (),
with or without a marked pitch rise or fall.
26
3.8.2 Expressive elements with lexically specified prolongation ()
This typically applies to expressive adverbials (other than reduplications),
and perhaps to a few other forms in each language.
Jamsay expressive adverbials include dem ‘straight (trajectory)’ and
yⁿ ‘apart, separate’. 'all' is not an expressive adverbial
syntactically but it has similar intonation.
The prolongation usually affects the final segment (vowel in Cv, sonorant
consonant in CvC). If the prolongation is realized on a nonfinal vowel, put
the symbol after the vowel: dem.
3.8.3 Dying-quail intonational effect
The symbol is used to indicate dying-quail intonation, which is expressed
as prolongation along with a slow fall in pitch (distinct from simple falling
tone).
In Jamsay this is the way to conjoin two NPs (X Y meaning ‘X and Y’).
When the underlying phonological tone is (already) low, languages differ
as to whether the pitch falls or is steady-state low as the final segment is
prolonged.
27
4 Nominal, pronominal, and adjectival morphology
4.1 Nouns
4.1.1 Simple nouns
4.1.1.1 Singular (zero) and plural (ge)
Plurality of nouns (and of noun-adjective combinations) is marked by postposed
ge, whose tone depends on the tone class of the noun and on whether a numeral
follows. ge is added to human, animate, and inanimate nouns. There is no
singular morpheme.
Some nouns have consistent {H} tone contour when unpossessed and
unmodified (i.e. without a following adjective). This tone contour is seen in
isolation, before Plural g (H-toned), and before postposed possessors (xx1).
(xx1) a. : 'cow'
g 'cows'
g 'three cows'
: m : 'my cow'
g [m g 'my three cows'
b. 'sheep'
g 'sheep-Pl'
g :n 'three sheep'
: 'my sheep'
g [m g 'my three sheep'
c. ɲ 'horse'
ɲ g 'horses'
ɲ g 'three horses'
ɲ : 'my horse'
ɲ g [m g 'my three horses'
Some other nouns have consistent {HL} contour when unpossessed and
unmodified (xx2).
(xx2) a. y 'bird'
y g 'birds'
29
y g 'three birds'
y : 'my bird'
y g [m g 'my three birds'
b. n :nd 'tongue'
n :nd g 'tongues'
n :nd g 'three tongues'
n :nd m : 'my tongue'
n :nd g [m g 'my three tongues'
c. ŋg 'side'
ŋg g 'sides'
ŋg g 'three sides'
ŋg : 'my side'
ŋg g [m g 'my three sides'
A few nouns, perhaps loanwords, are stable {LH}. The Plural morpheme is
L-toned.
(xx2) a. 'lung(s)'
g 'lungs'
g i 'three lungs'
s m : 'my lung'
g [m g 'my three lungs'
There are nouns that appear with alternating {L} or {LH} contour when
unpossessed and unmodified, depending on the surrounding words (xx4). The
{L} contour appears before the Plural morpheme, whose own tone is high,
except low when followed by a numeral. In other words, in the absence of a
numeral, the final syllable of the noun plus (if present) Plural morpheme is H-
toned. We could represent such nouns as {L}-toned with a floating H-tone, i.e.
as {L}+H.
(xx4) a. g 'pigeon'
g g 'pigeons'
g g i 'three pigeons'
g : 'my pigeon'
g g [m g 'my three pigeons'
b. g w 'onion'
g w g 'onions'
g w g i 'three onions'
g w m : 'my onion'
g w g [m g 'my three onions'
30
Finally, there are nouns that are consistently {L}-toned when unpossessed.
The Plural morpheme is also L-toned after these nouns.
(xx5) a. 'village'
g 'villages'
g 'three villages'
: 'my village'
g [m g 'my three houses'
b. : 'person'
g 'people'
g 'three people'
: m : 'my person'
g [m g 'my three people'
Monosyllabic nouns can have the following contours: {H} as in mɔ: 'neck'
and y 'tree bark, shell', {L}+H as in kw : 'calabash (gourd) plant' with
plural kw g , and {L} as in : 'jaw'.
In sum, the lexical tone classes for nouns are {H}, {HL}, {L}+H, and {L}.
These contours are observed where there is no following adjective or
determiner, there is no preceding possessor, and the NP does not function as
relative-clause head. The basic possessor-controlled tone contour is {LH}, see
§6.xxx.
4.1.1.2 Frozen classifying suffixes (*-ŋge, *-ge, *-ŋgɔ)
There are many nouns that appear to end in a frozen classifying suffix -ŋge,
-ge, or -ŋgɔ, which match segmentable inanimate singular classifying
suffixes in Najamba. For each of the items in (xx6) there are cognates in other
Dogon languages without the original suffix. The tone of -ŋge or -ge is
spread from the preceding syllable in almost all cases. Most of the words in
question are there level {H}- or {L}-toned. However, ŋg 'sesame' (cf.
Tebul Ure pɔl :, Najamba ) is {L}+H.
(xx6) a. frozen *-ŋge (alphabetical)
ŋg 'grass'
c :l ŋg 'horn'
ŋg 'hip'
:l ŋg 'peanut'
m ŋg 'milk' - 'milk (a cow)'
ŋg 'tooth'
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ŋg 'blood'
ŋg 'hair'
ŋg 'tendon'
ŋg 'cow-pea'
ɲ ŋg 'meal' ɲɔ:- 'eat (meal)'
ŋg 'sesame'
g ŋg 'button' p g - 'button (a shirt)'
ŋg 'egg'
ŋg 'flour, powder' r ŋg 'néré-
tree flour', r -
'yellow'
ŋg 'grain, seed' (especially millet grain)
ŋg 'wood'
y ŋg 'root'
b. frozen *-ge after nasal other than ŋ (could reflect *-ge or *-ŋge)
g 'fodder'
y g 'supper'
c. frozen *-ge after vowel (alphabetical)
g 'reddish fuzz (flowers) on millet spike'
g 'roselle (bissap)'
r g 'rice'
g 'honey'
ɔrɔg 'millet cakes'
sɔ g 'dried wild grape seeds or cow-peas'
g 'breast'
y g 'millet'
d. frozen *-ŋgɔ
ŋgɔ 'tree'
Segmentation is synchronically possible in a few cases based on a cognate
verb or other form. One can argue that segmentation is possible in all cases, at
least for trisyllabic stems, and especially with -ŋge because of its frequency,
its lexical semantic associations (vegetation, food, body parts), and its invariant
(nonharmonizing) +ATR vowel. However, the Tiranige nouns in (xx6) are
morphologically invariant as nouns in the senses indicated, and may combine
with Plural morpheme ge, e.g. ŋg g 'eggs'. In addition, -ŋge and -ge do
not appear on adjectives: ŋg ɔ: 'a good egg', r g ɔ: 'good
rice'.
Any Cv or Cv: nouns? List, please.
32
4.1.2 Irregular nouns (‘woman’, 'man', ‘child’, ‘person’, ‘thing’)
: 'person', with regular plural g 'people', is the basis for
'man' and y : 'woman', with adjectives 'male' and 'female'
respectively.
: 'child' has a slightly irregular plural g with shortened vowel.
w : 'thing' has regular plural w g .
4.1.3 ‘So-and-so’
‘So-and-so’ (Fr un tel, une telle), variable denoting a function over personal
names.
4.1.4 Initial Cv- reduplication in nouns
The languages often have nouns with apparent initial reduplication Cv-
(animal names, etc.). The vowel may be fixed (Ci-, perhaps Cu- before a back
rounded vowel) or it may be a copy of the initial vowel of the stem.
Typical glosses: ‘grasshopper’ (generic), ‘beetle/bug’ (generic), ‘hyena’,
‘hawk (kite)’, perhaps ‘scorpion’.
List all examples, organizing them by tone contours.
4.1.5 Final reduplications in nouns
Perhaps an occasional noun with an apparent final partial
reduplicative segment. Usually the pattern is clear only when there are two or
more exx. with similar reduplicative form in the language.
Nanga b giri-b : ‘stone partridge’ and kɔrɔŋ-kɔ: ‘louse’.
Nanga p t -p y ‘grasshopper sp. (Oedaleus)’ and s ŋ rn -s yn
‘grasshopper sp. (Kraussella)’.
4.1.6 Nouns with full-stem iteration
Many nouns have (frozen) iterative (=full reduplicative) form, e.g. gadu-
gadu or pikiri-pikiri, with segments that do not occur in simple (non-iterated)
form.
List all examples, organized by tone pattern.
33
Separately, give all examples of iterations with vowel changes, e.g. piki-
paka or three-part piki-paka-piki.
4.1.7 Frozen initial a- or aN- in nouns
Give a list of nouns beginning in a- or an- ~ aŋ- that may represent an
archaic morpheme (animal and insect names, implements, etc.).
This (native Dogon) pattern may have been fortuitously amplified by Arabic
loans, based on a) nouns with Arabic Definite prefix al-, whose /l/ assimilates
to following coronals, and b) nouns with initial a, e.g ansa:ra or variant
‘white person, European’ and ama:na ‘promise, vow’)
4.2 Derived nominals
4.2.1 Characteristic derivative
Suffix (Jamsay -gu-, Nanga -gi-, etc.) deriving a noun of the logical
type ‘one who has (or is characterized by) X’ from noun X (which is usually
tone-dropped). Give representative examples.
4.2.2 Verbal Nouns (-w )
An abstractive verbal noun is freely formed by suffixing -w to the {H}-toned
O-stem of the verb. The (morpho-)phonology is the same as for Imperfective
-w (§10.2.3.xxx). In other words, a final u is syncopated before the suffix, a
final {o ɔ} is syncopated after an unclustered {m w}, the suffixal w hardens to
b after syncope, /nb/ assimilates to mb, and some stems lengthen - to
- .
(xx1) O-stem verbal noun gloss
a. final nonhigh vowel, +ATR
g :- g -w 'going out'
y g - y g -w 'coming'
tɔnɔ- tɔnɔ-w 'butchering'
b. final nonhigh vowel, -ATR
y gɔ- y gɔ-w 'falling'
ɲɔ:- ɲɔ -w 'eating (meals); drinking'
34
c. final nonhigh vowel, unclustered medial w or m
w - - 'accepting'
s mɔ- s : - 'slaughtering'
c. final high vowel
- - 'milking (cows)'
- - 'speaking'
)- - 'do'
4.2.3 Instrument nominals
Nouns derived from verbs (if any) with meanngs like ‘file (tool)’,
‘scrubber’, ‘(blacksmith’s) bellows’. Not present as a derivational category in
some languages.
4.2.4 Uncompounded agentives
Most agentives are compounds (deer-slay-er), see Chapter 5. Any
uncompounded agentives should be listed here.
‘Hunter’ is sometimes uncompounded but may be a special lexical item
rather than a deverbal derivative..
4.2.5 Expressive iteration
Brief mention here, with cross-ref to the main section on expressive
adverbials in Chapter 8.
4.3 Pronouns
4.3.1 Basic personal pronouns
Organize into morphological series, starting with independent pronouns,
object (accusative) if distinct from independent, subject (in non-subject relative
clauses) if distinct from independent, and (morphologically very distinct)
pronominal-subject suffixes (if any) on inflected verbs. Merge these as
appropriate. Example of tabular representation:
35
(xx1) Personal Pronouns
subject
indep. accusative 'it is' inflected verb
1Sg wⁿ g VERB-yⁿ
1Pl wⁿ g - -VERB
2Sg : g VERB-w
2Pl wⁿ g - -VERB
3AnSg wⁿ g wⁿ VERB
3AnPl ŋŋŋ g wⁿ [varies by AN category]
InanSg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ -
InanPl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ =3AnPl
LogoSg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ -
LogoPl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ =3AnPl
4.3.2 Personal pronouns as complements of postpositions
Continue with pronominal possessor paradigms. Is the pronominal
possessor preposed or postposed? In the latter case, does it have a noun-like
form or classifier that resumes the possessed noun? Are there preposed
pronominal possessors for alienable nouns, postposed for inalienables?
Some languages have mostly preposed possessors but one or two postposed
(often 1Sg). Comment on whether the pronominal possessor forms are identical
to (or perhaps differ only tonally from) independent pronouns.
The detailed syntax of possession is best reserved for Chapter 6.
4.3.3 Personal pronouns as complements of postpositions
Give the forms used as complement of postpositions, which will often be
identical to (prenominal) possessor pronominals.
Dative pronominals (with the Dative postposition) may be irregular,
especially 1Sg and 1Pl. They should be presented here even if regular in form.
36
4.4 Definite and deictic words
4.4.1 Determiners
4.4.1.1 Definite morpheme (r )
A clitic-like Definite morpheme r can be added after a noun and any
modifiers (adjective, numeral, pronominal possessor). It follows Plural ge if
present, and requires Plural ŋge on an immediately preceding numeral. It is
followed by 'all', Accusative gi, and of course postpositions.
r is L-toned. When preceded by a {L}-toned word, the latter adds a final
H-tone (this is indicated in interlinears by ".+H"). The distinction between
lexically {L}+H and lexically {L} toned words is therefore neutralized before
r .
(xx1) a. : g r ]
[cow Pl Def]
'the cows'
b. r
village.+H Def
'the village' ( )
c. : g ] [m : g ] r
[cow Pl] [1SgP Pl] Def
'my cows (definite)'
d. r ] g ] w -
[[red.+H Def] Acc] catch.Perf.L-3SgS
'He/She caught the white person.'
e. : g ] ŋg r ] ] -
y
[[cow.L Pl] [three Pl Def] all] go.Perf-3PlS
'All three (of the) cows went away.'
In the combination of r with Plural ge (~ ŋge), when the preceding noun
is {H}-toned, I hear g r (~ ŋg r ) instead of expected #g r (#ŋg
r ), and in (xx1e) above and (xx2a). Other nouns have the same tone on ge
with or without ri (xx2b).
(xx2) noun gloss 'Xs' 'the Xs'
37
a. : 'cow' : g g r
b. g 'pigeon' g g g g r
y 'bird' y g y g r
'lung' g g r
Postposed pronominal possessors show rising tone before r even when
they would be heard with {L} tone elsewhere. ŋg : 'my millet',
ŋg r 'all my millet'.
4.4.1.2 ‘This/that’ (deictic demonstrative pronouns)
The basic deictic demonstratives are in (xx1). They make no distinction
between human, animate, and inanimate. They take the normal Plural
morpheme ge An informant tended to generali e mb , and rejected the other
two forms unless Definite r was present.
(xx1) unmarked definite gloss
a. Proximate
mb mb r 'this'
mb g mb g r 'these'
b. Near-Distant
— -w r 'that (near)'
— -w g r 'those (near)'
c. Far-Distant
— y -w r 'that (far)'
— y -w g r 'those (far)'
A demonstrative may be used absolutely, or it may follow a noun, core NP
(N-Adj), or NumP (N-Num or N-Adj-Num). drops its tones to (plural
g ) in these combinations, but the other demonstratives do not drop
tones; see §6.xxx.
There may be a single demonstrative category (‘this’/’that’) or several
categories: Proximal, Near-Distant, Far-Distant (these three all deictic, i.e.
pointing), and/or Discourse-Definite (‘that [same] one (we mentioned earlier)’.
Demonstrative pronouns may or may not agree with the referent in intrinsic
features (e.g. human, animate, number).
38
Demonstrative pronouns may modify a noun, core NP (N-Adj), or NumP
(N-(Adj-)Num). In this case the demonstrative usually controls tone-dropping
on preceding words in the NP.
4.4.1.3 Prenominal Discourse-Definite ko ‘that (same)’
Many Dogon languages have a prenominal ko or ku, functioning as a
(discourse-)definite determiner ('the same X we were talking about').
It may be indistinguishable from a nonhuman/inanimate possessor ('its X').
Or there may be some distinction, e.g. X 'its X' may have a possessor-
controlled tone contour on the noun X, while X 'that (same) X' may lack it.
Can discourse-definite ko co-occur with a real pronominal possessor, as in
[ko 2Sg uncle] ‘that (same) uncle of yours’ or [ko house 1SgPoss] 'my house'?
4.4.1.4 Anaphoric/logophoric demonstrative pronouns
Jamsay has some special demonstrative forms related to
anaphoric/logophoric pronouns. Most Dogon languages lack such forms. If any,
present them, with cross-refs to Chap 19.
4.4.2 Demonstrative adverbs
4.4.2.1 Locative adverbs
(xx1) form gloss
a. ŋŋŋ 'here'
ŋŋŋ 'over there' (deictic)
ŋŋŋ 'there' (discourse-definite)
b. ŋŋŋ 'around here'
ŋŋŋ 'around (over) there'
ŋŋŋ 'around there (discourse-definite)'
39
4.4.2.2 Emphatic and Approximinative modifiers of adverbs
‘right here’ (precisely here), ‘right there’, etc. May involve adding an
expressive adverbial to the adverb. See also §8.4.3.2 for other 'exactly'
expressions.
‘(somewhere) around here’ or ‘this way’ etc. if expressed by a
demonstrative adverb plus a modifier
4.4.2.3 'Like this/that' (mbɔrɔ)
Manner adverbial 'like this/that, thus, so' is mbɔrɔ. It is obscurely related to
'this/that'.
4.4.3 Presentatives (‘here’s !’) (- )
Presentatives distinguish three spatial categories: proximate, near-distant, and
far-distant. The presentative word may precede or follow the relevant NP.
(xx1) form category gloss
- proximate 'here's X'
w - near-distant 'there's X (nearby)'
y w - far-distant 'there's X (far away)'
Presentative forms, which may or may not distinguish plurality and
animacy. Cf. French voici, voilà.
Examples including e.g. ‘here’s the water’, ‘here’s Seydou’ ‘here they
come’, ‘here I am’, French le voilà qui arrive (with VP).
4.5 Adjectives
Adjectives can be postnominal modifiers, or they can be predicates. This section
describes their forms as modifiers. For adjectival predicates see §11.xxx.
Within the NP, adjectives follow nouns and precede numerals. Sequences
of two or more adjectives are possible. Adjectives induce tone-dropping on the
preceding noun, hence [N.L Adj]. A second adjective is itself tone-dropped:
[N.L Adj Adj.L]. See §6.xxx for the syntax.
40
4.5.1 Morphologically simple adjectives
Morphologically simple adjectives are illustrated in (xx1).
(xx1) simple adjectives
dimensions
y ‘big (house, tree); wide (passageway);
spacious (courtyard)'
'big, fat, stout (animal, person, mountain);
thick (wall)'
y ‘long, tall'
y ŋg ‘lean (animal, meat)’
‘deep (well, hole)’
gɔ ‘empty’ = ‘deserted’
ŋg : ‘heavy’ (for 'lightweight' see §4 6 xxx)
age and state
‘old (man, woman)’
‘new’
yɔgɔrɔ 'ruined, kaput'
wⁿ 'fresh (vegetation, vegetables)'
ɔ ‘ripe (grain, fruit); cooked, done (meat);
sour, curdled (milk)’
'fresh (milk); unripe (fruit, grain); raw
(meat)'
temperature
‘hot (water, food)'
‘cold, cool (water); slow-moving; calm,
cool-headed (person)'
speed
'fast-moving, rapid' (for 'slow' see
§4.5.xxx)
texture and hardness
r ‘smooth, sleek (surface)’
y g r ‘coarse (surface)’
‘soft (skin), fragile (string, dry leaf, i e
snaps if pulled)'
taste and smell
‘sour, acrid (like lemon)’
'rotten (meat, fruit)'
41
‘delicious, sweet’ (also 'sharp')
g g ‘bitter’
sharpness
'sharp' (also ‘delicious, sweet’)
‘blunt (blade)’
evaluation
mɔ: ‘good’ (for 'bad' see §4 5 xxx)
y g 'pretty'
difficulty
g ‘difficult (work)’
color
‘red (brown)’
j m ‘black (dark)’
‘white (light-colored)’
moisture
yⁿ 'dry'
wⁿ 'wet'
Of semantic interest are the syncretisms of 'sweet (taste)' and 'sharp (blade)',
which is also found in some Dogon and some non-Dogon (e.g. Songhay)
languages, and of 'hot' and 'fast'.
‘young (child, animal)’
‘young, adolescent (man/woman)’
‘adult, full-grown (but not old)’
‘old, used (object)’
‘lukewarm, tepid’
‘hard(ened)’ (= ‘expensive, high [price]’)
‘thick, syrupy (liquid)’
‘sugary, sweet (e.g. tea)’
‘half-curdled (milk)’
‘crispy (taste/texture, like sweet-potato
strips fried in oil)’
‘red’ = ‘ripe’ (mango, some other fruits)
‘half-ripe (mango, edible but hard)’,
‘over-ripe (e.g. mango that has become
soft, but still edible)’
‘foul, bad-smelling (urine, garbage)’
‘off-white, dirty white, khaki’
‘multicolored, striped’
42
‘lofty, towering (tree, mountain)’
‘runty’ (unusually short person, breed of
goats)
‘thick, massive (tree trunk)’
‘weak, feeble’
‘useless, good-for-nothing (person, donkey,
tool)’
‘respectable (adult person)’
4.5.2 Iterated adjective stems
A few adjectives are optionally iterated with no clear change in sense (even
with singular reference), though perhaps slightly emphatic: - , y-
y, - (in the sense 'fast-moving'). For other adjectives in the
section above, an informant rejected iterations.
Another adjective is always iterated (xx1). It is a borrowing, probably
originally from a soap product.
(xx1) - ‘blue’
4.5.3 Phrasal adjectives (exemplars)
Two complex adjectives, perhaps pressed into service to fill out a European
color-adjective system, are in (xx1). They denote exemplars of the colors in
question. They have parallels in other languages of the zone.
(xx1) adjective gloss literal sense
a. r - 'yellow' r ŋg 'néré-tree flour'
(bright yellow)
b. kɔy- 'green' 'fresh grass'
4.5.4 Negative adjectives (- )
Suffix - can be added to adjectives to reverse their polarity. This is possible
for any adjective denoting an asymmetrical bipolar scale, i.e. one with an
unmarked pole. English pairs like helpful, unhelpful might give the flavor, but
the semantics are somewhat different here. An informant rejected # -
43
'not new, un-new', presumably since 'new' does not really satisfy the semantic
criteria.
Certain adjectival senses rendered by a simple lexical item in English are
expressed by the negation of the polar adjective (xx1).
(xx1) Pairs of positive and negative (polarized) adjectives
a. evaluation
mɔ: ‘good’
mɔ - 'no good, bad'
y g 'pretty'
y g - 'ugly'
b. difficulty
g ‘difficult (work)’
g - ‘easy (work)’
c. dimension
'deep'
- 'shallow'
d. speed
'fast-moving, rapid'
- 'slow-moving'
4.5.5 Diminutive adjectives (-w )
A few adjectives end in a kind of Diminutive suffix -w , probably related
historically to : 'child'. The adjectives in question denote relatively low
valued on zero-to-infinity scales (as opposed to bipolar scales with a neutral
midpoint).
(xx1) form gloss
w -w ‘small (house); narrow (passage)'
m -w ‘thin, slender (person, tree); thin (wall)'
ŋ -w ‘short (rope, person)’
There is no nondiminutive counterpart. However, -w is optionally omitted
before Plural ge, hence w -w g or w g . g is H-toned in both
variants.
44
4.6 Participles
The main section of participles (i.e. forms of verbs used in relative clauses) is
§14.xxx.
Some simple English adjectives are expressed as participles in Tiranige
(xx1).
(xx1) Adjective-like participles
a. with -
- ‘wet, moistened (clothing)’
- 'hard (rock)'
- 'supple, stretchable
y - ‘dry, dried (clothing, wood)'
y - ‘spoiled, rotten (fruit, meat)’, 'damaged
(implement)'
y - ‘plump (animal)’
- ‘strong’
yw - ‘full (container)’
r - ‘full-strength, undiluted (milk, cream of
millet)’
w - 'dead'
b. with -
r y - 'fast'
r y - - 'slow'
c. with -
w - 'alive, living'
d. with -y
-y ‘slightly diluted, watered-down (milk,
cream of millet)’
ŋg -y ‘heavily diluted, watery’
Some other "adjectival" senses are expressed by participles of )-
'do' following an expressive adverbial (xx2).
(xx2) - y ‘pointed’
tɔp -tɔp y ‘spotted’
ɔ -ɔ y 'easily broken (infected sore etc.)'
45
4.6.1 Negative participial adjectives (-r )
In the polar adjective-like pairs in (xx1), the negatively defined quality is
expressed as a negative form (with suffix -r ) of the positively definied
quality.
(xx1) a. ŋg : ‘heavy’
ŋg -r ‘lightweight’
b. g g ‘bitter’
g g -r ‘bland-tasting’
4.7 Numerals
4.7.1 Cardinal numerals
Counting sequence ('1' to '10'): , ŋg , , c :jɔ, ,
ⁿ, sɔ:y, , w , y .
4.7.1.1 ‘One’ ( ), ‘same (one)’ ( ), and ‘other’ ( :)
is used in the counting sequence, absolutely, and as modifier after a
noun or core NP: :nj 'one dog', 'one village'. As
predicate, in the sense 'be the same', we get -ŋg before the 'it is' clitic.
(xx1) y ] y ] -ŋg ⁿ
[Dem and] [Dem and] one=it.is
'This and that are one (=the same).'
: 'other' is a regular adjective syntactically. It therefore controls tone-
dropping on the noun: :nj : 'another dog'.
4.7.1.2 ‘2’ to ‘10’
The numerals from ‘2’ to ‘10’ are shown in (xx1) They are {H}-toned in
isolation and absolutely, but drop tones when preceded by a noun (with or
without an adjective). Numerals have no effect on the tones or plural marking of
the preceding string.
46
(xx1) gloss isolation after N(-Adj)
‘2’ ŋg ŋg
‘3’
‘4’ c :jɔ c :jɔ
‘5’
‘6’ ⁿ ⁿ
‘7’ sɔ:y sɔ:y
‘8’
‘9’ w w
‘10’ y y
When followed by a demonstrative and/or a pronominal possessor, a
morpheme ŋg (presumably an allomorph of Plural ge) is added: ŋg
ŋg g 'these/those two', ŋg ŋg : g 'my two'. Plural ge is
not otherwise added to nonsingular numerals.
4.7.1.3 Decimal multiples (‘10’, ‘20’, ) and their combinations (‘11’, ‘59’,
)
The multiples of ‘10’ are given in (xx1).
(xx1) gloss form
‘10’ ŋŋŋ
‘20’ ŋŋŋ
‘30’ ŋŋŋ
‘40’ ŋŋŋ
‘50’ ŋŋŋ
‘60’ ŋŋŋ
‘70’ ŋŋŋ
‘80’ ŋŋŋ
‘90’ ŋŋŋ
Comment on unusual morphological or tonal aspects of these composite
decimal terms.
Describe combinations of the above with single-digit terms as in ‘11’ and
‘59’. There is usually a linking morpheme such as sa a that might be glossed
‘plus’, as in ‘ten plus one’, etc. Give at least two examples.
47
4.7.1.4 Large numerals (‘100’, ‘1000’, ) and their composites
The stems in (xx1) are usually noun-like morphosyntactically.
(xx1) gloss form
a. ‘hundred’ ŋŋŋ (<Fulfulde temedere?)
b. ‘thousand’ ŋŋŋ
c. ‘million’ ŋŋŋ (<French?)
These can be followed by a numeral (exx for ‘two hundred’, ‘three
thousand’, etc.).
Expression of numerals combining more than one level (‘1-99’, hundreds,
thousands). Is the noun repeated, or does it occur just at the beginning or just at
the end? (five thousand sheep [and] fifty sheep). Any special intonational
features on the nonfinal numerals?
4.7.1.5 Currency
name of currency unit (= 5 francs CFA).
Archaic ‘100’ term (Nanga s ŋi, etc.) still used to mean ‘500 francs’ (or ‘400
francs’) by older people?
4.7.1.6 Distributive numerals
example: ‘one-one’ = ‘one at a time, one by one, one each’, etc.
Do these function syntactically as expressive adverbials? (Test is predicate
negation: 'they are not two-by-two'.)
4.7.2 Ordinal adjectives
Cross-reference to ‘how-many-eth?’ (French quantième) in section on
interrogatives in chapter 13..
48
4.7.2.1 ‘First’ and ‘last’
‘first’ (ordinal) and ‘last, final’, with examples.
Cross-ref to adverbial 'first' §8.4.6.2
4.7.2.2 Other ordinals (suffix -ŋŋŋ)
Other ordinals are formed by adding suffix -ŋŋŋ to the numeral, whose
tones are dropped. There may be irregular forms for ‘second’, ‘third’, and/or
‘fourth’.
(xx1) form gloss
a. single-digit numeral
ŋŋŋ ‘second’
ŋŋŋ ‘third’
ŋŋŋ ‘fourth’
ŋŋŋ ‘fifth’
ŋŋŋ ‘sixth’
ŋŋŋ ‘seventh’
ŋŋŋ ‘eighth’
ŋŋŋ ‘ninth’
ŋŋŋ ‘tenth’
b. decimal
ŋŋŋ ‘twentieth’
c. decimal plus single-digit numeral
ŋŋŋ ‘eleventh’
d. hundred
ŋŋŋ ‘hundredth’
e. hundred plus ‘1-99’ numeral (two levels)
ŋŋŋ ‘hundred and twentieth’
comment on the scope of tone-dropping in (b), (c), and (e)
49
4.7.3 Fractions and portions
terms meaning ‘half’ or (more vaguely) ‘portion, section, division’.
50
5 Nominal and adjectival compounds
The compound types in this chapter are distinguished by the word-classes
of the initial and final, and by tone-contour. Using n for noun, a for adjective,
num for numeral, and v for verb, and x for a variable word class (noun,
adjective, perhaps adverb), one can represent the types with notation like [x
n], [n n], [n v], and (with a suffix) [n v-VblN], with diacritics to mark
tones ( all high tone, = falling HL contour, = rising LH contour, =
all-low tone, = regular lexical tone). Example: ] is a noun-noun
compound whose initial is dropped to {L} tone contour and whose final has its
lexical tones.
Put each such compound type in its own subsection. Comment on
morphophonological similarity or identity between certain compound types and
a) possessor-possessed combinations), and b) noun-adjective combinations.
Give several examples of each pattern.
5.1 Nominal compounds
5.1.1 Compounds of type ]
Both the initial and the final are nouns with their regular tones (no special
tonal change in compound).
Not a common compound type. Found in Jamsay with 'X-owner'
compounds.
5.1.2 Compounds of type ]
In this type, the initial drops tones, while the final keeps its regular tones. In
Tiranige, this type is occasionally indistinguishable from possessive-type
compounds, viz., when the initial is lexically {L}-toned and the final is lexically
{LH}-toned.
Initial is a noun (perhaps occasionally an adverb) that is tone-dropped, final is
a noun with its regular tones. Common. Final is usually the head.
May compete with possessor-type compounds (see below), but if so this type
is more typical of the fully lexicalized compounds.
51
5.1.3 Compounds with final Verbal Noun, type -VblN]
The noun is {L}-toned as compound initial. The verbal noun has its regular
form, i.e. {H}-toned verb plus suffix -w . The noun may be a cognate nominal,
although in this case the compound is somewhat superfluous when the cognate
nominal by itself can denote the action (e.g. 'hunt').
(xx1) a. with cognate nominal
- -w ] 'hunt'
'hunting'
b. with noncognate noun
g - -w ] g 'head''undoing old
braids (before braiding)'
Verbal nouns with incorporated object, e.g. ‘millet-farming’. The initial is
tone-dropped in some languages (but retains its lexical tones in Nanga). The
final is a regular verbal noun (with the Verbal Noun suffix, and showing any
tonal changes required by this suffix).
There may also be a semantically similar compound type without the Verbal
Noun. Nanga has a second pattern with low-toned initial and {HL} toned verb
stem as final (with no VblN suffix).
Elicit in contexts like ‘millet-farming is difficult’, with a predicative
adjective
5.1.4 Possessive-type compounds ]
In this type, the initial behaves morphologically like a possessor, and the final
has the possessor-controlled {L}+H contour. This compound pattern is very
productive in Tiranige.
(xx1) compound gloss initial and final
'bracelet' 'hand', 'necklace'
ŋg ŋg 'millet flour' ŋg '(millet) grain',
ŋg 'flour'
g : 'swill' g 'bran', : 'water'
52
Although the compound has possessive form, it functions syntactically as a
common noun. With a real possessor is added, as in m : 'my
bracelet' or 'Amadou's bracelet', there is no indication
of internal bracketing (nested possession) of the type [[Poss N] N] or [N [N
Poss]], and a pronominal possessor follows the entire compound: one says 'my
hand-necklace' rather than '[my hand's] necklace'.
5.1.5 Agentive compounds of type ]
The agentive form of the verb is {H}-toned, shifts -ATR to +ATR in nonfinal
syllables, and ends in i. It normally occurs in compounds with initials denoting
characteristic objects. A cognate nominal can serve as a default initial.
Monosyllabic Cɔ:- verbs appear as - :- or as - w - depending on the
point of articulation of the consonant, as with the simple Perfective, see 'singer'
(xx1a) and 'millet-cake eater' (xx1b).
(xx1) compound gloss initial (glossed) and
final
a. cognate nominal as initial
nw - w 'singer' nw : 'song', nɔ:-
- 'hunter' 'hunt',
-
y w -y w 'dancer' y w 'dance', y w -
wɔ- w 'farmer' wɔ 'farming',
wɔ-
b. noncognate noun as initial
ɔrɔg -ɲ : 'millet-cake eater' ɔrɔg 'millet
cake', ɲɔ:-
g - 'braiding lady' g 'head',
-
j - : 'weaver' j 'cotton thread', yɔ-
- 'meat-eater' n m 'meat',
t -
5.1.6 Compounds with ŋŋŋ ‘child’ (and ŋŋŋ ‘fruit’)
For lexicalized diminutive -w with some adjectives denoting relatively low
values on zero-to-infinity scales ('small', 'thin', 'short'), see §4.5.5.
53
Compounds whose final is the term for ‘child’.
In some languages, 'child' also used for ‘fruit of X’ and similar terms,
where X is a tree or other plant sp., and for ‘small item associated with X’,
where X is a (relatively large) implement. Other languages have a distinct term
for ‘fruit’.
Flora-fauna (esp. bird) terms may include frozen 'child' ending.
5.1.7 Compounds with ‘man’ (ŋŋŋ) and ‘woman’ (ŋŋŋ)
Mention adjectives ‘male’ and ‘female’ (e.g. after animal terms).
‘woman’ noun often has irregular forms as a compound initial (try ‘young
adult woman’, 'old woman', ‘woman who has just given birth’, ‘new bride’).
This may be distinct from the form used in less lexicalized combinations like
‘pretty woman’ and ‘three women’.
comment on ‘man’ in similar combinations, even if regular.
Are ‘boy’ and ‘girl’ frozen compounds? Give sg and pl for them.
5.1.8 Compounds with ŋŋŋ ‘owner’
start with ‘homeowner’, ‘owner of shop’, etc.
may also apply to ‘master (of slave)’. Give uncompounded form as in ‘I do
not have a master’.
May also compete with Characteristic derivative (Chapter 4). E.g. e.g.
‘hunchback’ = ‘owner of hump’.
5.1.9 Loose and tight compounds with ŋŋŋ (‘authentic’, ‘entire’)
A term (e.g. :, :), perhaps transparently related to a term for
‘mother’, may be used as a compound final (or adjective?) in the sense
‘authentic (not false) X’, 'principal, main X' (e.g. for the main village of a
cluster of villages), or ‘entire X (e.g. tree)’, especially with terms like ‘mango’
where the unmarked referent is a fruit. 'Authentic' is especially relevant to
species that resemble a less useful or prototypical second species ('jujube',
'indigo'). 'Authentic' or 'primary, main' may also apply to the main
neighborhood of a dispersed village cluster.
Also indicate the term for ‘false (i.e. nonprototypical) X’, e.g. ‘false jujube’
or ‘false wild-grape’. A few cases of this should turn up in the flora-fauna
terminology. Typical expressions are of the type 'hyena's jujube', 'squirrel's
54
peanut', 'herder's (wild) grape' on the one hand, and 'hibiscus' slave' on the
other.
5.1.10 Natural-species compounds (X-m/na:-X)
A few flora-fauna terms (for fauna, mostly grasshoppers and other insects
but also one or two herbs or grasses) may have a structure X-ma:-X or X-
na:-X, with a linking element separating two iterations of an element X (which
may or may not be identifiable with a regular lexical stem).
If this pattern is absent, say so.
5.1.11 Instrumental relative compounds (‘oil for rubbing’)
(xx1) a. ŋg ŋg - ŋg
tooth pick-xxx stick.L+H
'twig used as toothpick'
try ‘water for drinking’ versus ‘water for bathing’.
this construction may be a relative clause, with or without an overt 3Pl
subject pronominal (‘water that they drink’)
5.1.12 Other phrasal compounds
any other complex, phrase-like compounds
e.g. 'it sold its mother to buy a tail' (for male whydah birds in breeding
plumage)
5.1.13 Unclassified nominal compounds
any that do not fit into the above categories
55
5.2 Adjectival compounds
5.2.1 Bahuvrihi (“Blackbeard”) compounds ] or ]
Correspond to English compounds with -ed, like ‘big-bellied’ or ‘two-
headed’. Final is either an adjective or a numeral. The whole compound
describes a person or other entity that is characterized by the modified or
quantified noun.
Often bahuvrihi compounds have an initial with its lexical tones, and a final
with {HL} contour overlaid. This is tonally different from a noun-adjective
combination with the same lexical items (‘big belly’, ‘two heads’).
5.2.1.1 With adjectival compound final ]
give examples
'big-bellied', 'black-headed'
5.2.1.2 With numeral compound final ]
give examples
'two-headed', 'one-eyed'
5.2.2 Compounds of ŋŋŋ- ‘very’ plus adjective
compound-like pattern with an initial meaning ‘very’ (Nanga ɔ-).
Absent from most Dogon languages.
56
6 Noun Phrase structure
6.1 Organization of NP constituents
6.1.1 Linear order
The basic linear oder of elements is (xx1). The Plural morpheme is omitted
from the formulae since it may occur after two or more words within the NP.
(xx1) -2 prenominal demonstrative (e.g. ku)
-1 preposed possessor (nonpronominal or pronominal)
0 noun
+1 modifying adjective
+2 postposed pronominal possessor
+3 cardinal numeral
+4 demonstrative pronoun or Definite morpheme
+5 universal quantifier ( ‘all’)
'each' ?
Adjectives and numerals optionally invert in the presence of a preposed
possessor, see §6.2.4.
Examples illustrating the relative ordering of adjacent elements are in (xx2).
The overall linear ordering in (xx1) is cobbled together from such examples. In
the "type" formulae, n = noun and a = adjective.
(xx2) type
a. w w -w [n-a]
house.L small
'(a) small house'
b. w w -w ) g ŋg [n-a-num]
house.L small Pl two.L
'two small houses'
c. w g ŋg g [n-num-dem]
house.L Pl three Pl Dem.L Pl
'these/those three houses'
57
d. w g g [n-dem-'all']
house Pl Dem.L Pl all.L
'all of these/those houses'
e. w [poss-n]
A house.L+H
'Amadou's house'
f1. w w g ŋg [poss-
n-a-num]
A house.L small.L Pl three.L Pl.H
'Amadou's three small houses'
or:
f2. w ŋg w g [poss-n-a-
num]
A house.L small.L Pl three.L Pl.H
'Amadou's three small houses'
w ŋg g w
g [poss-
n-num-a-dem]
A house.L three.L Pl small.L Pl Dem Pl
'these/those three small houses of Amadou's
g. w ŋg g w
g [poss-
n-num-a-dem]
A house.L three.L Pl small.L Pl Dem Pl
'these/those three small houses of Amadou's
h. w g ŋg m : g [n-num-poss]
house Pl three Pl 1SgP Pl
'my three houses'
i. w w g ŋg m :g [n-a-num-
poss]
house.L small Pl three.L Pl 1SgP Pl
'my three small houses'
l. w m : [n-poss-dem]
58
house 1Sg Dem
'this/that house of mine'
m. w g m : g g [n-poss-dem]
house Pl 1SgP.L Pl Dem Pl
'these/those houses of mine'
‘each’ (distributive quantifier) usually combines with a simple noun (or
noun plus adjective): ‘each person’, ‘each big house’. If it occurs later in the
NP, it usually means ‘each of ...’, as in ‘each of the three women’
6.1.2 Headless NPs (absolute function of demonstratives, etc.)
NPs without an overt noun. Which of the following are possible? Anything
unusual about the form?
adjective ('a red one')
numeral ('three')
demonstrative ('this', 'that')
each'
'all'
Give examples in sentences.
Independent Plural ( ) may be identical to a 3Pl (or 2Pl) pronoun, so the
issue may be moot.
6.1.3 Bifurcation of relative-clause head NP
If the head NP is clause-internal, the late-NP elements usually appear after
the verb, perhaps well-separated from the internal part of the NP. This might
perhaps be modeled syntactically by having a Rel node between the NumP and
the determiner node, but this would require fairly strange deletions.
Internal portion usually Poss plus NumP, i.e. maximally Poss N-Adj-Num.
Postverbal part usually Dem-Plural-'all'/'each'
Can numerals sometimes appear after the verb?
If postnominal pronominal possessors present, where do they occur?
Cross-ref to fuller discussion, with examples, in chapter on Relativization
59
6.1.4 Internal bracketing and tone-dropping in unpossessed NP
Detailed analysis of tone-dropping within unpossessed NPs that are not
head NPs of relatives.
[[[N Adj] Num] Dem Pl 'all'
Adj, Dem, and (if present) 'each' usually control tone-dropping to {L} on
preceding words.
Numerals, Plural particle, and 'all' do not affect tones of preceding words.
Do definite morphemes control tone-dropping, like demonstratives?
If Adj-Num Inversion occurs in the language, does the N-Num-Adj order
result in [N.L Num.L Adj]?
If there is an 'each' quantifier, does it control tone-dropping? What about
'N Dem each' ?
Give exx. of relevant combinations, using ".L" in interlinears to indicate
that tone-dropping has applied.
include ex of N-Num-Dem, which should appear as [N.L Num.L Dem], as
the demonstrative controls tone-dropping on both preceding words.
are possessors ever controlloed tonosyntactically by other elements? Try
the following:
a) 'your wicked uncle' (i.e. an inalienable with an adjective and with a
preposed pronominal possessor that is otherwise H-toned). In several
languages a pronominal inalienable possessor is in the domain controlled by an
adjective or other postnominal controller, resulting in [PronPoss.L N.L Adj]
b) 'Seydou's wicked uncle'; only Jamsay is known to include a
nonpronominal inalienable possessor in the domain controlled by a
postnominal controller, resulting in [Seydou.L uncle.L bad.
c) 'your/Seydou's big house'; no cases known where a preposed alienable
possessor is in the domain controlled by a postnominal controller
d) various postnominal pronominal possessors (including at least one
H-tone element) followed by a demonstrative or relative operator. Here the
domain of tone-dropping may include just the appositional or classifying
element X like 'thing' in e.g. [house [my thing]], or it may be coextensive with
the pronominal possessor (especially when 'my thing' is a fused, unsegmentable
form), or it may extend farther left to the possessed noun (or its expansion). I.e.
the options are [N [Pron X.L]], [N PronPoss.L], and [N.L PronPoss.L].
60
6.2 Possessives
Inalienable possession: kin terms and a few similar relationship terms
('friend'), which may differ in form from other possessed NPs (alienable).
When the possessor is nonpronominal, it precedes the possessed NP in both
alienable and inalienable possession. Usually no Possessive morpheme (cf.
English 'of') between possessor and possessed, but Jamsay alienables do have
such a morpheme (possessor possessed).
When the possessor is pronominal, there may be differences between
inalienable and alienable. Sometimes pronominal possessors are postnominal
for alienable, but prenominal for inalienable possession. Or all pronominal
possessors may be post- or prenominal, but differ in form.
6.2.1 Alienable possession (Poss NP.PTC)
When the possessor immediately precedes an alienably possessed NP (anything
but a kin term or similar relationship term), it imposes a possessor-controlled
tone contour (PTC) on the possessed NP.
6.2.1.1 Nonpronominal NP as prenominal alienable possessor
A nonpronominal possessor precedes the possessed NP with no explicit
Genitive morpheme. The possessor has the same form it would have as a self-
standing NP. The possessor-controlled tone contour (PTC) is {L}+H, erasing
the lexical tone contour. Examples with unmodified possessed nouns, singular
and plural, are in (xx1).
(xx1) noun (X) gloss 'Amadou's X' 'Amadou's Xs'
a. X is lexically {H}
: 'cow' : g
w 'house' w w g
g 'pigeon' g g
g
b. X is lexically {L}
: 'jaw' : g
g 'cat' g g g
c. X is lexically {HL}
61
y 'bird' y y g
d. X is lexically {L}+H
g r 'yoke' g r g r
g
'chicken' g
The {L}+H contour is realized on the combination of possessed noun and
Plural morpheme. Therefore when the Plural morpheme is present, it is H-toned
g and the preceding noun is entirely {L}-toned.
6.2.1.2 Pronominal alienable possessor
The pronominal possessor forms for alienables are postposed to the noun (along
with any adjective and/or numeral). The forms are shown in (xx1) with
unmodified possessed nouns.
(xx1) Postposed pronominal possessors
category after {L} elsewhere
a. 1Sg m : m :
1Pl -w -w
b. 2Sg ɔ-w ɔ-w
2Pl -w -w
c. 3Sg n -w n -w
3Pl c -w c -w
After a true {L}-toned noun, I hear the contour of the possessor as rising. If
the noun contains any H-tone, i.e. if it is lexically {H}, {HL}, {LH}, or {L}+H
(in the latter case the final H is realized on the noun), I usually hear {L}-toned
possessor.
If the possessed noun is plural, Plural morpheme ge is added both to the
noun and to the possessor, suggesting a more or less appositional structure with
-w reduced from the noun w : 'thing' (xx2b,d). After the pronominal
possessor, Plural ge is always H-toned, suggesting that even superficially {L}-
toned pronominal possessors like m : (xx2a) are covertly {L}+H toned.
(xx2) a. g m :
pigeon 1SgP
62
'my pigeon'
b. g g ] [m : g ]
[pigeon H.Pl] [1SgP Pl.H]
'my pigeons'
c. m :
village 1SgP
'my village'
d. [ g ] [m : g ]
[village Pl] [1SgP Pl.H]
'my villages'
6.2.1.3 Tone contour of modifiers following an alienably possessed noun
This section considers combinations involving an alienable possessor (preposed
or proposed) and an adjective, a numeral, or both. Combinations involving a
determiner are dealt with in §6.xxx below.
In the sequence Poss-N-Adj(-Pl), the possessor-controlled contour {L}+H
is realized on the N-Adj(-Pl) sequence taken as a whole, not just on the noun.
(xx1) a. : j m g )
cow.L black (Pl)
'black cow(s)'
b. : j m ]
A [cow.L black.L+H]
'Amadou's black cow'
c. : j m g ]
A [cow.L black.L Pl.H]
'Amadou's black cows'
Likewise, the possessor-controlled {L}+H is realized on the entire sequence
N-Pl-Num (xx2b) or N-Adj-Num-Pl (xx2d) when a numeral is added to the mix.
Observe that the Plural morpheme (allomorph ŋg ) follows the numeral when
both a possessor and an adjective are present (xx2d). This suggests that the
bracketing in (xx2c) breaks down when a possessor is added, fusing the N-Adj
and numeral into a more tightly-knit unit, in both linear syntax and tonosyntax.
Perhaps related to this fusion is the fact that Adjective-Numeral Inversion
optionally applies (xx2e). In (xx2e), the full roster of three Plural morphemes
63
seems to be the ideal, but in multiple repetitions by an informant one or both of
the nonfinal Plural morphemes was sometimes omitted.
(xx2) a. : g ]
[cow Pl] three
'three cows'
b. : g ] ŋg ]
A [[cow.L Pl.L three.L Pl.H
'Amadou's three cows'
c. : j m g ]
[cow.L black Pl] three
'three black cows.'
d. : j m ŋg ]
A [cow.L black.L three.L Pl.H]
'Amadou's three black cows.'
e. : g ) ŋg ) j m g ]
A
[=(d)]
A postposed pronominal possessor follows N-Adj and may precede or
follow a numeral. The possessor has no effect on the tones of these other words,
consistent with its basically appositional nature. However, when a numeral
precedes, the presence of a possessor forces the numeral to add an overt Plural
morpheme; contrast (xx3b) with (xx2a) above. When both an adjective and a
numeral are present, the linear order may be N-Adj-Num-Poss (xx3c) or N-Adj-
Poss-Num (xx3d). Interestingly, an informant rejected Adjective-Numeral
Inversion (xx3e), regardless of tones on the words preceding the adjective,
though he freely allowed inversion with a preposed nonpronominal possessor,
see (xx2e) above. A possible explanation for the badness of (xx3e) is that such a
sequence forces the speaker to decide whether to allow the adjective to control
tone-dropping on the numeral and (at a distance) on the noun. This issue does
not arise with a preposed possessor, which itself controls tones on the following
words.
(xx3) a. : j m ] m :
[cow.L black] 1SgP
'my black cow'
b. [ : g ] ŋg ] [m : g ]
[cow Pl] [three Pl] [1SgP Pl]
64
'my three cows'
c. : j m g ] [m : g ]
[cow.L black Pl] [1SgP Pl.L] three
'my three black cows'
d. : j m g ] ŋg ] [m : g ]
[cow.L black Pl] [three Pl] [1SgP Pl.L]
[=(c)]
e. #[na: (ge) ta:ndi ŋge j m g ] [m :
g ]
[cow (Pl) three (Pl) black Pl] [2SgP Pl]
[ungrammatical regardless of tones on 'cow' and 'three']
6.2.2 Inalienable possession
w 'my father'
g 'my head'
Is inalienable possession distinct from alienable possession, either by linear
position or by morphology?
'Seydou's uncle' versus 'Seydou's house'
'my uncle' versus 'my house'
6.2.2.1 Kin terms and similar relationship terms
Present a full list of kin terms plus any other relationship terms like 'friend'
that constitute a special set of "inalienable" nouns. Give both unpossessed and
possessed forms, which should differ in tones. A few may also differ segmentally
(final vowel shifts, or a human Sg or Pl suffix occurs only in one of the forms).
List "kinship" terms that are not grammatically inalienable: perhaps 'child',
'wife' (= 'woman'), 'agemate', 'friend', 'co-wife', 'stepmother (= mother's co-
wife)'.
6.2.2.2 Tone contour of modifiers following an inalienably possessed noun
Same (tono-)syntax as alienable possession? Or do inalienables have a
more limited domain for the PTC than alienables?
65
when possessor precedes, does the possessor-controlled contour have the
same domain as in alienable possession?
'Seydou's big house' versus 'Seydou's wicked uncle'
'Seydou's six houses' versus 'Seydou's six uncles'
'this house of Seydou's' versus 'this uncle of Seydou's
tone-dropping controlled by a demonstrative or other late-NP controller.
same as with alienables?
‘Seydou’s wicked uncle’ = [Seydou [uncle bad]]
‘Seydou’s six uncles
‘Seydou(‘s) uncle the/this'
'Seydou('s) uncle six these' (numeral may function as "relay" here)
‘our wicked uncle’ = [1PlPoss [uncle bad]] or [[uncle bad] 1PlPoss]
‘our six uncles'
‘our uncle the/this'
'our uncle six these' (numeral may function as "relay" here)
6.2.3 Recursive possession
usually straightforward
‘Seydou's dog's head' e.g. [[S dog.(H)L] head.(H)L]
‘my dog's head' e.g. [[1SgPoss dog.(H)L] head.(H)L]
or [dog 1SgPoss] head.(H)L]
'Seydou's father's uncle' e.g. [S father.(H)L] uncle.(H)L]
'my father's uncle' e.g. [1SgPoss father.(H)L] uncle.(H)L]
or [fath
6.3 Core NP (noun plus adjective)
6.3.1 Noun plus regular adjective
A noun can be followed by one or more modifying adjectives within the NP.
The noun is tone-dropped to {L} before an adjective. The first adjective retains
its lexical tones. Plural ge follows the adjective (xx1b). The tonosyntactic
66
formula (".L" marks tone-dropping), disregarding the tone of the Plural
morpheme, is therefore [N.L Adj (Pl)].
(xx1) a. :nj 'dog'
:nj j m 'black dog'
:nj - 'big dog'
b. :nj g 'dogs'
:nj j m g 'black dogs'
:nj - g 'big dogs'
6.3.2 Adjective ŋŋŋ ‘certain (ones)’
Stem meaning ‘some/certain one(s)’ (also used in parallelistic ‘some people
went to Bamako, some [other] people stayed here’) may pattern either as a
modifying adjective, forcing tone-dropping on the noun, or as an adverbial (no
tonal effect on noun).
With mass nouns like ‘sugar’, ŋŋŋ means ‘some of (X)’, denoting a portion
of a larger quantity (xx4).
6.3.3 Expansions of adjective
6.3.3.1 Adjective sequences
§6.3.1 illustrated the noun-adjective construction, i.e. [N.L Adj (Pl)]. When a
second adjective is added, it is tone-dropped, leaving the first adjective as the
only tonosyntactically free word. The Plural morpheme, if relevant, follows
each adjective (xx1b), so the formula (disregarding the tones of the Plural
morphemes) is [N.L Adj (Pl) Adj.L (Pl)].
(xx1) a. :nj - j m
dog.L big-big black.L
'big black dog'
b. :nj - g ] [j m g ]
dog.L [big-big Pl] [black.L Pl]
'big black dogs'
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6.3.3.2 Adjectival intensifiers
Brief reference here; full coverage in Chapter 8 under expressive adverbials.
6.3.3.3 ‘Good to eat’
distinguish e.g. ‘hedgehogs are good to eat’ from e.g. ‘it’s good to eat
hedgehogs’.
6.4 Numeral phrase (NumP)
6.4.1 Ordinary NumPs
cardinal numeral follows core NP but precedes determiners: more exx.
no tonal interaction between cardinal numeral and core NP;
with following demonstrative (and Definite morpheme?), or as head of relative,
the core NP and the numeral are (simultaneously, and independently) tone-
dropped.
when NP is head of relative clause, numeral remains with head NP inside the
clause rather than being shifted to post-participial position.
some languages allow numerals to have a "relay" function, allowing a post-
NumP pronominal possessor to control {L} tones on the other words in the
NumP. In this case, either the numeral itself appears with {LH} contour,
analysable as a continuation of the broader {L} contour plus an extra final
H-tone, or it appears with its lexical tones.
6.4.2 Adj-Num Inversion
in the presence of an "inversion licensor", namely, a possessor, a
demonstrative, or a relative operator, does N-Adj-Num optionally invert to N-
Num-Adj? If so, does a definite morpheme also license the inversion?
e.g. [N.L Adj.L Num.L Dem] alternating with inverted [N.L Num.L Adj.L Dem]
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If Adj-Num Inversion occurs in the language, are there any combinations (say,
with a preposed possessor, or with a postposed pronominal possessor), where
the numeral is clearly controlled tonosyntactically by the adjective (i.e. when no
other element could control the numeral)? Often Adj-Num Inversion occurs only
in the presence of such an external controller so the question is moot. Jamsay
alienable possessors, however, do not control tone contours on possessed NPs.
Jamsay [Seydou Poss [house.L big three]] alternates with [Seydou Poss
[house.L three.L big]], showing that the inversion puts the numeral under the
control of the adjective. One might make a similar demonstration in a language
where the possessor does not control tones on an adjective in [Poss N.(H)L Adj
(Num)].
examples
6.5 NP with determiner
6.5.1 Prenominal ko ‘the (afore-mentioned)’
(Add tone, variably H or L)
ko (ku) before a noun is discourse-definite (‘that [same] ...’)
Is there a tonal distinction (on the following noun) between true Nonhuman
or Inanimate possessor ko ‘its’ and this demonstrative-like ko ?
Can this (originally possessor) element now co-occur with an authentic
possessor (NP or pronoun)? If so and if both are prenominal, in which order?
There is potentially a bracketing issue, since a NP-initial ko could have
scope over either the immediately following possessor, or over the entire
possessed NP. It may be possible to have double ko marking
definite ko plus possessor:
[ko [Seydou X.(H)L] 'that X of Seydou's
[ko [ko X.(H)L]] 'that X of it(s)' (inner ko is possessor)
recursive possession with two definite ko's
[ko [[ko X(H)L] Y.(H)L]] ‘that (same) Y of that (same) X’
6.5.2 Postnominal demonstratives
For deictic 'this/that' and its plural g , see §4.4.1.1. This
demonstrative may follow a noun, core NP (N-Adj), or a NumP. It drops tones
69
to (plural g ) in these combinations. It has no tonal effect on the
preceding elements.
(xx1) a. :nj 'this/that dog'
:nj g g 'thise/those dogs'
b. :nj j m 'this/that black dog'
:nj j m g g 'these/those black dogs'
c. :nj g ŋg g 'these/those three dogs'
In (xx1a-b), has no tonal or other effect on the preceding NP-internal
string. In (xx1c), it again has no tonal effect, but it does require the additional
Plural morpheme (here ŋg ) after the numeral, compare :nj g
'three dogs'.
When the noun is possessed (alienably or inalienably), (apparently)
recovers its lexical tones. However, since the noun is tone-dropped, the H-tone
on is attributable to the {L}+H tone contour of possessed nouns. This
assumes that the demonstrative is in the domain targeted by the
tonosyntactically controlling possessor.
(xx2) a. :nj ]
A [dog.L Dem.H]
'this/that dog of Amadou's'
b. ɔ ]
A [uncle.L Dem.H]
'this/that uncle of Amadou's'
When a NP functioing as head of a relative clause contains a demonstrative
(‘this dog that you see’), after bifurcation the demonstrative is separated from
the head NP within the clause, and appears (along with other late-NP elements)
after the verbal participle. See chapter 14 on relativization.
Poss-N-(Adj-)(Num-)Det combinations
(xx3) a.
A sheep.L Dem
'This sheep of Amadou's'
70
6.5.3 Definite morpheme plus noun
For the form(s), see §4.xxx.
Definite morphemes are generally incompatible with demonstratives.
Do Definite morphemes induce tone-dropping (in the same manner as
demonstrative pronouns)?
examples, with and without a possessor (‘the houses of Seydou’)
Head NPs of relative clauses are bifurcated. Definite morphemes, like
demonstratives and other late-NP elements, occur after the verb(-participle),
perhaps some distance from the clause-internal part of the head NP; see §14.6.
6.6 Universal and distributive quantifiers
6.6.1 ‘All’ ( )
The universal quantifier 'all' occurs at the end of a NP. It does not "float"
away from its NP (cf. "floating quantifiers" in English). The NP is generally
determined (definite or demonstrative). If the quantified-over NP is countable,
Plural ge is present where n
(xx1) a. g g r ] [j l ŋ ] -
y
[young.person Pl Def all] [exodus in] go.Perf.L-3PlS
'All the young people have gone away (to work).'
b. [ : g ] ŋg ] [m : g r ]
[[cow.L Pl] [three Pl] [1SgP Pl Def] all
-yⁿ
sell.Perf-1SgS
'I sold all three of my cows.'
c. ŋg m :] ] -yⁿ
[[millet 1SgP] all] sell.Perf-1SgS
'I sold all my millet.'
(there may be more than one form with this translation)
71
Normally the ‘all’ (universal quantifier) is NP-final, following even
demonstrative pronouns and the definite morpheme. May also follow the
independent Plural particle ( etc.) if the two can co-occur.
For countable NPs, is the NP preceding 'all' marked for plurality (in the
fashion usual for the language)?
possibly a distinct structure (partitive) with a reference-restricting element
also present (possessor, determiner, relative). Overtly partitive construction
would be of the type [[among [my cows]] all are sick] with a PP.
examples
'All the cows have gone.' = 'Every cow has gone.'
'All (of) my cows have gone.'
'All (of) these cows are sick.'
Some 'all' quantifiers may show intonational prolongation or other features
recalling expressive adverbials, e.g. (regional form also in Fulfulde etc.).
However, they don't usually pattern syntactically like EAs. Tests include form as
predicate and focused constituent, which usually have the 'it is' clitic typical of
NPs (not EAs).
'(This) is all the food.'
6.6.2 ‘Each’ (ŋŋŋ)
Some Dogon languages have no specifically distributive
there is not always a sharp semantic distinction between ‘each’ (distributive)
and ‘all’ (universal)
the ‘each’ quantifier is most often directly combined with a core NP (noun plus
any adjectives).
tone-dropping effect on final word in core NP?
partitive construction ‘each of us’, ‘each of those three sheep’
6.6.3 Universal and distributive quantifiers with negation
‘not at all’ = ‘absolutely not’ (= none, never) versus ‘not all’
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6.7 Accusative (gi)
Accusative gi occurs optionally with human nouns and pronouns that function
as direct objects. The form is L-toned g after a word (or compound final)
containing a H-tone, H-toned g after an all {L}-toned word.
(xx1) noun with gi gloss
a. {H}-toned
: g '(a/the) blacksmith'
-y : -y g '(a/the) woman'
b. {L}+H-toned
g 'Amadou' (man's name)
bɔ:wɔ bɔ:wɔ g 'Mossi person'
c. {L}-toned
g '(a/the) white person'
b.
Is there an Accusative suffix or clitic added to NP in object function,
especially for animate NPs and pronouns?
If such a morpheme is present, does it occur only once at the end of a NP?
Does it follow demonstrative pronouns, Definite morpheme, ‘each’ quantifier.
and ‘all’ quantifier?
Intrinsic tone, or atonal (getting tone from the preceding word)?
Compatible with a possessor preceding the noun?
Accusative omitted for object of imperative verb (§10.6.1), hortative verb
(§10.6.2)?
73
7 Coordination
7.1 NP coordination
7.1.1 NP conjunction (‘X and Y’)
Often there is a conjunction morpheme M (e.g. low-toned yo) that occurs in
parallel after both NP conjuncts: [X M] [Y M] ‘X and Y’. In some languages
like Jamsay this morpheme has disappeared but lives on in the form of dying-
quail intonation (prolongation plus slowly falling pitch, symbol ).
Since the first M identifies the construction as conjunction, the second M
may be optional, or otherwise differ from the first.
examples
conjunction or disjunction?
'I don't like [beans and/or couscous]'
['and' or 'or' used here?]
['and' only in the sense 'beans served with couscous'?]
'As for beans and cousous [topic], I don't like (either of) them.'
Triple and other multiple conjunction: X, Y, and Z
[final high pitch on nonfinal conjuncts, low pitch on final one?]
extended lists, especially existential ('there are cows, and goats, and sheep,
...') may have a different conjunctive particle such as (same as Plural
particle?). Not normally used with pronouns.
7.1.1.1 Ordering of coordinands
‘you and I’ versus ‘I and you’, etc.
usually no fixed order
7.1.1.2 Conjunction with final summative quantifier
‘all’ quantifier may indicate the end of the entire conjoined NP.
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7.1.1.3 'X and Y' with a modifier or postposition
Usually a modifier (adjective, possessor, determiner, relative operator) that has
scope over both X and Y has to be repeated. It is possible to create contexts
where the relative operator at least cannot be repeated without changing the
sense. Treatment of Accusative morpheme and postpositions is more variable.
possessor (prenominal and, if present in the language, postnominal)
'My sheep and (my) goats have died.'
'Seydou's sheep and (his) goats have died.'
[is possessor repeated?]
adjective
'I only buy plump sheep and (plump) goats.'
[is adjective normally repeated in this context?]
numeral
'I sold three sheep and (three) goats.'
[numeral is normally repeated]
determiner (demonstrative, definite)
'These sheep and (these) goats are sick.'
'The sheep and (the) goats are sick.'
[is determiner normally repeated ?]
'all'
'All the men and (all the) women will come.'
['all' repeated?]
[distinguish the true 'all' sense from the use of 'all' to indicate the end of
a lengthy conjoined NP, perhaps involving singular or mass NPs]
Accusative
'We saw the men and the women.'
[if Accusative morpheme present in the language, where does it occur?]
postposition
'I gave the millet [to [the men and the women]]'
[dative postposition repeated: 'to the men and to the women' ?]
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Conjoined NP 'X and Y' as relative-clause head NP is usually avoided, but
it can be elicited when no paraphrase is possible ('the men and women who
fought each other'); see Chapter 14.
7.1.2 “Conjunction” of verbs or VP’s
Conjunction construction described above is not used with verbs or VPs;
for chaining mechanisms see §15.1-2.
7.2 Disjunction
any distinction (segmental form, intonation, or preferred verbal inflectional
category) between ‘or’ in (indicative) ‘every day we slaughter (either) a sheep
or a goat’ and the polar (yes/no) interrogative morpheme?
7.2.1 ‘Or’ (ŋŋŋ)
‘or’ particle (often ma), often hard to distinguish from polar-interrogative
particle.
atonal (getting phonological tone from preceding word), or having an
intrinsic tone?
usually subject to conspicuous intonational prolongation and pitch
‘X or Y’ (indicative), using exx. not easily misunderstood as questions
‘every day we slaughter a sheep or a goat’
‘you or I must go there tomorrow’
‘every market day we sell three or four sheep’
‘or’ particle (often ma) may be repeated: [X or] [Y or] ‘X or Y’, or it
occurs just once, between the coordinands: [X or Y].
For whichever patterns are observed, describe typical intonation contours
(final pitch and/or prolongation). In the case of [X or Y] indicate whether ‘or’
is prosodically grouped (and thus bracketable) with X or with Y.
7.2.2 Clause-level disjunction
It may be especially difficult to distinguish ‘S or T’ with two indicative
clauses from polar interrogative ‘S? or T?’.
77
‘Either you will go to Bamako or you will stay here (but you won’t go to
Mopti)’
‘Either it will rain soon, or the millet will be ruined’
‘Every day, either we get millet from the granary or we buy some millet’
Can an imperative be combined disjunctively with another imperative, or
with any other clause? (‘eat the meal, or get up!’). If not, how is such an idea
expressed?
78
8 Postpositions and adverbials
For atonal postpositions that lack an intrinsic tone, instead getting a tone
by spreading from the left, omit tones in the citation form. Any general
comments about phonological (segmental or tonal) interactions between
postpositions and preceding nouns/pronouns can go here.
In some languages (e.g. Jamsay), dative, instrumental, and basic locative
are the same postposition (general oblique), so some merging of sections is
needed. In this event, give plenty of examples to show the range.
If there are any “tonal locatives” (as in Jamsay and marginally elsewhere),
expressed solely by a tone change, they should have their own section.
‘About X’ as in ‘let’s talk about (=on the subject of) X’ is expressed
variously. Include this in whatever subsection is relevant.
8.1 Dative and instrumental
8.1.1 Dative absent
No dative postposition occurs with ditransitives like 'give' and 'say'. Such verbs
use the regular accusative marking for indirect objects (xx1a-b). The same
ditransitive syntax is used with the interesting verb - - 'do (sth) for
(sb)', which replaces )- 'do (sth)' when a beneficiary is expressed
(xx1c).
(xx1) a. : g ] c l ŋg nd -w
[who? Acc] money give-2SgS
'To who(m) did you-Sg give the money?'
b. g ] w :-w g - -w
[1Sg Acc] anything say-PerfNeg-2SgS
'You didn't say anything to me.'
c. w :-w ] g ] - -w
[even anything] [1Sg Acc] do.for-PerfNeg-2SgS
'You-Sg didn't do anything for me.'
79
An informant rephrased some French cues with possessives instead of
dative PPs with simple transitives wherever this made sense, e.g. 'I will cook
[your meals]' instead of 'I will cook meals [for you]'. Where this does not work,
a purposive PP can be used (§8.3).
8.1.2 Instrumental ŋŋŋ
Instrumental ‘with (= by means of’). Complement normally inanimate.
Instrumental or locative in ‘I went to Bamako in/with the bus’?
May spill into comitative (‘I went to Bamako with Seydou’). Complement of
comitative normally human/animate. Some contexts blur the
instrumental/comitative distinction: ‘we cook the sauce with some salt’.
examples
‘I cut the meat with a knife.'
‘They swept the courtyard with a broom.'
idioms: 'by force'
8.2 Locational postpositions
8.2.1 Locative, allative, and ablative functions
As in other languages of the zone, the burden of expressing allative 'to' and
ablative 'from' falls on verbs rather than on postpositions. For example, ablative
sense is expressed by g :- 'go out, leave', perhaps chained with another verb.
Therefore all adverbial phrases, including PPs, that denote locations or positions
can be used in (static) locative, allative, or ablative contexts.
8.2.2 Simple and composite PPs
In addition to simple (monomorphemic) postpositions, there are several
composite postpositions. These are generally transparent combinations of the
general Locative postposition ŋa with a possessed [X's Y], where Y is a body
part term or similar noun with spatial reference. The Y noun has the usual
possessor-controlled {LH} tone contour in this construction. It is therefore
followed by L-toned ŋ 'in', though this is raised to ŋ before a L-toned
syllable.
80
A difference between such composite postpositions and simple PPs that
happen to have a possessed noun as complement (e.g. 'in my head') is that
pronominal possessors are always preposed to the Y noun in the composite
postpositions. Thus ŋ 'on me' (composite postposition), but
ŋ 'in/on my head'.
8.2.3 Locative 'in, at, on'
8.2.3.1 Locative by vowel-lengthening
Nou w 'house' occurs as a locative 'in (the) house' in the form w :
with lengthened final vowel. Perhaps this arose as a contraction of * w ŋ
with overt postposition. Such tonal locatives are common in Jamsay and Togo
Kan.
8.2.3.2 Locative postposition (ŋa)
The basic Locative postposition 'in, at' (occasionally 'on') is ŋa It is common
with place names as well as with common nouns denoting objects or spaces.
The postposition is H-toned after a {L}-toned word, and L-toned (in isolation or
before H-tone) after words that include a H-tone element.
tone-polarization (phonology chap)
(xx1) noun locative gloss
a. H-toned ŋ
ŋ 'in the village'
ɔmɔ ɔmɔ ŋ 'in the mouth'
w w ŋ 'in/at the market'
b. L-toned ŋ
bɔmɔkɔ bɔmɔkɔ ŋ 'in Bamako (city)'
ŋ 'in the trap'
n :nd n :nd ŋ 'in the tongue'
y y ŋ 'in the field(s)'
r r ŋ 'in the waterjar'
g g ŋ 'in the bush (outback)'
: ŋ 'in the water'
ŋ 'on/in the arm'
81
c. possessed nouns
y : y ŋ 'in my field'
y y ŋ 'in X's field'
d. determined and quantified nouns
r r ŋ 'in the village' (definite)
ŋ 'in this/that village'
g r g r ŋ
'in all (the) villages'
Before a L-toned syllable, a final H-tone on the NP carries over to the
postposition. Thus bɔmɔkɔ ŋ 'in Bamako', but [bɔmɔkɔ ŋ -
'he/she is in Bamako'.
ŋa is not common with temporal NPs, which can be used adverbially
without overt locative marking (xx2).
(xx1) a. y g w - -yⁿ
night work(n.) do-ImpfNeg-1SgS
'I do not work at night.'
b. y g ŋ ] - -y
rainy.season [village in] go.Impf.LH-1SgS
'In the rainy season, I go to the village.'
ŋa is also part of some complex postpositions described below.
8.2.4 'Inside X' or 'under X' ( y ŋ )
From noun y 'interior' and PP y ŋ 'in the interior, on the inside',
we get complex postposition y ŋ 'inside X', literally 'in [X's
interior]'. Prototypically, X is 'house'.
(xx1) a. :r ] w y ] ŋ ] -
[tea Def] [house interior.LH] in.H] be.LH-3SgS
'The tea is in(side) the house.'
b. r ] r ] y ]
ŋ ]
[calabash Def] [[[well Def] interior.LH] in.H]
g -
fall go.down.Perf.LH-3SgS
'The calabash fell to the bottom of the well.'
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This postposition is also used in the sense 'under X'.
(xx1) r ] : r ] y ] ŋ ]
[key Def] [[[mat Def] interior.LH] in.H]
-
be.laid.Stat.LH-3SgS
'The key is under the mat.'
8.2.5 'At the bottom/base of X' ( g ŋ ])
This expression denotes a position just next to the base of an entity (tree,
mountain), but not directly under it.
(xx1) r ] r ] g ]ŋ ] -
[village.+H Def] [[[stone Def] base.LH] in.H] be.LH-3SgS
'The village is at the base of the mountain.'
Adverb g -y means 'at the base'.
8.2.6 ‘On (the head of) X’, 'over' ( ŋ )
The postposition 'on (a more or less horizontal surface)' or 'over, above' is
ŋ . It consists of a possessed form of noun 'head' (synonym of
g ) plus Locative ŋ . In the sense 'on X', ŋ ] may be
followed by the simple predicate - 'be' or, for inanimates, by a form (e.g.
stative) of g -y - '(object) be on (a surface)'.
(xx1) a. y r ] : r ] ] ŋ ]
[blanket.+H Def] [[[mat.+H Def] head.LH] in.H]
g -
be.on.Stat.LH-3SgS
'The blanket is on the mat.' (y , :)
b. ] ŋ ] -y
[[roof head.LH] on.H] be-1SgS
'I am on the roof.'
c. ] ŋ ] -
[1Sg head.LH] in.H] fall.Perf.LH-3SgS
'It fell on me (on my head).'
83
d. y g r ] ] ŋ ]
y - :
[bird Pl Def] [1Pl head.LH] in.H] fly Prog-3PlS
'The birds are flying above us (=over our heads)'
Other verbs that make reference to position on surfaces, ŋg -y - 'be
on (horizontal or vertical surface)' and y - 'lie down', take simple locative
PPs with ŋa (xx2).
(xx2) a. r ] w ŋg ] ŋ ] ŋg -
[agama Def] [house wall.LH] in] be.on.Stat.LH-3SgS
'The agama lizard is on the wall.'
b. : ŋ ] y- :
[mat in] lie.down.Stat.LH-3PlS
'They are lying down on a mat.'
Without a possessor, the simple PP ŋ means 'on top, above,
overhead'.
8.2.7 ‘Next to, beside X’ ([X :l ŋ , [X j l ŋ )
When a person is the reference point, 'next to/beside X' is expressed by a
composite postposition based on :l 'flank, side (of body, at ribs)', viz., [X
:l ŋ (xx1a).
From noun j l '(sb's) zone, territory', a composite postposition [X
j l ŋ is formed. It can mean 'next to, in the vicinity of', with reference to
e.g. a landmark (xx1b). Close proximity to the landmark is not required as long
as the zone in question is defined in some sense by the landmark.
(xx1) a. :l ] ŋ ] -
[[1SgP side.LH] in] be-3SgS
'He/She is beside (=next to) me.'
b. r ] j l ] ŋ ]
[[[mosque Def] side.LH] in]
g ] g -m
[1Sg Acc] go.down-Caus.Imprt
'Let-2Sg me off (this vehicle) next to (=in the area of) the mosque!'
84
ŋg 'proximity, vicinity', locative ŋg ŋ 'nearby, in the vicinity',
can also form a composite postposition when distance as such is relevant: [[X
ŋg ŋ ] 'in the vicinity of X'.
8.2.8 ‘In front of’ ( ŋ )
From r ŋ 'in front, forward, ahead' we get r ŋ 'in front of
X'. The tones are incorrect for the usual [[X noun.LH] ŋ ] composite
postposition type. 'In front of X' has the same spatial parameters as in English.
(xx1) a. r ] ŋ ] -
[[1Pl front] in.H] be-3SgS
'He/She is in front of me.'
b. ŋgɔ r ] r ]ŋ ] y- y
[[tree Def] front] in] lie.down.Perf.L-3PlS
'They lay down in front of the tree.'
c. r r ] c ] r ]ŋ ]
chief [[[[community Def] all] front] in.H]
-
speak.Perf.LH-3SgS
'The chief spoke in front of the (whole) community.' ( )
8.2.9 ‘Behind/after X’ ( t :ⁿ ŋ )
'Behind X' is ⁿ ŋ . Its core sense is spatial (xx1a), but it can be used
in temporal senses as well (xx1b-c). The related noun is ⁿ 'rear (of sth)'. In
ⁿ ŋ , the nasalization of ⁿ is difficult (perhaps impossible) to
hear separately because of the following ŋ.
(xx1) a. ⁿ ŋa] -
[[1Pl behind] in.H] be.LH-3SgS
'He/She is behind me.'
b. ⁿ ŋ ] y g -w -y
[[holy.day behind] in.H] come-Impf.LH-1SgS
'I will come (back) after the holy day.'
c. w r ] ⁿ ŋ ] ɔ-w- :
[[house Def] [[1Pl behind] in.H] close-Impf.LH-3PlS
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'They will close up the house after us (=after we leave).'
8.2.10 ‘Over X’ ( ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ), ‘under X’ ( ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ)
'Over/above X' is the same as 'on X', see §8.2.xxx. 'Under X' is the same as
'inside X'.
8.2.11 ‘Between’ ([[X Y ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ)
'Between X and Y' or 'between X-Pl' is expressed with the composite
postposition ŋ , cf. noun -ŋg '(the) middle'.
(xx1) a. r w r y ] w y ]]
] ŋ ]
Boui [[[[S and] [D and]] middle.LH] in.L]
-
be.LH-3SgS
'Boui (village) is located between Sevare and Douentza.'
b. ] ŋ
[1Pl middle.LH] in
'between us'
8.2.12 ‘From X to Y’
How does one express e.g. the following?
‘they ran all the way to Mopti’
‘they ran from Mopti to Bandiagara’ (may involve chained 'leave' verb)
8.3 Purposive-Causal ‘for’ ( )
g ] means 'for X', in a prospective sense (e.g. 'in order to get X'), as in
(xx1).
(xx1) g g ] y g - - :
[honey for] come-Reslt.LH-3PlS
'They have come for honey.'
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The sense can also be retrospective ('because of, due to, as a result of'), as in
(xx2a), or abstract 'on account of', as in (xx2b-c).
(xx2) a. g ] w : nw -
[rain(n.) for] house.in 1PlS go.in-Reslt.LH
'We went into the house because of the rain (outside).'
b. g ] y g - - :
[1Sg for] come-Reslt.LH-3PlS
'They have come for (i.e. to visit) me.'
c. : g ] g ] r -w -y
[God for] [2Sg Acc] help-Impf.LH-1SgS
'I will help you-Sg on account of God (i.e. as a charitable act).'
8.4 Other adverbs (or equivalents)
8.4.1 Similarity (tɔrɔ ‘like’)
'Like (similar to) X' is [X tɔrɔ].
(xx1) a. tɔrɔ] -
[1Sg like.LH] be.LH-3SgS
'He/She is like me.'
b. : tɔrɔ] kɔ - -w
[child like.LH] weep-Impf.LH-2SgS
'You-Sg weep like a child.'
Note also mbɔrɔ 'like this/that' (cf. 'this/that').
8.4.2 Extent (‘a lot’, ‘a little’)
Adverb ‘a lot, greatly, very’, perhaps an expressive adverbial (EA) used in
a wide range of syntactic environments. May function (at least in translation) as
a NP ‘a large amount’ as in ‘they gave me a lot’. Give several examples.
Adverb ‘a little, slightly, somewhat’ likewise may have NP-like readings (‘a
small amount’) as well as other readings; again, this may be an EA in form d
cross-refs to §4.4.2.2
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8.4.3 Specificity
8.4.3.1 ‘Approximately’ (ŋŋŋ)
e.g. ‘I will buy approximately fifty sheep’ (Fr environ)
for ‘somewhere around here’ etc., see §4.4.2.2.
8.4.3.2 ‘Exactly’ (ŋŋŋ, ŋŋŋ, ŋŋŋ)
Several such forms used in different contexts. See also 'specifically' in the
following section.
a) ‘exactly one’ (intensifying expressive adverbial for 'one', often pejorative, as
in 'he gave me one lousy dollar'), Jamsay (t ) , see §19.4.2.
b) ‘(two persons of) exactly the same (e.g. height)’
c) '12 o'clock sharp', Fr midi pil
(no traditional terms, given the absence of clock time until recently)
d) 'right here', see §4.4.2.
e) ‘exactly correct’ (said to confirm the truth of a proposition the interlocutor
has just uttered): phrase-final emphatics like :t , see §19.5.1.
8.4.3.3 ‘Specifically’ (ŋŋŋ)
Expressive adverbial (e.g. Jamsay te or its iteration t :-t :) after
the relevant constituent. See also preceding section.
exx:
‘He gave it specifically to you-Sg’ (with dative postposition)
‘I personally don’t drink tea’
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8.4.4 Evaluation
8.4.4.1 ‘Well’ and ‘badly’
‘he works well’, perhaps expressed as [he does [good work]]. Usually also a
verb meaning 'manufacture, make (well), do well' and perhaps 'repair', also
intransitive '(manufactured object) be well-made, (e.g. rainy season) turn out
well' (Jamsay : -).
likewise ‘he works badly’ (probably rephrased, e.g. as 'he doesn't do good
work')
8.4.4.2 ‘Proper, right, (socially) normal’ (ŋŋŋ)
Perhaps an expressive adverbial used predicatively with ‘it is’ clitic or its
negative counterpart, in senses like ‘it’s (not) right, normal, appropriate’, with
reference to actions. (Jamsay :ⁿ)
8.4.5 Manner adverbs
No standard morphosyntactic form corresponding to English -ly.
manner “adverbs” usually take the form of [noun adjective] complements
of verbs, as in ‘he does [fast work]’. There are also some adverbial PPs like
‘with force/strength’.
mention the noun meaning ‘way, manner (of being or doing)’. This may be
used in low-toned form as relative-clause head in manner adverbial clauses, see
§15.5.
for ‘like X’ phrases, see §8.4.1.
8.4.6 Spatiotemporal adverbials
8.4.6.1 Temporal adverbs
Some of the major temporal adverbs are in (xx1).
(xx1) a. ŋŋŋ ‘today; nowadays’
ŋŋŋ ‘again’
ŋŋŋ ‘yesterday; formerly, in the old days’
ŋŋŋ ‘day before yesterday’
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ŋŋŋ ‘now’
b. ŋŋŋ ‘tomorrow; in the future’
ŋŋŋ ‘day after tomorrow’
ŋŋŋ ‘second day after tomorrow’ (third from
today)
ŋŋŋ ‘third day after tomorrow’ (fourth from
today)
ŋŋŋ ‘fourth day after tomorrow’ (fifth from
today)
ŋŋŋ ‘fifth day after tomorrow’ (sixth from
tomorrow)
c. ŋŋŋ ‘last year’
ŋŋŋ ‘next year’
ŋŋŋ ‘this year’
8.4.6.2 ‘First’ (ŋŋŋ)
Adverb ‘first, firstly, at first’, local French en première position (i.e. before
something else). This may be an expressive adverbial, or it may be identical to
the ordinal ‘first’ (as in English).
‘We’ll finish the work first, then we’ll eat’
8.4.6.3 Spatial adverbs
The following are the main spatial adverbs.
(xx1) a. ŋŋŋ ‘above, top, summit’
ŋŋŋ ‘below, bottom, down’
b. ŋŋŋ ‘east’
ŋŋŋ ‘west’
ŋŋŋ ‘south’
ŋŋŋ ‘north’
c. ŋŋŋ ‘going backward, in reverse’
ŋŋŋ ‘in the rear’
ŋŋŋ ‘forward; in front’
‘forward’ related to noun ‘eye’?
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discussion, especially of cardinal-direction terms
‘left’ and ‘right’ are adjectives, not adverbs, used with body-part nouns (‘right
hand’, ‘left hand’). Discuss the forms, especially if segmentable. (‘right’ related
to ‘eat’?)
8.4.7 Expressive adverbials (EAs)
EAs may function syntactically as predicates (in which case they are
followed by an inflected form of existential-locational ‘be'), or as adverbs. They
may also have a special inchoative predicative form ('become X'). For the
syntax, see §11.1.3.1.
Semantically, some EAs are adjective-like, but they do not induce tone-
dropping on a noun and in general are not integrated morphosyntactically into
NPs. Many but not all have imagistic senses of the sort often associated with
"ideophones" or "mimetics."
EAs typically have unusual phonological features, either final intonational
prolongation (less often, dying-quail pitch fall) or strange interjection-like
shapes like CvC with final stop. In some languages, they may also be completely
low-toned. In some languages they are regularly followed by an Adverbial
morpheme (Najamba n ), in which case the intonational prolongation may be
reduced or absent.
Give a complete or at least generous list of such expressive adverbials from
the lexicon. Organize by phonological pattern (reduplication, segmental shape,
tone pattern, final intonation). Begin by dividing into reduplicated or
unreduplicated. Within each, organize into subgroups based on shape such as
CvC and Cvv, with separate sections for distinctive tone patterns and for final
intonational prolongation . If any adverbials are related to another word
(noun, verb, adjective), this should be indicated.
Include adjectival intensifiers here. They can be elicited along with many of
the basic adjectives in Chapter 4.
Examples of glosses of expressive adverbials
‘flapping’
‘swaying’
‘walking along with hips swaying’ (cow, elephant, fat woman)
‘gaping (hole)’
‘wide open (doorway)’
‘face to face’
‘(head) long and bending forward’
‘chubby, puffy’
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‘woolly (texture, e.g. velvet), disheveled (hair)’
‘wide open (eyes)’
‘tilting’
‘with head tilting’
‘ajar (door)’
‘rickety, shaky, poorly encased’
‘brief shower (rain)’
‘fat (woman, cow)’
‘fat and clumsy’
‘froth forming’
‘towering, lofty’
‘straight-nosed’
‘slightly open (mouth)’
‘slightly open (eyes)’
‘motionless’
‘many small identical objects’
‘all together’
‘many small identical objects’ (var.)
‘shiny new’
‘suddenly encountering’
‘runty and weak’
‘drizzle (light rain)’
‘going backward’
‘almost alongside’
‘staggering or stumbling along’
A few other important adverbials are discussed in the sections below. For other
high-frequency expressive adverbials, see §8.4.2-3, above.
8.4.8 ‘Flat and wide'
A number of semantically adjective-like stems are grammatically adverbials (no
morphology, function adverbially or are made predicative by adding ‘be’). Of
special interest are terms for ‘flat’ (often more precisely e.g. ‘flat and wide’ and
similar senses); check terms for ‘flat-topped (head)’, ‘flat (nose)’, ‘flat
(grinding stone)’, and ‘flat (terrain)’. In some languages, several such terms
occur, distinguished by vowel quality (pata, p t , pɔtɔ, etc., with tone and
perhaps final intonational lengthening varying from language to language).
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8.4.8.1 ‘Straight’ (ŋŋŋ)
‘straight (line or trajectory’, as in ‘we went straight (= directly) to Mopti’,
or predicative ‘the road is straight’. There may be two or three such forms used
in different contexts.
iterated (reduplicated) form (adverbial or adjective)?
there may be a distinct lexical item for ‘straight (object)’ as in ‘straight (not
crooked) stick’
8.4.8.2 ‘Apart, separate’ (ŋŋŋ)
The EA ŋŋŋ is used in parallel constructions of the type ‘X is apart, Y is
apart’ (meaning ‘X and Y are separated or distinct’).
‘goats are apart, sheep are apart’ (= not the same, or physically separated)
iterated form?
8.4.8.3 ‘Always’ (ŋŋŋ), ‘never’ (ŋŋŋ)
examples, including predicates
8.4.8.4 ‘Exclusively, together’ (ŋŋŋ)
Either a general ‘together’ adverbial, as in ‘they are together’, or a more
nuanced version ‘they are together (and separated from others)’
‘together’ in English translations may also be expressed in other ways:
verb chain ‘assemble (=get together) and VP’, PP (‘beside each other’), or
numeral (‘[we two] work’). See also §18.3.2.
8.4.8.5 ‘All, entirely’ (ŋŋŋ)
The basic ‘all’ quantifier ŋŋŋ may co-occur with an intensifier ŋŋŋ.
Alternatively, this ‘all’ quantifier may be replaced by another expressive
adverbial ŋŋŋ ‘all, entirely, absolutely’.
iterated form?
predicative?
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8.4.9 Reduplicated (iterated) adverbials
8.4.9.1 Distributive adverbial iteration
Any numeral, or the interrogative ŋŋŋ ‘how many?’, can be iterated to
form a distributive adverb with meanings like ‘six at a time’, ‘six apiece’, or ‘six
by six’. Such phrases can be used, among other things, to specify the price per
unit of a commodity for sale.
These iterated distributives are treated like EAs grammatically.
examples, including predicative forms
8.4.9.2 ‘Scattered, here and there’ (ŋŋŋ)
Indicates irregular and sparse distribution.
If not iterated in form, relocate or delete this section.
‘The seeds have sprouted here and there.’
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9 Verbal derivation
The productive suffixal derivations (stem to stem) for verbs are the Reversive
(‘un-…’), the Causative, the Inchoative and Factitive of adjectives, and in many
languages the alternation of Mediopassive (-yv) and Transitive (-tv, -dv, -
rv, or -lv). In some languages the Mediopassive/Transitive alternation is
vestigial.
9.1 Reversive verbs (-lv-)
The Reversive suffix is -lv- , O-stem -lo- or -lɔ- depending on ATR
type.
(allomorphs?). [often -rv- or -lv-] It is common in verb pairs like
‘shut/open (=unshut)’ and ‘cover/uncover’ that denote complementary actions,
(at least) one of which reverses or undoes the other. The Reversive is often
transitive (‘X opened the door’) but may also be used intransitively (‘the door
opened’).
The Reversive may be chained with a following intransitive ŋŋŋ- ‘go out,
exit’ or transitive ŋŋŋ ‘take out, remove’, which helps to clarify the valency
(intransitive vs. transitive). The chain construction also makes it unambiguous
that a reversive sense is intended (reversives are homophonous with
nonreversive transitives in some languages). For verbs that have no
morphological Reversive, the chain construction can be used as a periphrastic
reversive.
Comments on morphophonology. Must input stem be mono- or bisyllabic
(so that reversive is at most trisyllabic)? Does reversive carry over the {H} or
{LH} contour of the input verb? Does the reversive stem respect constraints on
form of (underived) bi-/trisyllabic verb (vowel sequences, tone contours)? Any
cases involving medial syncope?
Complete list of attested reversives, perhaps lifted from the lexicon,
organized by morphophonological pattern, including treatment of final vowel of
(underived) input verb. Adjust subdivision labels as the language requires, with
a special section for monosyllabic inputs. Example of subcategories:
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monosyllabic input
stem-final non-high vowel of input raised to high vowel before Reversive
like preceding, but this high vowel syncopated
input stem already ends in high vowel
Mediopassive -yv- dropped before Reversive
CvCv- inputs with medial sonorant, especially { ⁿ } (special
phonology)
irregular reversives
examples of reversive glosses (not exhaustive; gather from lexicon)
(xx1) input gloss reversive gloss
- ‘bury’ - - ‘disinter’
g - ‘attach blade’ g - - ‘remove blade’
-y - ‘put on (hat)' - - ‘take off (hat)'
w -y - ‘put on (wrap)' w - - ‘take off (wrap)'
-r - ‘crumple’ -r -
‘uncrumple’
-y - ‘clench (fist)’ - -
‘unclench
(fist)’
-y - ‘shut (eye)’ - - ‘unbend’
g - ‘tie (up)' g - - ‘untie'
g -y - ‘get dressed' g - - ‘get undressed'
p gɔ- ‘button' p g -lɔ- ‘unbutton'
- 'roll up (mat)' - - ‘unroll (mat)'
-rɔ- 'close (mouth)' -lɔ-
'open (mouth)'
ŋŋŋ- ‘ ŋŋŋ- ‘
ŋŋŋ- ‘ ŋŋŋ- ‘
ŋŋŋ- ‘bend’ ŋŋŋ- ‘unbend’
ŋŋŋ- ‘cover (object)’ ŋŋŋ- ‘uncover (object)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘shut’ ŋŋŋ- ‘open’
ŋŋŋ- ‘fence in’ ŋŋŋ- ‘un-fence’
ŋŋŋ- ‘tie (knot)’ ŋŋŋ- ‘untie (knot)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘braid (rope)’ ŋŋŋ- ‘unbraid (rope)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘lock’ ŋŋŋ- ‘unlock’
ŋŋŋ- ‘nail’ ŋŋŋ- ‘remove (nail)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘braid (rope)’ ŋŋŋ- ‘unbraid (rope)’
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ŋŋŋ- ‘surround’ ŋŋŋ- ‘un-surround’
ŋŋŋ- ‘immobilize’ ŋŋŋ- ‘allow to move’
ŋŋŋ- ‘insert’ ŋŋŋ- ‘remove inserted
item’
ŋŋŋ- ‘hobble’ ŋŋŋ- ‘unhobble’
ŋŋŋ- ‘tangle’ ŋŋŋ- ‘untangle’
ŋŋŋ- ‘put lid on’ ŋŋŋ- ‘take lid off’
ŋŋŋ- ‘step on’ ŋŋŋ- ‘remove foot from’
ŋŋŋ- ‘cover (person)’ ŋŋŋ- ‘uncover (person)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘press to wall’ ŋŋŋ- ‘release (sth
pressed to wall)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘roll up (pants)’ ŋŋŋ- ‘unroll (pants)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘fold’ ŋŋŋ- ‘unfold’
ŋŋŋ- ‘sag’ ŋŋŋ- ‘bounce back’
ŋŋŋ- ‘be caught in tree’ ŋŋŋ- ‘be un-caught’
ŋŋŋ- ‘go into coma’ ŋŋŋ- ‘come to
(= recover)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘prop up’ ŋŋŋ- ‘remove a prop
from’
ŋŋŋ- ‘be hooked’ ŋŋŋ- ‘be unhooked’
ŋŋŋ- ‘put in’ ŋŋŋ- ‘take out’
ŋŋŋ- ‘be affixed’ ŋŋŋ- ‘affixed item come
off’
ŋŋŋ- ‘forget’ ŋŋŋ- ‘remember’
ŋŋŋ- ‘hook, hang’ ŋŋŋ- ‘unhook’
ŋŋŋ- ‘forget’ ŋŋŋ- ‘remember’
ŋŋŋ- ‘affix’ ŋŋŋ- ‘remove affixed
item’
ŋŋŋ- ‘seal up’ ŋŋŋ- ‘unseal’
ŋŋŋ- ‘become lost’ ŋŋŋ- ‘lost item be
found’; ‘recover
lost item’
example of conjugation (inflectable aspect-negation stems) of a regular
reversive verb
Some synchronically unsegmentable trisyllabic stems ending in -rv/-lv-
may have originated as reversives. (examples)
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9.2 Deverbal causative verbs
9.2.1 Productive causative with suffix - -
The productive Causative suffix added to verb inputs is - -. The final /u/ is
often syncopated/apocopated. The verb takes the H-toned
g - - 'he/she brought down'
g - - 'he/she will bring down'
g - 'he/she can bring down'
g -m 'bring down!'
Usually preserves the tonal contour, {H} or {LH}, of the stem, but (if the
language has LLH rather than LHH trisyllabics) the {LH} may be reapplied to
the derived stem, so that LH-toned bisyllabic has LL-H toned causative.
Especially in languages with -mv- causatives, the phonology may differ
from that of other verbal suffixal derivatives in that causative CvCv-mv- does
not respect the normal vowel-sequence constraints for trisyllabic stems. For
example, the vowel of causative -mv- may be fixed, rather than harmonizing
with stem vowels.
For languages where verbs with final high vowel and those with final non-
high vowel have have distinctive verbal morphophonology, organize the
subheads in the example lists accordingly, otherwise organize by syllabic shape
and tone contour of input.
example of structure of lists:
(xx1) Causatives with -ŋŋŋ- (input verb ends in non-high vowel)
a. {H}-toned
b. {LH}-toned
(xx2) Causatives with -ŋŋŋ- (input verb ends in i)
a. input has preceding non-high vowel {a ɔ}
b. input has preceding {u i} only
c. input has preceding i only, nasal allows variant e
d. Causative suffix follows Mediopassive -yi-
examples of glosses
(xxx) input gloss causative gloss
a.
ŋŋŋ- ‘drink’ ŋŋŋ- ‘give drink to’
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ŋŋŋ- ‘enter’ ŋŋŋ- ‘make enter’
b.
ŋŋŋ- ‘know’ ŋŋŋ- ‘inform’
ŋŋŋ- ‘help’ ŋŋŋ- ‘make help’
ŋŋŋ- ‘cover’ ŋŋŋ- ‘make cover’
ŋŋŋ- ‘creak’ ŋŋŋ- ‘make creak’
ŋŋŋ- ‘frisk’ ŋŋŋ- ‘make frisk’
ŋŋŋ- ‘cover’ ŋŋŋ- ‘make cover’
ŋŋŋ- ‘shut’ ŋŋŋ- ‘make shut’
ŋŋŋ- ‘make noise’ ŋŋŋ- ‘cause to make noise’
ŋŋŋ- ‘speak’ ŋŋŋ- ‘make speak’
ŋŋŋ- ‘ride double’ ŋŋŋ- ‘have ride double’
ŋŋŋ- ‘put on shoes’ ŋŋŋ- ‘put shoes on (sb)’
example of conjugation (inflectable aspect-negation stems) of a regular
causative verb
g - 'remove, take out'
r y - - 'make (sb) run'
ɲ - - 'feed, nourish' or 'give drink to'
- - 'cause (sb) to give (sth, to sb)'
y g - - 'cause to fall'
9.2.2 Minor causative suffixes
(e.g. -gv-, -ŋv-, -nv-, -tv-). Generally there are some archaic, irregular
causatives with one or another of these suffixes. Omit examples with (admittedly
causative-like) Transitive suffix -rv-/-dv-, which often alternates with
Mediopassive -yv- and is covered separately in §9.4.
(organize subheads a, b, ... by suffix or by other criteria)
(xx1) Causatives with Other Suffixes
input gloss causative gloss
a. ɔ- 'hide [intr]' -ŋg - 'hide (sth)'
b.
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try the following pairs, put relevant data in (xx1).
‘go down’ > ‘take down’
‘go up’ > ‘take up’
'be done well, turn out well' > 'do/make (sth) well'
‘become separated’ > ‘separate [tr]’
‘go out’ > ‘take out’
'become [sth]' > 'transform, convert [sth, into sth]'
'(objects) disperse' > 'disperse (objects)'
'be ruined' > 'ruin (sth)'
'(sb) wake up' > 'wake (sb) up'
'be lost' > '(sb) lose (sth), cause to be lost'
'learn' > 'teach' (e.g. a trade)
'arrive' > 'deliver'
'become tilted' > 'cause to tilt'
'follow' > 'cause to follow'
9.3 Passive suffix -ŋŋŋ-
Several languages have a minor Passive suffix, often identical in form to the
productive Causative suffix, used with two or three of the verbs ‘find,
encounter’ (hence ‘be found/findable, be present’, cf. Fr se trouver), ‘get,
obtain’ (hence ‘be obtainable, available’), 'see' (hence ‘be seen (visible)’, and
'drink' (hence ‘be drunk/drinkable’).
Nanga has an unusual (but productive) Passive suffix -yE that occurs in a
complex construction with affinities to relative clauses.
9.4 Mediopassive and Transitive
9.4.1 Alternation of Mediopassive -yo- and Transitive -ro- ~ -do-
There is a fairly productive alternation of Mediopassive -yo and Transitive
-ro-, which becomes -do- following syncope under some conditions. The
mediopassive denotes an internally experienced event (voluntary or not), while
the corresponding transitive requires an external agent. The transitive is
therefore essentially the causative of the mediopassive.
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Transitive -ro- is clearly distinct from Reversive - -, which can occur
with some of the same verb stems.
try: verbs of stance ('sit', 'stand', etc.); verbs of putting on/wearing garments;
verbs of carrying and holding. A sign of lack of productivity is that the regular
Causative suffix is added directly to the -yv- form. In some cases (not many), the
MP and Tr stems co-occur with a third, unsuffixed stem (hence all three of
CvCv-, CvCv-yv-, and CvCv-rv-/-dv-)
semantics: ‘sit’ vs. ‘cause to sit, seat’; ‘put (boubou, hat, shoes) on
(oneself)’ vs. ‘put (...) on (someone else)’, ‘carry (child) on one’s (own) back’
vs. ‘put (child) on (someone else’s) back’.
phonology: -yv- usually unproblematic, -rv- added to a Cvrv- or
Cv ⁿv- stem (and perhaps others) may require some phonological
adjustments. Cross-reference relevant sections in Chapter 3 (syncope,
consonantal adjustments).
Organize the data (exhaustive if the alternations are vestigial, otherwise
just representative) into the following sets: alternations of just MP and Tr
suffix; alternations of MP and Tr suffixes with unsuffixed stem; alternations of
unsuffixed stem with just Tr suffix; alternations of unsuffixed stem with just MP
suffix. Organize each set more or less on the model of (xx1) below (for simple
MP/Tr alternations), adjusting the columns for each alternation type.
(xx1) MP gloss Tr gloss
a. stance
y - ‘lie down’ -r - ‘have lie down, put
to sleep’
w-y - ‘sit down’ w-r - ‘have (sb) sit, seat
(sb)’
g -y - ‘stand up, stop’ g -r - ‘stop (sth)’
y ŋ -y - ‘kneel’ y ŋ -r - ‘cause to kneel’
-y - ‘squat’ -r - ‘cause
to squat’
b. wearing clothes
g -y - ‘get dressed’ g -r - ‘dress (sb)’
y -y - ‘put on (boubou)’ y -r -
‘put (boubou)
on (sb)’
-y - ‘put on (shoes, pants)' - - ‘put (shoes/pants) on
(sb)’
-y - ‘put on (headware)’ -r - ‘put (headware) on
(sb)’
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w -y - ‘tie on (belt)’ w -r - ‘tie belt on (sb)’
c. carrying/holding
-y - ‘carry on back’ -r ‘put on (sb’s) back’
yɔ- ‘carry on head’ :-rɔ- ‘put on (sb’s) head’
d. other
: yɔ- ‘bathe’ ::-rɔ-
‘bathe (sb)’
-y - ‘become crumpled’
-r -
‘crumple (sth)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘hide (oneself)’ ŋŋŋ- ‘hide (sb, sth)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘hide (oneself)’ ŋŋŋ- ‘hide (sb, sth)’
ŋŋŋ- ‘be spilled’ ŋŋŋ- ‘spill (sth)’
If the vowel length of a monosyllabic Cv- stem with high vowel is
inconsistent from the Mediopassive to the Transitive, as in bi-ye- ‘lie down’
versus bi:-re- (with long vowel) ‘cause to lie down’, the segmentability of
the Mediopassive is questionable; one could alternatively transcribe biye-
and /biy-re-/ (syncopated from /biyi-re-/.
There are likely to be many frozen MP CvCv-yv- and Tr CvCv-rv-
(etc.) stems that are no longer involved in any alternations; a few of them
should be cited.
9.4.2 )- 'do (sth)' and - - 'do (sth) for (sb)'
The common verb )- is replaced by - - when a beneficiary is
expressed. - - has the form of a Transitive suffixal derivative with
-r - ~ - - (§9.4.1), but the semantics are somewhat different. For the
phonology (syncope, vowel-lengthening, /r/ to d), compare the
mediopassive/transitive pair -y - ‘put on (one's shoes, pants)' and
- - ‘put (shoes/pants) on (sb)’ (§9 4 1)
9.5 Ambi-valent verbs without suffixal derivation
Give a few exx. from the lexicon (if any are found) where a verb is used,
without suffixal modification, both transitively and intransitively.
Two types based on semantics:
1. antipassive (unergative) type, with understood or vague direct object omitted
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‘they ate’
'it's your turn to break (in pool)'
2. passive (unaccusative) type, with agent omitted (theme becomes subject):
cf. English ‘it reads well’
‘it broke’
9.6 Deadjectival inchoative and factitive verbs
Give a full list of adjectives that have corresponding inchoative
(intransitive) and Factitive verbs, with morphological analysis.
Often the verbs are not directly derived from the adjective (there is some
discrepancy in the tones and/or vocalism, occasionally consonantism--shifts
involving sonorants). Instead, the adjective and the verbs belong to a loosely
defined word-family. For example, verbs (in general) normally obey the
association of {LH} contour with initial voiced stops and of {H} with initial
voiceless obstrents, while adjectives don’t, and verbs (with rare exceptions)
must end in a vowel while adjectives need not. However, if the inchoative has an
Inchoative suffix such as -yv-, one could consider the possibility that it is
derived from the adjective in at least some cases, perhaps by feeding the
adjective into the verb-constraint grinding machine.
The factitive may have the same form as the inchoative; or the factitive may
be the causative derivative of the inchoative; or the inchoative may have MP
-yv- and the factitive has Tr -rv-/-dv-.
organize the data accordingly. for a list of adjectival senses see §4.5.1.
(xx1) Unsuffixed Inchoative
gloss adj inchoative factitive
a. factitive identical in form to inchoative
[if none, indicate this]
b. Factitive suffix -ŋŋŋ- (inchoative ends in high vowel)
c. Factitive suffix -ŋŋŋ- (inchoative ends in non-high vowel)
(xx2) Suffixal Inchoative
gloss adj inchoative factitive
a. Inchoative suffix -ŋŋŋ-, factitive identical in form to inchoative
b. Inchoative suffix, Factitive -ŋŋŋ- added to inchoative
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c. Inchoative -yv- alternating with Factitive -rv-
(duplicate these sections as needed if there are two or more Inchoative
or Factitive suffixes)
(xx3) Phonologically complex or irregular Inchoative/Factitive
[try ‘hot/fast’, ‘sweet’, ‘smooth’, ‘moist and wet’, and anything with a
rhotic]
examples of adjectives that do not have any associated inchoative/factitive verb:
try ‘new’, ‘other’, ‘living’, ‘runty’, and any adjectives with unusually
bulky forms (e.g. trisyllabic or CvCvC).
9.7 Denominal verbs
Verbs that arguably derive from, and in any case are related to, underived
nouns. Glean from dictionary. Try the following (based on Nanga):
(xx1) noun gloss verb gloss
ŋŋŋ ‘load’ ŋŋŋ- ‘load (e.g. cart)’
ŋŋŋ ‘family name’ ŋŋŋ- ‘(griot) chant the
ancestry of (sb)’
ŋŋŋ ‘forest’ ŋŋŋ- ‘(zone) become dense
(e.g.after rains)’
ŋŋŋ ‘(a) share’ ŋŋŋ- ‘share, divide up’
ŋŋŋ (greeting) ŋŋŋ- ‘greet’
ŋŋŋ ‘filth’ ŋŋŋ- ‘soil, make dirty’
ŋŋŋ ‘injury’ ŋŋŋ- ‘injure, wound
(someone)’
9.8 Obscure verb-verb relationships
Listed any residual alternations that do not fit into preceding section, with or
without comment.
(xx1) verb gloss related verb gloss
ŋŋŋ- ‘spend night’ ŋŋŋ- ‘greet in morning’
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105
10 Verbal inflection
10.1 Inflection of regular indicative verbs
The normal structure of indicative (i.e. not imperative or hortative) verbs is
stem-AN-Subj or stem-AN
The stem is immediately followed by an aspect-negation (AN) suffix, the
major divisions being perfective/imperfective crosscut by positive/negative.
Categories are summarized in §10.1.2.
In most Dogon languages, the AN suffix is directly followed (except in
relative clauses and some other subordinated clauses) by a pronominal-subject
suffix. The 3Sg suffix is regularly zero. Some languages have reduced suffixal
marking of pronominal subject (e.g. just Sg vs. Pl, or 3Pl versus everything
else). A few languages have no pronominal-subject suffixes, instead clause-
initial independent pronouns, perhaps along with postverbal 3rd person clitics.
The structure of pronominal-suffix paradigms is summarized in §10.3.
In several languages the AN suffix may be directly followed by a Past clitic
(e.g. =b -). The main pronominal-subject marking is on the Past clitic, but
there may also be some marking (e.g. for 3Pl) on the AN suffix. In other
languages, the Past morpheme is postposed to the entire inflected verb
(Jamsay), or it is absent (Togo Kan).
10.1.1 AN suffixes or chained auxiliary verbs?
Particularly with AN categories of the perfective positive system marked by
a syllabic (-Cv- or longer) morpheme, i.e. Perfective-1(a,b), Perfective-2,
Recent Perfect, and Experiential Perfect, but possibly also for one or another
AN category of the other systems, one can argue whether the AN morpheme is a
suffix to the verb, or a specialized chained (auxiliary) verb. This is because the
(main) verb occurs in the same bare stem form that is used in nonfinal position
in verb-verb chains. However, in a chain analysis, we must stipulate that the AN
element is (usually) confined to this construction. (An exception is
Perfective-1b, e.g. Jamsay -t -, since a related form t is attested as a
medial verb in triple verb chains, see §15.1.2.)
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In this section, describe the criteria used and summarize the general
conclusion (which differs from one language to another). Details for specific
AN morphemes can be given in the relevant sections of §10.2.
Phonological tests (a-c): basically, how verb-like is the AN morpheme?
a) if the AN morpheme is L-toned, while normal verbs require a H-tone
element, this favors a suffixation analysis.
b) if the AN morpheme is Cv with short vowel, while normal verbs must
have at least two moras (Cv: or longer), this favors a suffixation analysis.
c) if there are special phonological processes that apply to the
combination of stem plus AN morpheme, perhaps depending on the form of the
stem (e.g. syncope of CvCv stem to CvC with further consonantal changes [try
Cvrv, Cv ⁿv, and Cvwⁿv stems], or lengthening of Cv stem to Cv:), and
these processes do not otherwise apply to verb-verb chains, this favors a
suffixation analysis.
Morphological tests (a-c):
a) does the negative form of the AN morpheme look like a regular verb
stem plus Perfective Negative, Imperfective Negative, or Stative Negative
suffix/clitic?
b) does the tone contour controlled by a following negative suffix apply
only to the AN morpheme, or does its domain extend to the preceding stem?
c) does the AN-marked verb form have its own verbal noun, imperative,
same-subject subordinator, etc.?
Syntactic tests (a-b):
a) if the language has proclitic (immediately preverbal) subject
pronominals (PronS) in relative clauses, observe the location of such
pronominals in relative clauses containing the AN morpheme. Sequence [STEM
PronS AN] would be strong evidence for a chain analysis (AN as auxiliary
verb); sequence [PronS STEM AN] is (weak) evidence for a suffixation analysis
(but STEM-AN could alternatively be taken as a single surface word after chain
formation).
b) can any other elements intervene between stem and AN morpheme
(e.g. Existential y /yɔ/ya)?
10.1.2 Overview of AN categories
Describe briefly (leave examples for the sections on individual AN categories in
§10.2). If the language has a system of stem alternations (E-stem, A/O-stem,
etc.), indicate the distribution of each stem type over the AN categories.
The AN (aspect-negation) categories can be organized into four systems.
There is a basic aspectual distinction of perfective versus imperfective, crosscut
108
by polarity: positive versus negative. Perfective Negative and Imperfective
Negative suffixes are portmanteaus, not segmentable into an aspect morpheme
plus a negative morpheme.
Within each of the four systems, additional marked forms occur, most
commonly in the perfective positive and imperfective positive. The full set of
forms follows [adjust as needed]:
perfective positive system
simple Perfective
bare stem, or E-stem with final ~ e vowel?
Perfective-1 (subdivided into 1a and 1b?) [absent from some languages]
Perfective-1a (suffix -ya-/-y -, - r -, etc.)
typical of motion verbs, mediopassives, and inchoatives?
Perfective-1b (suffix -ti-)
typical of canonical transitives ('hit', 'cut', etc.)?
Perfective-2 with -so-/-sa- 'have' quasi-verb [absent from some
languages]
reduplicated Perfective [absent from some languages]
Recent Perfect (j -)
typically means ‘has (recently/just) finished VP-ing’)
Experiential Perfect (in some languages, clearly a verb chain)
sense is 'has (ever/never) VP-ed'
imperfective positive system
basic Imperfective
- - suffix plus ending (perhaps 'be' quasi-verb bu-/bo-)
unsuffixed (Jamsay, etc.) with stem-final L-tone, likely from *- -
imperfectives with syllabic suffixes (one or more categories)
Progressive? ('be VP-ing')
Habitual (like English general present)
Future distinct from Present?
reduplicated Imperfective present?
perfective negative system (often with {L}-toned stem)
Perfective Negative (suffix often - - or - -)
correspond to all positive perfectives except Experiential Perfect?
verb stem dropped to {L} for all verbs?
or distinction between lexical {H} and {LH} preserved?
Perfective-2 Negative (absent or very rare)
Recent Perfect Negative (esp. in sense 'have not finished VPing')
Experiential Perfect Negative ('have never VPed'), often slightly irregular
any unusual tonosyntactic patterns?
imperfective negative system
Imperfective Negative
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special negatives for any marked categories
Progressive Negative
Habitual Negative
Future Negative
Regular verbs are defined as those that allow all these AN categories.
"Verbs" that do not allow aspectual distinctions are defective quasi-verbs that
are intrinsically stative (Chapter 11).
Some regular verbs also have a derived Stative stem, which does not
distinguish aspect (§10.4). Does the stative (and its negation) pattern
morphologically as part of the perfective system, as part of the imperfective
system, or as a third system?
10.1.3 Verb stem shapes
Underived verbs have from one to three syllables. Derivational suffixes usually
add one syllable each (chapter 9). Derived verbs (except perhaps causatives)
are often treated for inflectional and phonological-constraint purposes like
underived verbs.
The bare stem (or: chaining form) is used in nonfinal position in direct verb
chains (§15.1). This can often be taken as the lexical form of the verb (and used
as citation form), in the sense that the various AN stems can be predicted from
it. However, in some languages, some or all bare stems must end in a high
vowel, which can disguise the stems ATR-harmonic value. In this case, another
form (e.g. Imperative or simple Perfective) might be used as citation form, but
often these have their own inadequacies (neutralization of lexical tone contour,
final-vowel neutralization). So for some languages, the citation form is a
combination of the bare stem (= chaining form) and the Imperative, e.g. Toro
Tegu w y w y 'bend over'.
Sections below describe verb-stem shapes, beginning with monosyllabics.
10.1.3.1 Cv: verb stems
In all these formulae, the initial C is optional.
Complete list from lexicon (see "sample verb paradigms" at end of this
template for meanings commonly expressed by monosyllabic stems). Add or
delete subheadings as needed. In languages with stem-shape alternations (bare
stem, E-stem, A/O-stem, etc.), add columns as needed in this and later lists.
Within each subheading, group stems by vowel quality. Comment column on
110
right can be used to indicate a cognate or other nominal that is required or very
common in the sense indicated.
(xx1) Monosyllabic with final vowel
stems gloss comment
O O/A E/I
a. Cv:- with long oral vowel, -ATR
ɔ in A/O-stem
dɔ:- dɔ:- dw :- 'pound' or 'insult'
tɔ:- tɔ:- tw :- 'pour'
nɔ:- nɔ:- nw :- 'sing' or 'go in'
a in A/O-stem
yɔ:- ya:- y :- 'pick up'
ɲɔ:- ɲa:- ɲ :- 'eat (meal)'
b. Cv:- with long oral vowel, +ATR
o in A/O-stem
go:- go:- gwe:- 'go out'
so:- so:- swe:- 'dip'
wo:- wo:- we:- 'sip'
d. ⁿ- with long nasal vowel
ŋŋŋ- ŋŋŋ- ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
ŋŋŋ- ŋŋŋ- ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
e. irregular (two or more distinct stem shapes)
ŋŋŋ- ŋŋŋ- ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
If the language has Cwv-type stems where the rounded vocalic element is
lexically basic (gwe 'go out', dw 'arrive', really go e and dɔ with
desyllabified mid-height rounded vowels), add further subheadings for them.
Any notable restrictions or statistical asymmetries as to which vowel
qualities are allowed? (Cu(:)-absent? +ATR Co: and Ce: much less common
than -ATR Cɔ: and C : ?)
Do verbs heard as Ci: behave like underlying /Ciy/ ? (If so, put them in
the CvC- section below.) If bisyllabic and longer stems (see below) divide into
final-high-vowel and final-nonhigh-vowel classes, is there evidence (e.g. from
AN paradigms) that Ci: (and if present Cu:) belongs with the final-high-vowel
class? Or is the class opposition relevant only to bisyllabic and longer stems?
111
10.1.3.2 ŋŋŋ ‘xxx' [one such section for each irregular Cv(:) verb]
Add one section each to discuss irregular Cv(ⁿ) and Cv:(ⁿ) verbs, i.e. those
from the list in the preceding section with one or more irregular AN stems or
with aberrant tone patterns. If two such verbs have similar irregularities they
may be grouped into one section. Give full stem paradigms for each irregular
verb; you may add an exclamation point in brackets after a space to call
attention to specific forms, e.g. y : [!]
Try 'go' and 'see', also (if monosyllabic) 'come', 'bring', and 'take away,
convey'.
Reorganize AN paradigm below (and similar paradigms in later sections)
as needed to group similar forms together. Redundant forms (predictable from
others) may be omitted. Languages with no elaborate stem alternations (E-stem,
A/O-stem, etc.) may be boiled down to a few AN stems.
(xx1) Paradigm of ‘xxx’
ŋŋŋ bare stem
ŋŋŋ Verbal Noun
ŋŋŋ simple Perfective
ŋŋŋ Perfective-1b (or 1a)
ŋŋŋ Perfective-2
ŋŋŋ Recent Perfect
ŋŋŋ Experiential Perfect
ŋŋŋ Perfective Negative
ŋŋŋ Imperfective Negative
ŋŋŋ Imperative
ŋŋŋ Imperative Negative
ŋŋŋ Hortative
10.1.3.3 CvC verb stems
CvC- (excluding CvCv- with final Syncope) is uncommon but does occur in
some languages (Cvn- or Cuy-). If none present, indicate this.
(xx1) Monosyllabic with final consonant
stem gloss comment
a. Cvy-
ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
112
b. Cvn-
ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
Try ‘go in’, ‘hear’, ‘put down’, ‘send’, and ‘put (earth in hole)’.
It may be difficult to demonstrate underlying /Cvy/ status, as opposed to
/Cvyi/ with Syncope. Evidence for bisyllabic status may come from inflectable
stems where the stem-final vowel shifts (Perfective Negative, Hortative, ...?).
It may be difficult to determine whether verbs heard as [Ci:] are best
analysed as Ci:, Ciy, or even Ciyi. Again, look at inflectable stems that
might make the distinctions overt.
If the AN-stem paradigm of any such verbs is complex, give a full AN
paradigm of a representative stem.
10.1.3.4 nCv- and mCv- verbs
If no such verbs, indicate this. Try ‘go’, ‘give’, ‘go up’ as possible cases of
nCv- (e.g. Nanga). Indicate any irregularities (e.g. Imperative).
mCv- attested in Nanga 'blow (nose)' with homorganic mb.
Do these verbs pattern as bisyllabic? (separate tones on nasal onset and on
Cv syllable? any suffixal allomorphs that distinguish mono- from bisyllabic
stems?)
10.1.3.5 Regular bisyllabic stems
All non-monosyllabic stems end in a short vowel. Bisyllabics are CvCv,
Cv:Cv, CvCCv, rarely Cv:CCv. The initial C position may be empty. Except
in recent French or Fulfulde loanwords, there are tight restrictions on
vocalism.
In some languages, there is a distinction between a class of stems ending
(at least in some forms) with a high vowel (regardless of preceding vowels) and
another class of stems ending in a non-high vowel (usually copied from or
harmonizing with preceding vowels). Typically the final-high-vowel type is
required in prosodically heavy stems, e.g. trisyllabic C C Ci, while the final-
nonhigh-vowel type is required or especially common in prosodically light
stems, e.g. C C . As a consequence, heavy suffixal derivatives of light stems
may switch to the final-high-vowel type (C C -Ci), though this might not
apply to causatives. If prosodic weight is the determining factor, state explicitly
where the break occurs and whether some stem-shapes are compatible with
either class (consider CvCv, CvCCv, and Cv:Cv stems in this section). In
113
other languages (e.g. Yanda), the final-high-vowel type is associated with a-
vocalism in preceding syllables rather than with the stems prosodic weight.
Comment in the text on how the division between final-high-vowel and final-
nonhigh-vowel stems is determined.
For the relevant languages, give separate lists of representative final-high-
vowel and final-nonhigh-vowel verbs, each list being organized by the prosodic
shape of the stem and (within that) by vowel qualities.
For the final-nonhigh-vowel class, vowel sequences allowed in bisyllabic
verbs are typically a) identical nonhigh vowels (CaCa, CeCe, C C , CoCo,
CɔCɔ), and sequences of a high vowel plus either of the two mid-height vowels
of the same backness and rounding feature (CiCe, CiC , CuCo, CuCɔ), for a
total of nine vowel-sequence possibilities. Some languages (Yanda) add a
mixed-ATR type CeN and CoNɔ with medial nasal, shifted from *C N and
*CɔNɔ. Give examples of all allowed vocalic sequences, with commentary.
(xx1) Final-nonhigh-vowel class
stem gloss
a. identical non-high vowels
CvCv
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
CvCCv
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
Cv:Cv
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
b. high vowel followed by harmonizing mid-height vowel
CvCv
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
114
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
CvCCv
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
Cv:Cv
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
c. mixed ATR type (CeN , CoNɔ)
CvCv
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
Verbal loans from Fulfulde (xx2a) and French (xx2b) may end in
regardless of preceding stem vowels. Unless further assimilated they may have
vowel sequences in violation of the tight constraints on vowel sequences in
native Dogon words.
(xx2) stem gloss
a. < Fulfulde
ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
b. < French
ŋŋŋ- ‘win (match, election)’ (Fr gagner)
If the final-high-vowel class occurs, give representative lists below. Final
vowel may be i, u, or an alternation i ~ u. In addition, the final high vowel
may be subject to deletion word-finally (apocope) or presuffixally (syncope) if
syllabic environment permits.
Glean exx. from "sample verb paradigms" at end; try ‘put, ‘cure/heal’,
‘cover’, ‘put down’, ‘help’, ‘take (sth, sb) away’, ‘put lid on’, ‘gather’
(xx1) Final-high-vowel class
115
stem gloss
a. CvCi
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
b. CvCCi
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
c. Cv:Ci
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
If verbs of the final-high-vowel class switch to a final nonhigh vowel in
certain AN forms (or the Imperative), give a partial AN paradigm of a
representative stem of this class here, and indicate how the final nonhigh vowel
is determined (e.g. copied from preceding stem vowel).
Verbs with both vowels high, e.g. CiCi and CuCu/i, may have a form (in
some AN inflections, in the Imperative, etc.) with a final mid-height vowel that
cannot be predicted from CiCi or CuCu/i. Some CiCi stems will become
CiCe, others CiC . Some CuCu/i stems will become CuCo, others CuCɔ. It
would be useful to cite such verbs (e.g. in the lexicon) with both stems, e.g.
miri/mire-. Give a list here of the relevant verbs.
10.1.3.6 ŋŋŋ ‘xxx' [one such section for each irregular bisyllabic stem]
(sections can be added, one for each irregular stem, showing representative AN
forms)
try 'bring', 'take away, convey' if not monosyllabic
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10.1.3.7 Trisyllabic stems
If the language distinguishes final-high-vowel and final-nonhigh-vowel
classes, are all trisyllabic and longer stems (except perhaps causative
derivatives) in the final-high-vowel class? If not, are some stem vocalisms
associated with one class or the other (e.g. CeCeCe but C C Ci)?
If some or all trisyllabic (and longer) stems end in nonhigh vowels, what
sequences are possible?
Jamsay: like bisyllabics (CeCe, CɔCɔ, CiCe, etc.), plus second vowel
copied from first vowel (CeCeCe, CɔCɔCɔ, CiCiCe, etc.).
some other languages: like bisyllabics, plus metrically weak second vowel
shifted to high vowel or syncopated (CeC(i)Ce, CɔC(i)Cɔ, CiC(i)Ce, etc.).
perhaps a few irregularities, e.g. CoCiCe.
In (xx1), give exx. of all attested vocalisms.
(xx1) Trisyllabics with final non-high vowel
stem gloss
a. three identical vowels (ooo etc.), or medial vowel raised (oio etc.)
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
b. initial and medial high vowels plus final nonhigh vowel (iie, uuo
etc.)
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
c. irregularities
ŋŋŋ ‘xxx
For trisyllabic and longer stems with final high vowel (at least in bare stem
and some AN forms), is the medial vowel always high or is it copied from the
first vowel? Give exx. of all attested vocalisms.
(xx2) Trisyllabics with final high vowel
stem gloss
a. initial nonhigh vowel (eii, etc.)
b. initial high vowel (iii, etc.)
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If there is are CiCiCi and/or CuCuCu/i stems in (xx2b), they should
divide into +ATR and -ATR in any AN forms (or the Imperative) that require a
final nonhigh vowel. If so, give lists here of stems with CiCiCe, CiCiC ,
CuCuCo, and CuCuCɔ in these inflected forms. Each such stems should have a
citation form showing both stems.
Briefly indicate conditions under which trisyllabic CvCvCv syncopates a
medial high vowel or apocopates a final high vowel, with cross-refs to Chapter
3.
Except perhaps for causatives, trisyllabic derivatives from bisyllabic verbs
should obey the same constraints as for lexical trisyllabics (which in many
cases originated as suffixed derivatives).
Quadrisyllabic verbs are probably all suffixal derivatives, and presumably
follow the rules for trisyllabics, with the medial vowel doubled.
10.2 Positive indicative AN categories
10.2.1 Perfective positive system (including perfect)
[modify as appropriate for the language]
The categories in this system are the simple Perfective (with no syllabic AN
suffix), the suffixally marked Perfective-1a, Perfective-1b, and Perfective-2 (or:
Resultative), the Recent Perfect, and the Experiential Perfect. The two perfect
categories are included in this system on the basis of morphology, notably in
using the same Perfective Negative suffix.
10.2.1.1 (Simple) Perfective
The basic Perfective form is characterized by {e } replacing the stem-final
{o ɔ} for most verbs, and by final i replacing u (or zero after
apocope/syncope) for a minority. This is the E/I-stem, with no further suffix
(compare the Perfective-2, described below). (xx1) illustrates the paradigms for
a -ATR stem ('fall'), a +ATR stem ('come'), and an i-final stem ('rob').
(xx1) category form 'fall' 'come' ‘rob’
1Sg {H}-yⁿ y g -yⁿ y g -yⁿ -yⁿ
1Pl {L} y g - y g -
-
118
2Sg {H}-w y g -w y g -w -wⁿ
2Pl {L} y g - y g - -
3Sg/InanSg {L} y g - y g - -
3Pl/InanPl {L}- y - y y g- y y g- y - y
For monosyllabic stems, the stem vowel is long in the zero-suffix form,
and short before nonzero suffixes (1Sg -yⁿ, 2Sg -w ). For example, the
Perfective of g :- 'go out' is gw :- or suffixed gw -yⁿ (1Sg), gw -w
(2Sg). The 3Pl form gw- y also has short vowels.
A sample of verbs with -e or - (depending on ATR type of the stem)is
given in (xx2). The 3Sg form is given. Verbs of this type are the majority. They
include all monosyllabics, all trisyllabic and longer stems, all heavy bisyllabics
(CvCCv-, Cv:Cv-, Cv:CCv-), all light bisyllabics (CvCv-) with a mid-height
vowel { e ɔ o} in the first syllable, and some light bisyllabics with high or
low vowel {i u a} in the first syllable. Monosyllabics are shown in the long-
voweled form (used with zero suffix).
(xx2) Simple Perfective in - /-e
stem Perfective gloss
a. monosyllabic Cv:-
-ATR stems
dɔ:- dw :- 'pound' or 'insult'
tɔ:- tw :- 'pour'
nɔ:- nw :- 'sing' or 'go in'
ɲɔ:- ɲ :- 'eat, drink'
+ATR stems
g :- gw :- 'go out'
b. NCv(:)-
-ATR stems
- nd :- 'give'
c. bisyllabic
-ATR stems
ɔ- - 'reply'
ɔ- - 'pull' or 'shut'
g wɔ- g w - 'hang up'
tɔgɔ- tɔg - 'gather (wood)'
j yɔ- j y - 'kill'
119
ɔ- - 'taste'
+ATR stems
w w - 'accept'
g - g - 'dig'
y - y - 'lie down'
g - :g - 'come down'
- - 'push'
d. trisyllabic and longer
-ATR stems
g -yɔ- g -y - 'stand, stop'
+ATR stems
y - -y - 'see'
ŋg y - ŋg y - 'go back'
Stems with Perfective …i- are in (xx3). Again the 3Sg form is used. The
verbs in question have the shapes -, )-, )-, and
)-.
(xx2) Simple Perfective in …i
stem Perfective gloss
bisyllabic
CaCv-
- - 'speak'
- - 'steal'
- 'beat (tomtom)'
g g - 'put (grain, liquid) in'
- - 'do'
CuCv-, CiCv-
- - 'go'
- - 'take (convey)'
- - 'put (sth) in (sth)'
The Perfective can be used with or without preceding constituents (i.e. it
does not require defocalization of the verb). It does not change form before
clause-final particles such as m 'if/when' (xx3b) and interrogative le (xx3d).
(xxx) a. dw :-
pound.Perf.L-3SgS
'She pounded.'
120
b. [dw :- m ] y -w -
[pound.Perf.L-3SgS if] cook-Impf-3SgS
'When she has pounded (the grain), she will cook.'
c. -y dw :-
woman pound.Perf.L-3SgS
'a woman pounded.'
d. dw :-
pound.Perf.L-3SgS Q
'did he/she pound?'
e. y : dw :-
today pound.Perf.L-3SgS
'he/she pounded today.'
f. y : dw :-
today pound.Perf.L-3SgS Q
'Did he/she pound today?'
10.2.1.2 Perfective-1a -ŋŋŋ-, Perfective-1b -ŋŋŋ-
If absent from the language, indicate this.
In some languages there is a suffixally marked Perfective with two forms
(1a and 1b). The suffixes are added to the bare stem, preserving lexical tones.
Perfective-1a suffix is -ŋŋŋ- (e.g. -ya- , - :-, and/or - r -,
sometimes with allomorphs depending on prosodic weight of stem). (Possible
etymologies?)
It is used with motion verbs, stance verbs, deadjectival inchoatives and
other non-active intransitives, a few low-impact transitives like ‘forget’, and
optionally with transitive verbs of holding and wearing (which often contain
Mediopassive -yv-).
[give exx. of the relevant semantic types, but organize (xx1) by syllabic shape]
(xx1) Perfective-1a -ŋŋŋ-
stem Perfective-1a gloss
a. monosyllabic Cv:-
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
121
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
b. bisyllabic
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
c. trisyllabic
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
Comments on the phonology of Perfective-1a. Any contractions? (try
Cvrv- and Cv ⁿv- stems). Usually 1a is clearly suffixal rather than an
auxiliary.
Perfective-1b -ŋŋŋ- (e.g. -ti-) is used with most transitives, and with
active intransitives (other than motion verbs), e.g. denoting speech or thought.
(Etymology: possible relationship to verb t : 'send'?)
(xx2) Perfective-1b -ŋŋŋ-
stem Perfective gloss
a. monosyllabic Cv:-
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
b. bisyllabic
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
c. trisyllabic
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ- 'xxx
Discussion of phonology of Perfective-1b. Any evidence that it is a chained
auxiliary rather than a suffix? Can it be inserted (without pronominal-subject
marking) between chained verbs, to indicate a perfective (i.e. sequential)
relationship between the two co-events (cf. §15.1.2).
Typical pardigms of Perfective-1a and -1b are in (xx3).
pronominal paradigms:
(xx3) category Perfective-1a Perfective-1b
122
1Sg -ŋŋŋ- -ŋŋŋ-
1Pl -ŋŋŋ- -ŋŋŋ-
2Sg -ŋŋŋ- -ŋŋŋ-
2Pl -ŋŋŋ- -ŋŋŋ-
3Sg/Inan -ŋŋŋ- -ŋŋŋ-
3Pl -ŋŋŋ- -ŋŋŋ-
Some verb stems can switch between 1a and 1b depending on valency. Such
languages tend to reduce the productivity of the Mediopassive/Transitive
suffixal alternation, which has similar functions.
The two Perfective-1 suffixes compete with the simple Perfective and with
the Perfective-2. The division of labor varies from one language to another. (In
Jamsay, the Perfective-2 is required by 'see', 'hear', and e.g. 'spend the night',
which do not allow Perfective-1a or -1b).
Are Perfective-1a and -1b blocked (or very uncommon) in relative clauses?
10.2.1.3 Perfective-2 (-s )
An alternative perfective form is with suffix -s , added to a {L}-toned form of
the E/I-stem of the verb. The paradigm is (xx1).
(xx1) Perfective-2 (or: Resultative)
category form ‘go'
1Sg {L}-s -yⁿ -s -yⁿ
1Pl {L}-s -s
2Sg {L}-s -w -s -w
2Pl {L}-s -s
3Sg/InanSg {L}-s -s
3Pl/InanPl {L}-s : -s :
-s differs in vocalism from the 'have' quasi-verb - (§11.xxx). The
latter does occur in a periphrastic resultative construction, see the following
section.
A sample of 3Sg Perfective-2 forms for stems with final nonhigh vowels
are in (xx2). There is no special phonology (syncope does not occur).
123
(xx2) Perfective-2 (final-nonhigh-vowel class)
stem Perfective-2 gloss
a. Cv:
nɔ:- nw :-s 'go in'
g :- gw :-s 'go out'
ɲɔ:- ɲ :-s 'eat'
b. NCv(:)
- nd :-s 'give'
b. CvCv
g - g -s 'dig'
ɔ- -s 'reply'
yɔ- y -s 'carry on head'
w - w -s 'touch'
t mɔ- t m -s 'eat (meat)'
tɔnɔ- tɔnɔ-s 'butcher'
ɔ- -s 'sell'
c. CvCCv
mbɔ- mbɔ-w 'winnow in wind'
- -s 'jump'
d. Cv:Cv
g - g -s 'come down'
e. trisyllabic
y g - y g -s 'shake'
g -yɔ- g -y -s 'stand, stop'
f. irregular
g (u)- g -s 'say'
Forms for verbs ending in a high vowel are in (xx3).
(xx3) Perfective-2 (final-high-vowel class)
a. a )-
- -s 'speak'
- -s 'steal'
C ( -)
124
(u)- -s 'do'
b. )-, )-
Cv ( )-
(u)- -s 'go'
10.2.1.4 Periphrastic resultative with 'have'
y : g - -wⁿ
'he is standing over there' (3Pl b-a᷈ :)
ŋ g -w 'you are standing here'
m ŋ g (2Pl)
y g - 'It's I [focus] who am standing'
single word? cf. r - with {LH} contour in WH interrogatives
:g d g y g -s- : 'they have come for honey' §8.3
This construction contains a {HL}-toned E/I form of the verb stem (segmentally
equivalent to the 3Sg simple Perfective), plus , presumably the L-toned form
of the 'have' quasi-verb. The {HL}contour is realized as HHL on trisyllabics.
The sense is resultative, i.e. denoting a state or situation that results from an
event. It competes with the stative inflection for stance verbs, e.g. g -y
'he/she is standing' versus g (same translation). However, the periphrastic
resultative can also be used with a wider range of verbs, and may describe a
general situation, while the stative focuses directly on the state or position of the
subject. For example, a visitor asks 'is Amadou there?', and the answer is 'he has
gone out' (gw ), the point being that he is not present. Statives are not
used in such situations and are not formed from motion verbs.
The paradigm is (xx1).
(xx1) Periphrastic Resultative
category form ‘go'
1Sg {HL} -y gw -y
1Pl {HL} s gw
2Sg {HL} -w gw -w
125
2Pl gw
3Sg/InanSg {HL} gw
3Pl/InanPl - : gw - :
Representative 3Sg forms for stems ending in a nonhigh vowel are in (xx3).
(xx3) Periphrastic Resultative (final-nonhigh-vowel type)
stem Perfective-2 gloss
a. Cv:
nɔ:- nw 'go in'
g :- gw 'go out'
ɲɔ:- ɲ : a 'eat'
b. NCv(:)
- nd : 'give'
c. bisyllabic
g - g 'dig'
ɔ- 'sell'
g - g 'come down'
d. trisyllabic
y g - y g 'shake'
g -yɔ- g -y 'stand, stop'
e. irregular
g (u)- g 'say'
Forms for verbs ending in a high vowel are in (xx3).
(xx3) Periphrastic Resultative (final-high-vowel type)
stem Perfective-2 gloss
a. a )-
- 'speak'
- 'steal'
C ( -)
(u)- 'do'
126
b. )-, )-
Cv ( )-
(u)- 'go'
No negative version of the periphrastic Resultative could be elicited.
Depending on the verb type, the Stative Negative ('is not standing') or the
ordinary Perfective Negative ('did not go out' = 'has not gone out') may be used
to convey the intended sense.
10.2.1.5 Experiential Perfect ‘have ever’ (- :)
This form is used in contexts like 'have you ever (been to Paris, seen an
elephant, etc.)?' The paradigm is (xx1).
(xx1) Experiential Perfect
category form ‘see’ ‘go’
1Sg {L}- -yⁿ y - -yⁿ - -yⁿ
1Pl -{H}- y - y - y - - y
2Sg {L}- -w y - -w - -w
2Pl -{H}- y - y - y - - y
3Sg/InanSg {H}- y y - y - y
3Pl/InanPl {L}- y- : y - y- : - y- :
The ExpPerf morpheme may pattern as a chained verb or as a suffix. Check
whether its negative suffix (§10.2.3.2) forces tone-dropping just on this
morpheme (if H-toned otherwise), or also on the preceding main verb. Also look
for irregular forms, e.g. with 'see'.
The negative form is common ('have never VPed'); see §10.2.3.2.
10.2.1.6 Recent Perfect (-ŋŋŋ-)
The suffix -ŋŋŋ- (often -j -) indicates recency of the (positive) event
denoted. It can often be translated with ‘already’ or ‘just’. Example: someone
arrives as you are eating lunch, you ask him 'Have you (already) eaten?'
(answer: 'I have already eaten').
127
However, this form may also have a completive sense 'have finished VP-
ing'. The time frame is usually fairly recent, but the activity in question may
have a long duration (as in 'they have finished building the house').
Discussion of phonology: suffix or auxiliary verb? (try nonsubject relatives
with pronominal subject).
In Jamsay, Recent Perfect -j - is likely associated with j - 'say'
(positive perfective only) and some other related forms such as the Purposive
postposition and some clause-linking subordinators. But the same Recent
Perfect suffix (or chained verb) occurs in several other Dogon languages that
do not have such a 'say' verb.
examples
pronominal paradigm
(xx1) Recent Perfect
category ‘eat (meal)’ ‘build’
1Sg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
1Pl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
2Sg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
2Pl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
3Sg/InanSg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
3Pl/InanPl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
For the corresponding negative form (not very common), see §10.2.3.3.
10.2.1.7 Reduplicated Perfective (Cv-)
If not present, indicate this.
This form is usually based on the simple Perfective, with the addition an
initial Cv- reduplication.
Phonology: depending on the language the reduplicative vowel may be a
copy, or may be a high vowel (usually Ci-). Usually a vowel-initial stem
reduplicates just the vowel, with a glottal stop separating it from the stem-initial
vowel.
There may be other reduplicated verbs: (reduplicated Imperfective,
reduplicated Stative). If so, describe their phonological differences (tone
contour, stem vocalism).
128
The reduplicated Perfective (if present at all) is usually fairly uncommon.
Textual examples welcomed.
examples
pronominal paradigm
(xx1) Reduplicated Perfective
category ‘see’ ‘run’
1Sg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
1Pl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
2Sg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
2Pl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
3Sg/InanSg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
3Pl/InanPl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
10.2.2 Imperfective positive system
10.2.2.1 Imperfective (-w ~ - )
The basic Imperfective (positive) verb form has suffix -w - (plus pronominal-
subject suffixes) added to a {H}-toned form of the stem, respecting lexical
vocalism. It hardens to - - after a consonant, and is probably related to -
'be (somewhere)'. The same (morpho-)phonology occurs in connection with
Verbal Noun suffix -w (§4.2.2).
(xx3) Imperfective paradigm
category form 'go in' 'dance' 'go out'
1Sg {H}-w -y nɔ -w -y y - -y g -w -y
1Pl {H}-w nɔ -w y -
g -w
2Sg {H}-w -w nɔ -w -w y - -w g -w -w
2Pl -{H}-w -nɔ -w -y - -g -w
3Sg/Inan {H}-w nɔ -w y - - g -w
129
3Pl {H}-w- : nɔ -w- : y - - : g -w-
The Imperfective undergoes syncope of stem-final vowels after {w m} and
in one case ('say') after n, in CvCv stems. After the syncopated vowel, we get
suffix allomorph - . /wb/ after syncope is heard in most cases as bb, i.e. as a
slightly lengthened b. Cvmv- stems lengthen the first vowel after syncope,
resulting in - -.
(xx2) Imperfective (final-nonhigh-vowel class)
stem Imperfective gloss
a. Cv:
nɔ:- nɔ -w 'go in'
g :- g -w 'go out'
ɲɔ:- ɲɔ -w 'eat'
b. NCv(:)
- ndɔ-w 'give'
b. CvCv
g - g -w 'dig'
ɔ- ɔ-w 'reply'
yɔ- yɔ-w 'carry on head'
Cvwv
w - - 'touch'
w - - 'die'
w - - 'accept'
y wɔ- y - 'dance'
wɔ- - 'do farming'
w - - 'point at'
Cvmv
t mɔ- t - 'eat (meat)'
s mɔ- s - 'slaughter'
Cvnv, nonsyncopating
tɔnɔ- tɔnɔ-w 'butcher'
dɔnɔ- dɔnɔ-w 'buy'
ɔ- ɔ-w 'taste'
c. CvCCv
mbɔ- mbɔ-w 'winnow in wind'
- -w 'jump'
130
d. Cv:Cv
g - g -w 'come down'
e. trisyllabic
y g - y g -w 'shake'
g -yɔ- g -yɔ-w 'stand, stop'
Stems with final high vowel are in (xx3). Cvnu- stems syncopate, unlike
Cvnv- with final {o ɔ}. After syncope, /n/ assimilates in position, producing
mb. This assimilation creates accidental homophonies
such as 'steal' and 'do'. Vowel-lengthening occurs
after syncope in the case of 'speak'.
(xx3) Imperfective (final-high-vowel class)
a. a )-
- - 'speak'
- - 'steal'
C ( -)
(u)- - 'do'
b. )-, )-
Cv ( )-
g (u)- g - 'say'
(u)- - 'go'
c. trisyllabic and longer
y g - - y g - - 'send here'
- - 'squeeze'
This is a broad imperfective that translates in different contexts as a general
(i.e. habitual) present ('I work here') or as a future ('I will go there tomorrow').
With reference to eventualities whose time interval spans the moment of
speaking, its use is circumscribed by the stative ('I am sitting'), the periphrastic
resultative ('I am sitting, I have sat' or 'he is gone'), and the progressive ('I am
sweeping').
131
10.2.2.2 Reduplicated Imperfective (Cv-)
If present, this is usually based on Imperfective stem, but with initial Cv-
reduplication. May be uncommon; textual examples welcomed.
a few exx.
(xx3) Reduplicated Imperfective paradigm
category form
1Sg -ŋŋŋ
1Pl -ŋŋŋ
2Sg -ŋŋŋ
2Pl -ŋŋŋ
3Sg/Inan -ŋŋŋ
3Pl -ŋŋŋ
Indicate how to distinguish this tonally and/or segmentally from the
reduplicated Perfective (§10.2.1.6) and the reduplicated Stative (§10.4.1), if
either of the latter is present in the language. Or give a cross-ref to the section
that describes these differences more fully.
10.2.2.3 Progressive ( - )
The Progressive ('be VP-ing') is expressed by adding an auxiliary verb
- to a {L}-toned A/O form of the stem. The final stem vowel is also
lengthened. There is also an alternative pronunciation, in slow speech, with final
-wⁿ instead of vowel-lengthening, e.g. -wⁿ - ~ 'is
doing'. The paradigm is (xx1).
(xx1) Progressive paradigm
category form 'eat' 'do'
1Sg {L} -yⁿ ɲ -yⁿ -yⁿ
1Pl ɲ
2Sg {L} -w ɲ -w -w
2Pl ɲ
132
3Sg/Inan {L} ɲ
3Pl {L} - : ɲ - : :
Representative 3Sg forms for verbs ending in nonhigh vowel are displayed
in (xx2).
(xx2) Progressive (final-nonhigh-vowel class)
stem Progressive gloss
a. Cv:
with ɔ:
nɔ:- nɔ: 'go in'
with o:
g :- g : 'go out'
with a:
ɲɔ:- ɲ 'eat, drink'
b. NCv:
with a:
- 'give'
c. CvCv
with o
g - g 'dig'
with a from CaCv-
- 'give birth'
with a from -ATR stem
yɔ- y 'carry on head'
wɔ- w 'die'
y wɔ- y w 'dance'
wɔ- w 'do farming'
t mɔ- 'eat (meat)'
dɔnɔ- 'buy'
c. CvCCv
with o
- 'jump'
with a from CaCCv-
- 'winnow in wind'
with a from -ATR stem
mbɔ- 'winnow in wind'
133
d. Cv:Cv
with o
g - g 'come down'
with a from Ca:Cv-
- 'build' or 'look'
e. trisyllabic
with o
y g - y g 'shake'
with a from -ATR stem
g -yɔ- g -y 'stand, stop'
f. irregular
g (u)- g 'say'
Forms from verbs with final high vowel are in (xx3).
(xx2) Progressive (final-high-vowel class)
stem Progressive gloss
a. )-
- 'speak'
- 'steal'
a. )-, )-
(u)- 'go'
(u)- 'do'
c. trisyllabic and longer
y g - - y g - 'send here'
- 'squeeze'
d. causative -
ɲ - - ɲ - - - 'let/make (sb) drink'
Examples are in (xx4).
(xx4) a. ɲ ŋg ɲ : -yⁿ
meal eat.L Prog-1SgS
'I am eating.'
b. w :
134
work(n) do.L 1PlS Prog
'We are working.'
c. s :n k n : mb
prayer do.L Prog
'He/She is praying.'
10.2.2.4 Future (-ŋŋŋ-)
There is no distinct Future inflectional category, apart from the broad
Imperfective.
10.2.3 Negation of indicative verbs
Except for statives (including the progressive), which have a special Stative
Negative -ŋŋŋ-, the positive indicative inflections correspond to forms
including Perfective Negative -ŋŋŋ- or Imperfective Negative -ŋŋŋ-. These
latter are portmanteau morphemes, expressing both aspect and negation.
10.2.3.1 Perfective Negative (-ni)
The Perfective Negative suffix is -ni- . The stem is in the A/O form, with
+ATR vocalism, and is {H}-toned except {HL}-toned in the 3Pl. The paradigm
is (xx1).
(xx1) Paradigm of Perfective Negative
category PerfNeg form 'go in' 'dance'' 'go out'
1Sg {H}- -yⁿ nɔ - -yⁿ y w - -yⁿ
g - -y
1Pl {H}- ɔ - y w -
g -
2Sg {H}- -w ~ - -w nɔ - -w y w - -w
g - -w
2Pl {H}- ɔ - y w - g -
3Sg/Inan {H}- nɔ - y w - g -
3Pl {HL}- : nɔ - :y w - : g - :
135
Examples of stems with final nonhigh vowel in the 3Sg Perfective Negative
are in (xx2).
(xx2) Perfective Negative (final-nonhigh-vowel class)
stem PerfNeg gloss
a. Cv:
with ɔ:
nɔ:- nɔ - 'go in'
with :
g :- g - 'go out'
with :
ɲɔ:- ɲ - 'eat, drink'
b. NCv(:)
with :
- - 'give'
c. CvCv
with stem-final o
y g - y g - 'come'
wɔ- w - 'point at'
w - w - 'catch'
with stem-final a, CaCv-
w - w - 'accept'
w - w -ni 'touch'
o- - 'give birth'
with stem-final a from -ATR stem
t wɔ- w - 'die'
y gɔ- y g - 'fall'
ɔ- - 'go up'
g wɔ- g wa- 'hang up'
pɔrɔ- r - 'throw'
d. CvCCv
with stem-final o
w-y - w-y - 'sit'
with stem-final a, CaCCv-
- - 'push'
with stem-final a from -ATR stem
ɔ- - 'pull' or 'shut'
136
mbɔ- - 'winnow (in wind)'
dɔnjɔ- - 'throw'
e. Cv:Cv
with stem-final o
g - g - 'come down'
with stem-final a, Ca:Cv-
- 'build' or 'look'
f. trisyllabic
with stem-final o
y g - y g - 'shake'
with stem-final a, CvCaCv-
w -g - w -g - 'shake'
with stem-final a from -ATR stem
g -yɔ- g -y - 'stand, stop'
b g ɔ- g - 'winnow by shaking'
The class of verbs with stem-final high vowel has final a if the penult has a,
and u if the penult has i/i, before - (xx3).
(xx3) Perfective Negative (final-high-vowel class)
bare stem PerfNeg gloss
a. )-
)- - 'do'
- - 'beat (tomtom)'
b. )-, )
)- - 'go'
-) - 'convey'
c. trisyllabic and longer
y g - - y g - - 'send here'
- - 'squeeze'
10.2.3.2 Experiential Perfect Negative (- - )
Experiential Perfect -t y is negated as - - , with the familiar Perfective
Negative - . The stem is {L}-toned throughout. The paradigm is (xx1).
137
(xx1) Experiential Perfect Negative
category suffix ‘see’ ‘go’
1Sg {L}- - -yⁿ y - -
-yⁿ - - -yⁿ
1Pl {L}- - y -
- - -
2Sg {L}- - -w y - -
-w - - -w
2Pl -{L}- y - y - - -
- -
3Sg/InanSg {L}- - y - - - -
3Pl/InanPl {L}- - : y - - : - -
:
This is the normal way to express 'have never VP-ed', denying any
occurrence of the VP event type during the lifetime of the subject (xx2).
(xx2) a. g y - -
elephant see-ExpPf-PfNeg
'He/She has never seen an elephant.'
b. [bɔmɔkɔ ŋ ] - - -yⁿ
[B in] go-ExpPf-PfNeg-1SgS
'I have never gone to Bamako.'
10.2.3.3 Recent Perfect Negative -ŋŋŋ-ŋŋŋ-
not common except in the completive sense ‘have not finished VP-ing’
should be a PerfNeg suffix (- - etc.) added to the RecPerf suffix/stem. If
so, no need for a full pronominal-subject paradigm.
In languages where PerfNeg controls {L} contour on the preceding stem,
does this tone-dropping affect just the RecPerf suffix, or does it also affect the
verb stem?
examples
138
10.2.3.4 Imperfective Negative (-ra- ~ -da)
The Imperfective Negative has a suffix -ra (3Sg -r ). The stem has lexical
vocalism. The tone of the stem depends on the pronominal-subject category:
{H} for 1Sg/2Sg/3Sg, {L} for 1Pl/2Pl, {HL} for 3Pl. In nonmonosyllabic
stems, syncope occurs after unclustered {n l r}. After syncope, -ra hardens
to -da postconsonantally. The paradigm is (xx1).
(xx3) Paradigm of Imperfective Negative
category ImpfNeg 'go in' 'lie down' 'shake'
1Sg {H}-r -yⁿ nɔ -r -yⁿ y -r -yⁿ y g -r -
yⁿ
1Pl {L}-r ɔ -r y -r y g -
r
2Sg {H}-r -w nɔ -r -w y -r -w y g -r -w
2PL -{L}-r -nɔ -r - y -r -y g -r
3Sg {H}-r nɔ -r y -r y g -r
3Pl {HL}-r : nɔ -r : y -r : y g -r :
A sample of 3Sg Imperfective Negative forms from stems ending in
nonhigh vowels is in (xx2).
(xx2) Imperfective Negative (final-nonhigh-vowel class)
stem ImpfNeg gloss
a. Cv:
dɔ:- dɔ -r 'pound' or 'insult'
g :- g -r 'go out'
ɲɔ:- ɲɔ -r 'eat, drink'
b. NCv:
- -r 'give'
c. CvCv
g - g -r 'dig'
ɔ- ɔ-r 'reply'
y gɔ- y gɔ-r 'fall'
s mɔ- s mɔ-r 'slaughter'
139
d yɔ- yɔ-r 'carry on head'
t wɔ- t wɔ-r 'hit'
Cvnv
dɔnɔ- dɔ - 'buy'
ɔ- - 'taste'
Cvlv
ɔ- - 'go up'
yɔlɔ- yɔ - 'look for'
- - 'give birth'
Cvrv > Cv -
pɔrɔ- pɔr- 'throw'
ɔrɔ- ɔr- 'draw (water)'
Cvrv > Cv -
rɔ- - 'get'
d. CvCCv
w-y - w-y - 'sit'
- -r 'push'
mbɔ- mbɔ-r 'winnow in wind'
e. Cv:Cv
g - g -r 'come down'
- -r 'build' or 'look'
f. trisyllabic and longer
-y -y -r 'squat'
w -g - w -g -r 'shatter'
CvCvlv-
b g ɔ- b g - 'winnow by shaking'
g - g - 'sweep'
g. irregular
g )- g - 'say'
(xx2) Imperfective Negative (final-high-vowel class)
bare stem ImpfNeg gloss
a. a )-
- -r 'speak'
- -r 'steal'
140
C ( )-
)- - 'do'
b. i - u )-
C ( )-, C ( )-
-) - 'go'
)- - 'take (convey)'
c. trisyllabic and longer
y g - - y g - -r 'send here'
10.2.3.5 Progressive Negative -ŋŋŋ-ŋŋŋ-
The Progressive Negative replaces ~- 'be' in the positive Progressive
by -ra (3Sg -r ), the 'not be' predicate, which contains Imperfective
Negative -ra. The verb stem has the same form, including {L} tone contour
and final vowel-lengthening (alternatively, suffixation of -wⁿ), as in the
positive. The paradigm is (xx1).
(xx1) Paradigm of Progressive Negative
category ProgNeg 'do work'
1Sg {L} -r -yⁿ w -r -yⁿ
1Pl {L} -r w -r
2Sg {L} -r -w w -r -w
2PL {L} -r w -r
3Sg {L} -r w : -r
3Pl {L} -r : w -r :
An example is (xx2).
(xx2) ij l : -r -yⁿ
sweeping(n) sweep.L not.be-ImpfNeg-1SgS
'I am not (engaged in) sweeping.'
141
10.3 Pronominal paradigms for non-imperative verbs
10.3.1 Subject pronominal suffixes
1Pl and 2Pl are expressed by proclitics and , respectively. These
proclitics are usually in immediate preverbal position. However, Existential
proclitic ~ intervenes between 1Pl/2Pl proclitics and the verb. (I write
proclitics as separate words in my normal orthography.)
1Sg is expressed by suffix -yⁿ. The nasalization is not distinctively audible
in the sequence Ni-yⁿ (N a nasal or nasali ed consonant) due to
monophthongization to Ni:. The 2Sg counterpart of -w. It surfaces as nasalized
-wⁿ only in already nasal syllables, i e in Nv-wⁿ. If the preceding vowel is u,
monophthongization produces Nu:, where the nasalization of the final
semivowel is not distinctively audible.
3Sg is the zero category. 3Pl is expressed by a variable suffix, depending on
the particular AN category, involving a long vowel or a syllable ya.
(ŋŋŋ) category affixes
1Sg STEM-yⁿ
1Pl
2Sg STEM-w
2Pl
3Sg STEM
3Pl STEM plus variable suffix
Depending on the AN category, the stem may have different tone contours
associated with subject categories. 1Sg and 2Sg always share a stem tone
contour, as do 1Pl and 2Pl. In some categories, 1Pl and 2Pl also have the same
stem tone as the 3Sg.
1Sg -yⁿ and 2Sg -w are subject to phonological modification before yes/no
Interrogative particle le, resulting in n-ni and l-le, respectively.
list of all 3Pl subject allomorphs in the various AN categories
10.3.2 Nonhuman (or inanimate) versus 3Sg subject
any difference in pronominal-subject suffixes?
142
perhaps just in Imperfective positive (or Progressive), where some languages
use pronominal clitics human/animate wɔ and nonhuman/inanimate kɔ ?
10.3.3 Vowel-consonant interactions of AN and pronominal suffixes
If 1Sg -m, 2Sg -w, and 1Pl -y suffixes are present, there may be some
phonological interactions with preceding high vowels, e.g. /i-m/ > u-m, /i-w/
> u-w (heard as [u:]), and /u-y/ > i-y (heard as [i:]). Also, underived or
derived u-w and i-y may monophthongize to [u:] and [i:] respectively.
Give cross-refs to relevant sections in Chapter 3.
10.3.4 Tones of subject pronominal suffixes
Are the pronominal-subject suffixes atonal, simply getting their tones by
spreading from the preceding morpheme?
This is often the case, but there may be some instances where e.g. 1Sg and
2Sg suffixes have different tones in the same AN category.
10.4 Stative form of verbs (reduplicated and unreduplicated)
This section covers Stative forms derived from regular (active) verbs.
For defective stative quasi-verbs that do not have active forms, notably 'be
(somewhere)', 'have', 'want', and 'know', see Chapter 11.
10.4.1 Stative positive
-y -wⁿ 'it is locked'
Statives are derived from regular verbs to denote a continuing state that has
resulted from an event of motion, of taking hold, or the like. Statives do not
distinguish perfective from imperfective. Tiranige differs from several other
Dogon languages in also forming statives from perception verbs ('see', 'hear').
There is no initial reduplication.
Stative forms are bisyllabic, have {HL} tone contour (unless defocalized
with {LH}), and end in a. Nonfinal vowels shift to +ATR. Many of the relevant
verbs elsewhere have Mediopassive suffix -yv, but this is dropped in the
143
stative (unless the verb would otherwise be monosyllabic). The paradigm is
(xx1).
(xx1) Stative
category form ‘stand'
1Sg {HL}-yⁿ g -yⁿ
1Pl -{HL} g
2Sg {HL}-w g -w
2Pl {HL} g
3Sg/InanSg {HL} g
3Pl/InanPl {H(L)}- : g- :
typical glosses (for 'holding/carrying' the subject is the one doing the
holding or carrying)
stance: ‘be kneeling’, ‘be sitting’, 'be sitting up', ‘be squatting’, ‘(bird) be
perched’, ‘be standing (stopped)’, 'be standing', 'be lying down', 'be lying on
one's belly', 'be lying on one's back', 'be hanging up (on a hook)', 'be tilted',
'(mat) be laid out', 'be right-side-up', 'be standing on tiptoes', 'be holding
oneself up', ‘be leaning (on sth)’, ‘be leaning back’
being attached: 'be tied (up)', 'be connected (joined at the ends)'
holding/carrying: ‘be holding (sth)’, ‘be carrying (child) on back’, 'be
carrying on one's head', 'be balancing on one's head (without using the hands)',
'be clutching (holding on tight to)', 'carry on one's back', 'carry on or over one's
shoulder', 'carry at one's ribs'
other: ‘be sleeping’, ‘(door) be closed’, ‘(door) be open’, ‘be afraid’.
(xx1) gloss stem Stative
a. from unsegmentable bisyllabic stem
'hear' -
'be hung' g wɔ- g w
b. from bisyllabic Mediopassive (-yv- omitted in Stative)
'sit' w-y - w
'stand' g -y - g
'squat' -y -
'carry on back' -y -
'see' -y -
'be on' g -y - g
'be on (wall)' ŋg -y - ŋg
144
-ATR vowel in penult shifts to +ATR
'be tilted' j ŋg -yɔ- ŋg
'xxx ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
'xxx ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
'xxx ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
c. from frozen Mediopassive Cvyv- (yv retained in the Stative)
'lie down' y - y
Existential particle is not usual with statives, but it can occur with some
of them in unfocalized positive main clauses: 'we hear (i.e. are
not deaf)'. It does not occur in combination with a focalized constituent,
negation, or relativization.
10.4.2 Stative Negative (-na)
Stative Negative suffix (or enclitic) -na is added to the stative stem (which is
always bisyllabic and ends in a). The stem is {H}-toned, except {L}-toned in
the 3Pl.
(xx1) Stative Negative
category form ‘stand'
1Sg {H}- -yⁿ g - -yⁿ
1Pl -{H}- g -
2Sg {H}- -wⁿ g - -wⁿ
2Pl {H}- g -
3Sg/InanSg {H}- g -
3Pl/InanPl {L}- : g - :
variant forms
-ni (y - - 'not know')
-la ( - - 'not want', for / y- -/)
a few negative forms based on the positive statives of the preceding section
‘I am not sitting/holding’
‘the door is not closed’
‘he is not afraid’
145
10.5 Temporal clitics and particles
10.5.1 Past clitic (=ŋŋŋ) [or particle ŋŋŋ]
Several Dogon languages have a conjugatable Past clitic, often =b -.
Other languages have a (usually) unconjugated Past particle that follows the
verb (Jamsay :ⁿ), or have no Past morpheme (Togo Kan).
The Past clitic or particle relocates the temporal reference point in the past.
The surrounding discourse normally specifies this reference point. The
aspectual marking that co-occurs with the Past morpheme is redefined relative
to the new reference point. For example, Progressive 'is VP-ing' is shifed back
to Past Progressive ('was VP-ing').
Adding the Past morpheme to a perfective verb creates a Past Perfect ('had
VP-ed'), since the perfective aspectuality is relative to a point in the past. The
Past morpheme is not used to translate the simple English past ('he ran'), which
is instead expressed by one of the basic perfective-system forms.
Past clitic =b - creates complex morphological structures. It is itself
inflected for pronominal-subject category. The stem to which it is cliticized
often ends with an AN suffix (e.g. Imperfective), and may have at least partial
pronominal-subject marking, especially for 3Pl subject.
If =b - or a similar clitic is present:
does it have an intrinsic tone, is the tone carried over from the preceding
verb, or is the tone determined by the morphological combination?
what AN forms can it combine with, and what is the resulting sense? (brief
tabulation here, full details in sections below).
(xx1) category with Past morpheme
positive
Imperfective Past Imperfective ('used to VP, was about to
VP', 'was going to VP'
Progressive Past Progressive ('was VPing')
simple Perfective Past Perfect ('had VPed')
Experiential Perfect Past Experiential Perfect ('had [ever] VP-
ed')
Recent Perfect Past Recent Perfect ('had [just] finished VP-
ing')
Stative Past Stative
[other forms rare]
negative
146
Imperfective Neg Past Imperfective Negative ('did not use to
VP', 'was not going to VP', etc.)
Progressive Neg Past Progressive Negative ('was not
VP-ing')
Perfective Neg Past Perfect Negative ('had not VP'ed')
Exp Perfect Neg Past Experiential Perfect Negative ('had
never VP-ed')
Recent Perfect Neg Past Recent Perfect Negative ('had not
finished VP-ing')
Stative Neg Past Stative Negative
[other forms rare]
paradigm of =b - with subject-pronominal endings. Consolidate into one
column if no tonal variations.
(xx2) category form with =b -
after high tone after low tone
1Sg =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
1Pl =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
2Sg =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
2Pl =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
3Sg =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
3Pl =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
In subsections below, this paradigm need not be repeated. However, give
paradigms if there are any interesting tonal patterns, or if the AN suffix as well
as the Past clitic is conjugated. (Give 3Pl subject form in any case, even if
regular.)
10.5.1.1 Past Imperfective (positive and negative)
Past Imperfective (positive) is Past clitic added to a basic Imperfective
stem, perhaps with - suffix.
special 3Pl form?
If the language distinguishes Present from Future, or makes similar
divisions of "imperfective", additional sections may be added.
examples
‘I used to go to Mopti every year’
147
‘He used to wrestle’
'I was going to go to Mopti (but the rain stopped me).'
Past Imperfective Negative
special 3Pl form?
examples
‘Long ago, we didn’t use to go down into the plains.’
'I was not going to spend the night with those people.'
10.5.1.2 Past Progressive (positive and negative)
positive examples
‘I was working in Mopti (when …).’
negative examples
'I was not looking at him (when …).'
10.5.1.3 Past Perfect (positive and negative)
The simple Perfective, and in some languages (infrequently) the Perfective-1,
and/or Perfective-2, may be followed by the Past morpheme to express a Past
Perfect (‘X had VP-ed’). This specifies that the event had occurred before the
reference time in the past.
note: “Perfect” [have VP-ed] is distinct from "Perfective." Past Perfect is a
semantically more accurate term for ‘I had VP-ed’ than Past Perfective.
give examples of all perfective-system AN categories (simple Perfective,
Perfective-1, etc.) that can combine with the Past morpheme
special 3Pl forms?
examples:
‘I/They had (already) gone out.’
‘She/They had seen me (previously).’
Past Perfect Negative is Past clitic added to Perfective Negative.
special 3Pl form?
148
examples
'He had not left the city.'
'She/They had not seen me (previously)
Past Perfect also used in one or both clauses of counterfactual conditionals?
(see §16.xxx).
10.5.1.4 Past Experiential Perfect (positive and negative)
positive examples:
'Had you ever seen an elephant (before then)?'
'I had (once) gone to Bamako.'
negative examples:
'I had never (at that time) seen an elephant.'
10.5.1.5 Past Recent Perfect (positive and negative)
positive examples:
'I had just finished eating.'
'They had finished building the house.'
negative examples:
'I had not finished eating (when he came).'
10.5.1.6 Past Stative (positive and negative)
There are two types of statives: those derived from regular verbs that also
have active (aspectually marked) AN forms (§10.4), and defective stative quasi-
verbs that do not have active forms, e.g. 'be (somewhere)', 'have', 'want', 'know'
(Chapter 11). Both types co-occur with the Past morpheme, giving senses like 'I
was sitting' and 'I had (something)'.
For the derived statives, 'be sitting' exemplifies the forms (xx1).
(xx1) gloss regular Stative Past Stative
149
positive
'be sitting' ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
negative
'not be sitting' ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
Statives quasi-verbs are exemplified in (xx2). The irregularities in the
positive/negative pairings are carried over from the regular to the past forms.
[omit any that are not stative quasi-verbs in the given language]
(xx2) gloss regular Past
positive
‘be (somewhere’ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
‘have’ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
‘want’ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
‘know’ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
negative
‘not be’ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
‘not have’ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
‘not want' ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
‘not know' ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
any special 3Pl forms?
10.5.2 ‘Still’, ‘up to now’, '(not) yet’
elicitation using French: because toujours is ambiguous ('always' or 'still'),
as it encore ('still' or 'again'), one might use jusqu'a présent in positive cue
sentences given in French. Negative pas encore should be clear.
positive examples
‘He still runs every day (despite his old age)’.
'He is still working (so he hasn't come home yet).'
negative examples
'He hasn't eaten yet.'
'He still hasn't gotten his money back.'
150
10.6 Imperatives and Hortatives
10.6.1 Imperatives and Prohibitives
The imperative is fairly straightforward pragmatically: the speaker
commands or invites the addressee to do something ('come eat!'). Syntactically,
the main question is whether the understood second person agent is treated as
being present or absent.
The hortative is more complex since it is a kind of command from speaker
to hearer, but the speaker is included (to some extent) in the subject.
There are imperative, prohibitive (imperative negative), hortative, and
hortative negative verb categories.
All of the categories have singular and plural forms. For the hortative, the
plurality is that of the addressees, so the effect is to distinguish first dual
inclusive (you-Sg and I) from first three-plus inclusive (you-Pl and I).
Imperative and hortative forms regularly occur in quoted speech (indirect
discourse). Quoted imperatives and hortatives require otherwise covert subjects
to become overt, so the syntax of these constructions is fairly complex; see
§17.1.4 on jussive complements.
10.6.1.1 Imperative (unsuffixed singular, plural -y)
The Imperative stem, which without further affixation is the singular-addressee
imperative, consists for most verbs of a {L}-toned A/O-stem of the verb
(xx1a). The plural-addressee form adds suffix - ⁿ, which raises the tone of its
syllable to H, and shortens the long vowel of a monosyllabic stem. For g -
'come down', the imperative is {H}-toned and the plural suffix L-toned (xx1b).
(xx1) gloss stem Sg Imprt Pl Imprt
a. 'eat, drink' ɲɔ:- ɲ : ɲ -yⁿ
'pull' or 'shut' ɔ- -yⁿ
'go' )- -yⁿ
'build' - -yⁿ
'bring' g - g g -yⁿ
'sleep' y - y y -yⁿ
'go down' g - g g -yⁿ
'shave' [tr] y-r - y-r y-r -yⁿ
'sit' w-y - w-y w-y -yⁿ
'jump' - -yⁿ
'stand, stop' g -yɔ- g -y g -y -yⁿ
151
'send here' y g - - y g -m
y g - -yⁿ
b. 'come down' g - g
g -yⁿ
Imperative stems for verbs with final nonhigh vowels are given in (xx2).
(xx2) Imperative (final-nonhigh-vowel class)
stem Imprt gloss
a. Cv, Cv:
+ATR
g :- g : 'go out'
-ATR
dɔ:- dɔ: 'pound' or 'insult'
tɔ:- tɔ: 'pour'
ɲɔ:- ɲ : 'eat, drink'
b. NCv(:)
- 'give'
c. CvCv
with a from CaCv-
y - y 'lay out'
with o from other +ATR stems
y g - y g 'come'
y - y 'lie down'
with a from -ATR stem
y gɔ- y g 'fall'
tɔgɔ- g 'gather (wood)'
yɔ- y 'abandon'
c. CvCCv
+ATR
w-y - w-y 'sit'
-ATR
mbɔ- 'winnow in wind'
d. Cv:Cv
- 'build' or 'look'
irregular tones
g - g 'come down'
152
e. trisyllabic and longer
-lɔ- - - 'open (door)'
ŋg - ŋg 'break'
y - y 'do well'
Counterparts from verbs with final high vowels are in (xx3).
(xx3) Imperative (final-high-vowel class)
stem Imperative gloss
a. a )-
- 'speak'
- 'steal'
C ( )-
)- 'do'
g )- g 'put'
b. i - u )-
C ( )-, C ( )-
-) 'go'
)- 'take (convey)'
c. trisyllabic and longer
xxx
d. causatives
r y - - r y - 'make (sb) run'
y g - - y g - 'send here'
- - - 'cause to eat (meat)'
ɲ - - ɲ - 'cause to eat, feed'
Although the second person agent is normally unexpressed, the syntax
treats it is a legitimate referential subject (as in English, but unlike some other
Dogon languages). A direct object has Accusative marking under the same
conditions as in indicative clauses (xx4a). The second person subject can bind
anaphoric objects such as reflexives (xx4b).
(xx4) a. g ]
[1Sg Acc] look.at.Imprt
'Look-2Sg at me!'
b. g ]
[2SgP head.L+H] look.at.Imprt
153
'Look at yourself!'
10.6.1.2 Prohibitive (- , plural - -y)
The prohibitive (negative imperative) is formed, for most verbs, by adding
suffix - to the {H}-toned O-stem of the verb. The form for plural addressee
is - -y. The Prohibitive suffix - is clearly distinct from Stative Negative
-na (§10.4.2). For g - 'come down', singular g - has H-toned
suffix, while plural g - -y has {HL} stem and L-toned suffixes.
Syncope occurs after unclustered medial {n l}, i.e. between two alveolar
sonorants. After syncope, a resulting /nl/ assimilates to nn, and a resulting /rl/
assimilates to ll.
(xx1) gloss stem Sg Prohib Pl Prohib
a. 'eat, drink' ɲɔ:- ɲɔ - ɲɔ - -y
'pull' or 'shut' ɔ- ɔ- ɔ- -y
'go' )- - - -y
'bring' g - g - g - -y
'sleep' y - y - y - -y
'go down' g - g - g - -y
'shave' [tr] y-r - y-r y-r -y
'jump' - - - -y
'stand, stop' g -yɔ- g -yɔ- g -yɔ- -y
'send here' y g - - y g - -
y g - - -y
b. 'come down' g - g -
g - -y
Further examples of the singular prohibitive from verbs with final nonhigh
vowel are in (xx2).
(xx2) Prohibitive (final-nonhigh-vowel class)
stem Imprt gloss
a. Cv, Cv:
g :- g - 'go out'
dɔ:- dɔ - 'pound' or 'insult'
tɔ:- tɔ - 'pour'
ɲɔ:- ɲɔ - 'eat, drink'
154
b. NCv(:)
- - 'give'
c. CvCv
CaCv-
y - y - 'lay out'
- - 'have fun'
other +ATR stem
y g - y g - 'come'
y - y - 'lie down'
-ATR stem
y gɔ- y gɔ- 'fall'
tɔgɔ- tɔgɔ- 'gather (wood)'
yɔ- yɔ- 'abandon'
wɔ- wɔ- 'do farming'
medial n
tɔnɔ- tɔ - 'butcher'
medial l
ɔ- - 'sell'
medial r
pɔrɔ- pɔ - 'throw'
c. CvCCv
w-y - w-y - 'sit'
mbɔ- - 'winnow in wind'
d. Cv:Cv
- - 'build' or 'look'
irregular tones
g - g - 'come down'
e. trisyllabic and longer
-lɔ- - - 'open (door)'
ŋg - ŋg - 'break'
y - y - 'do well'
Singular-subject prohibitives from verb stems with final high vowels are in
(xx3).
(xx3) Prohibitive (final-high-vowel class)
stem Prohibitive gloss
a. a )-
- - 'speak'
155
- - 'steal'
C ( )-
)- - 'do'
g )- g - 'put'
b. i - u )-
C ( )-, C ( )-
-) - 'go'
)- - 'take (convey)'
c. trisyllabic and longer
xxx
d. causatives
r y - - r y - - 'make (sb) run'
y g - - y g - - 'send here'
- - -m- 'cause to eat (meat)'
ɲ - - ɲ - - 'cause to eat, feed'
The syntax is the same as that of the positive imperative regarding
accusative case-marking and anaphoric objects.
(xx4) a. g ] -
[1Sg Acc] look.at.Prohib
'Don't look-2Sg at me!'
b. g ] -
[2SgP head.L+H] look.at.Prohib
'Don't look at yourself!'
10.6.2 Hortatives
10.6.2.1 Hortative (-yⁿ, plural -y yⁿ)
By "hortative" without other modifier I mean the usual first person inclusive
hortative, where the speaker proposes that he/she and the addressee(s) perform
some action. As with the imperative, the hortative has two forms, the choice
depending on number (singular versus plural) of addressees, excluding the
speaker. The form for singular addressee could be described either as first
person inclusive dual ('you-Sg and I') hortative, including all prospective agents,
or as singular-addressee hortative.
The hortative is based on a {HL}-toned E/I-stem of the verb. The {HL}
contour is realized as <HL> (monosyllabic), HL, HHL, etc. The suffixes are -
156
yⁿ for singular addressee (monophthongizes with preceding i to [i:],
transcribed -y) and -y yⁿ for plural addressee. The high-frequency hortative
of 'go', -y (plural -y yⁿ), is often contracted to - -y
( - -y yⁿ). 1Pl subject morpheme precedes the verb, as in indicative
inflections. There is no stem-final syncope even between like consonants (i.e.
y): y -y yⁿ 'let's-Pl harvest!'
(xx1) gloss stem Sg Hort Pl Hort
'eat, drink' ɲɔ:- ɲ -yⁿ ɲ -y yⁿ
'pull' or 'shut' ɔ- n -yⁿ n -y yⁿ
'go' )- -y -y yⁿ
~ - -y ~ - -y yⁿ
'bring' g - g -yⁿ g -y yⁿ
'sleep' y - y -yⁿ y -y yⁿ
'go down' g - g -yⁿ g -y yⁿ
'come down' g - g -y g -y yⁿ
'shave' [tr] y-r - y-r -yⁿ y-r -y yⁿ
'jump' - n -yⁿ -y yⁿ
'stand, stop' g -yɔ- g -y -yⁿ g -y -y yⁿ
'send here' y g - - y g - -y y g - -y yⁿ
More examples of singular-addressee hortatives with verbs ending in a
nonhigh vowel are in (xx2).
(xx2) gloss stem Hort
a. monosyllabic
+ATR
'go out' g :- gw -yⁿ
-ATR
'pound' dɔ:- w -yⁿ
'eat, drink' ɲɔ:- ɲ -yⁿ
b. nCv(:)
'give' - nd -yⁿ
c. CvCv
+ATR
'lay out' y - y -yⁿ
'come' y g - n y g -yⁿ
'lie down' y - y -yⁿ
-ATR
'fall' y gɔ- y g -yⁿ
157
'gather (wood)' tɔgɔ- ɔg -yⁿ
'abandon' yɔ- y -yⁿ
c. CvCCv
+ATR
'sit' w-y - w-y -yⁿ
-ATR
'winnow in wind' mbɔ- mb -yⁿ
d. Cv:Cv
'build' or 'look' - -yⁿ
irregular tones
'come down' g - g -yⁿ
e. trisyllabic and longer
'open (door)' -lɔ- -l- -yⁿ
'break' ŋg - ŋg -yⁿ
'do well' y - y -yⁿ
More examples of singular-subject hortatives from stems with final high
vowel are in (xx3).
(xx3) gloss stem Hort
a. a )-
'speak' - -y
'steal' - -y
C ( )-
'do' )- -y
'put' g )- g -y
b. i - u )-
C ( )-, C ( )-
'go' )- -y
~ - -y
'take (convey)' )- -y
c. trisyllabic and longer
xxx
d. causatives
'make (sb) run' r y - - r y - -y
'send here' y g - - y g - -y
'make eat (meat)' - - - -y
'make eat, feed' ɲ - - ɲ - -y
158
As indicated and illustrated above, there is an overt 1Pl subject. A direct
object, if present, can take Accusative marking (xx4a). Anaphoric objects such
as reflexives (xx4b) can be used.
(xx4) a. g ] t l -yⁿ
[3Sg Acc] 1PlS cut-HortSg
'Let's-Dual cut him/her!'
b. g ] t l -yⁿ
[1PlP head.L+H] 1Pl.H cut-HortSg
'Let's-Dual cut ourselves!'
10.6.2.2 Hortative Negative (- yⁿ, plural - yⁿyⁿ )
The hortative negative is based on the {L}-toned O-stem of the verb. The
suffix is - yⁿ for singular addressee, - yⁿyⁿ for plural addressee. -
yⁿ closely resembles Prohibitive - , and the same segmental
morphophonology occurs in both (syncope after unclustered medial {l n r},
then /nl/ > nn and /rl/ > ll). Moreover, both are based on the O-stem of the
verb. These similarities are not surprising given the close pragmatic connection
between imperatives and hortatives, and the fact that addressee number is
marked in both. However, in addition to the small difference in suffixal
segments, the two differ in stem tone contour, which is {L} for hortative
negative and {H} for prohibitive.
(xx1) Hortative Negative (Sg and Pl addressee)
gloss stem Sg HortNeg Pl HortNeg
'eat, drink' ɲɔ:- ɲɔ - yⁿ ɲɔ - yⁿyⁿ
'go' )- - yⁿ - yⁿyⁿ
Further examples of singular-subject hortative negatives from stems with
final nonhigh vowels are in (xx2).
(xx2) Hortative Negative (final-nonhigh-vowel class)
stem HortNeg gloss
a. Cv, Cv:
g :- g - yⁿ 'go out'
159
ɲɔ:- ɲɔ - yⁿ 'eat, drink'
b. NCv(:)
- - yⁿ 'give'
c. CvCv
CaCv-
y - y - yⁿ 'lay out'
other +ATR stem
y - y - yⁿ 'lie down'
-ATR stem
yɔ- yɔ- yⁿ 'abandon'
medial n
tɔnɔ- ɔ - yⁿ 'butcher'
medial l
ɔ- - yⁿ 'sell'
medial r
pɔrɔ- ɔ - yⁿ 'throw'
c. CvCCv
w-y - w-y - yⁿ 'sit'
mbɔ- mbɔ- yⁿ 'winnow in wind'
d. Cv:Cv
- - y 'build' or 'look'
g - g - yⁿ 'come down'
e. trisyllabic and longer
-lɔ- - - yⁿ 'open (door)'
ŋg - ŋg - yⁿ 'break'
Singular-addressee hortative negatives from verb stems with final high
vowels are in (xx3).
(xx3) Hortative Negative (final-high-vowel class)
stem Prohibitive stem gloss
a. a )-
- - yⁿ 'speak'
C ( )-
)- - yⁿ 'do'
b. i - u )-
C ( )-, C ( )-
160
-) - yⁿ 'go'
)- - yⁿ 'take (convey)'
c. trisyllabic and longer
xxx
d. causatives
r y - - r y - - yⁿ 'make
(sb) run'
This hortative negative form is also used in third-person hortative negatives
(§10.6.3.2).
10.6.3 Non-1st person hortatives
10.6.3.1 Third person Hortative (I/U-stem)
This form is used in reported imperatives, including imperatives that are
conveyed by another person (xx1a), clarification requests regarding possible
commands (xx1b), and regular quoted imperatives (jussives) as in narratives
(xx1c). It is usually followed by either Quotative wa or Interrogative ni, but it
can also be used without such a particle in wishes amd imprecations involving
third-party agents ('may God help you!'). The form (abbreviation 3Hort) is not
further inflected for pronominal subject. Instead, pronominal (as well as other)
subjects are preposed. In reported imperatives, the subject is separated from the
remainder of the clause, both portions being followed by Quotative particle wa.
(xx1) a. w ] w ] y g w
[2SgP father.L+H] [2Sg QuotS] come.3Hort say
'Your-Sg father says (for you-Sg) to come.'
b. ) y g
(1Sg) come.3Hort Q
'(Did you say/signal) (for me) to come?
c. w ] y g w
[A QuotS] come.3Hort say
'He told Amadou to come.'
(= 'He said to Amadou, come!' or 'He said: hey Amadou, come!)
d. : y g : r
God come.xxx 3Sg show.3Hort
'May God show you the future!' (said e.g. on holy days)
161
The tone contours (including irregularities) are identical to those of the
imperative. The vocalism is unique to this verb form, and could be called the
I/U-stem. It resembles the E/I-stem, but vowels of nonfinal syllables are shifted
from -ATR to +ATR, and final {e(:} (:)} is raised to {i i:}. This form
with final {i i:} is the only surface form for monosyllabic verbs whose E/I-
stems do not contain w (C :-, NC :-). It is also the only surface form for
nonmonosyllabic verbs whose E/I-stem otherwise ends in iye- or iy -,
including underlying /iye/ or /iy / whose /i/ is elsewhere syncopated ('sit').
For these nonmonosyllabic verbs, the final long i: of the I/U-stem could be
analysed as the result of monophthongizing /iyi/. All other verbs, i.e.
monosyllabic stems whose E/I-stem contains w (Cwe:-, Cw :-, we:-) and
most nonmonosyllabic stems, shift the final {i i:} to {u u:} before Quotative wa
(xx1a,c), but keep {i i:} before the Interrogative particle, which itself appears in
the allomorph ni (rather than le) in this combination (xx1b).
Representative forms for stems with final nonhigh vowels are in (xx2).
(xx2) Third Person Hortative (final-nonhigh-vowel class)
stem Hort.3rd gloss
a. Cv, Cv:
+ATR
g :- g gw : 'go out'
-ATR
dɔ:- w : 'pound' or 'insult'
ɲɔ:- ɲ : 'eat, drink'
b. NCv(:)
- : 'give'
c. CvCv
+ATR
y - y y 'lay out'
y g - y g y g 'come'
y - : 'lie down'
-ATR
y gɔ- y g y g 'fall'
tɔgɔ- g g 'gather (wood)'
yɔ- : 'abandon'
c. CvCCv
+ATR
w-y - w : 'sit'
162
-ATR
mbɔ- 'winnow in wind'
d. Cv:Cv
- 'build' or 'look'
irregular tones
g - g g 'come down'
[with particles: g w , g ]
e. trisyllabic and longer
-lɔ- - - - - 'open (door)'
ŋg - ŋg ŋg 'break'
y - : 'do well'
Corresponding forms from verbs with final high vowels are in (xx3).
(xx3) Third-Person Hortative (final-high-vowel class)
stem Hort.3rd gloss
a. a )-
- 'speak'
C ( )-
)- 'do'
b. i - u )-
C ( )-, C ( )-
-) 'go'
c. trisyllabic and longer
xxx
d. causatives
ɲ - - ɲ - \\ɲ - 'cause to eat, feed'
As noted above, Interrogative particle (usually le) takes the form ni in this
combination. This ni is elsewhere found as the fusion of /le/ with preceding
1Sg pronominal-subject suffix -yⁿ (§xxx). A reasonable hypothesis is that the
Third Person Hortative originally had a suffix *-y (or *-yⁿ), which
monophthongized with a preceding high vowel.
w ] w ] g ] w
'your father says (for you) to cut yourself'
163
discussion of phonology
syntax:
how is a pronominal subject ('he/she') expressed?
obligatory independent pronoun?
does the subject (pronominal or nonpronominal) have full subject
properties? (antecedent of reflexive object or possessor?)
examples:
'May God destroy you!'
'May God leave you in peace!'
'May X [person's name] go!'
'May X cut himself!'
'May X cut his (own) hand!'
10.6.3.2 Third person Hortative Negative (- yⁿ)
Third-person hortative negatives have the same verb form as the regulat
hortative negative (§10.6.2.2), with suffix - y added to the {L}-toned O-
stem. The suffix combines with Quotative wa as - w , and with the
Interrogative particle le as - . The full form - yⁿ is heard in wishes
and imprecations involving third-party agents such as 'God', as in the
(improbable) (xx1b).
(xx1) a. w ] w ] y g - w
[2SgP father.L+H] [2Sg QuotS] come-3HortNeg say
'Your-Sg father says (for you) not to come'
b. : y g : - yⁿ
God come.xxx 3Sg show-3HortNeg
'May God not show you the future!' (from / r -/)
c. ) y g -
(1Sg) come-3HortNeg Q
'(Did you say/signal) (for me) not to come?'
164
11 Clause, VP, and predicate structure
11.1 Clausal constituents
Give the typical linear order of constituents, usually SOV. Where do adverbs
like 'yesterday' and 'here' usually occur, with particular reference to subject
NPs?
11.1.1 Subjects
11.1.1.1 Subjects in indicative main clauses
A subject is ordinarily present in each main clause, but there may be some
exceptions.
summarize basic syntax of subjects in main clauses
linear position of nonpronominal subject NP (excluding focalization)
unmarked relative position of subject NP vis-a-vis adverb ('yesterday')
'The men dug a well yesterday.'
location of pronominal subject morphemes, including 3Sg and 3Pl
suffixed to verb?
in regular clause-initial subject position?
do nonpronominal NPs co-occur with 3Sg and 3Pl pronouns (agreement)?
may be moot if 3Sg expressed by zero.
further syntactic subject properties
subject can be antecedent for reflexive object, reflexive possessor
'He cut himself'.
'He cut his (own) hand.'
"same-subject" subordinators connecting two clauses
(how rigorous is same-subject requirement?)
11.1.1.2 Subjects in relative and complement clauses
summarize here, with cross-refs to relevant sections (Chaps 14-17)
consider:
165
relative clauses (with nonsubject head NP)
(perhaps) factive complements, e.g. 'see/find that [...]'
quotative complements, 'say that [...]', including jussives
something unusual about pronominal subjects?
pronominal-subject suffixes in main clauses are blocked here?
so a separate subject pronoun must be used?
proclitic to verb, or in clause-initial subject position?
may not be relevant in some languages
nonpronominal NP requires a coindexed 3Sg or 3Pl pronoun?
full syntactic subject properties? (for each complement type)
subject can be antecedent of reflexive object or possessor?
"same-subject" subordinators can connect this clause to another?
11.1.1.3 Subjects of imperative and hortative verbs
subjects of imperatives and hortatives
summarize data on subject properties from Chapter 10
can subject bind anaphors (reflexives)?
covert 2nd person imperative "subjects" cannot?
overt 1st/3rd person hortative subjects can?
can such verbs be linked by "same-subject" subordinators to a preceding
VP?
11.1.1.4 Subjects of lexicalized subject-verb combinations
The "subject" of such combinations has low referentiality (so it is unlikely to
bind an anaphor), and in some languages it shows less than full syntactic
subject properties:
a) may typically follow adverbs like 'yesterday' while true subjects precede
(Togo Kan);
b) may co-occur with a "real" subject.
meteorological and seasonal expressions.
‘day break’, ‘night fall’, ‘hot season be happening’, 'sky (=cloudy weather,
i.e. rainy season) arrive/go out', ‘rain fall’, etc.
test for unmarked position vis-a-vis 'yesterday' type adverbs
"same-subject" subordinator in e.g. 'sky (=rainy season) arrived and went
out' (but note that "same-subject" requirement may not be strict)
emotional terms based on 'heart' (really 'liver/heart complex')
166
‘X's heart is ruined’ etc.
the verb usually makes sense with 'heart' as subject (cf. 'my heart is
broken'), but the syntax may take X as the real subject.
test position of X and of 'heart' with 'yesterday' type adverbs
is 'heart' a possessed noun with X as possessor, or a separate adjunct?
[[X heart.(H)L] be.ruined] or [X … heart be.ruined]
possessed nouns should have the relevant possessor-controlled contour,
{HL}, {L}, {H}, or whatever
11.1.2 Simple transitives
11.1.2.1 Direct objects of simple transitives
There is a fairly well-defined transitive clause type with a subject and a direct
object. Order normally SOV (except perhaps for pronominal subjects).
does the language have an Accusative morpheme (§6.7)?
impact verbs (‘hit’, ‘cut’) should be simple [Subj Obj V]
perception verbs (‘see’, ‘hear’) likewise
verbs of holding/carrying likewise, but they also have a "middle" voice
element expressed in some languages by the Mediopassive suffix, i.e. 'I carry
[the baby] (on myself)'. The "middle" element is disregarded by the clause-level
syntax.
The distinction between transitive and intransitive is complicated by the
existence of many verbs that have a cognate nominal as (apparent) object
(§11.1.5.1) or other low-referentiality objects. These normally do not get
Accusative marking (in lgs where such a morpheme exists).
11.1.2.2 ŋŋŋ 'do' with onomatopoeias and loanwords
The verb ŋŋŋ 'do' can combine with onomatopoiec forms and other low-
referentiality noun-like elements. In effect, 'do' allows such elements to become
predicates.
examples, e.g. with imitations of animal vocalizations
Dogon languages differ as to whether 'do X' is the productive way to nativize
borrowed stems with verb-like meaning from Fulfulde, Bambara, French, etc..
167
Some languages have many such combinations, other languages generally
allow borrowed verbs to be directly conjugated.
examples involving borrowed verbs, and brief discussion of how productive the
pattern is.
11.1.2.3 Lexicalized verb-object combinations with low-referentiality objects
In addition to verbs with paired cognate nominals (see below), there are several
fixed verb-object combinations that do not involve cognates.
try ‘bathe’ (including ‘water’), 'wage war'
body-function expressions ('sneeze', 'belch', etc.) if not cognate nominals
‘gather (firewood)’ and ‘eat meal’ if not cognate nominals
11.1.2.4 Forms of cognate nominals associated with verbs
lexicalized cognate nominal, sharing phonological material with the verb
verbs without a lexicalized cognate nominal can simply use their verbal noun
give all known exx. from the lexicon that occur together in phrases. Since verb
stems are subject to tighter restrictions on phonological form, organize by the
form (syllabic shape, tone) of the noun
(xx1) noun verb gloss of combination
a. monosyllabic
b. bisyllabic, noun {H}
c. bisyllabic, noun {LH}
d. bisyllabic, noun {HL}
e. bisyllabic, noun {LHL}
f. trisyllabic, noun {LH}
g. trisyllabic, noun {HL}
h. trisyllabic, noun {LHL}
separate table and discussion for cases where
a) there is a change in vocalism from verb to nominal, e.g. e versus E or o
versus O
168
b) the nominal is only partially cognate to the verb (i.e. is a compound, one
element of which is cognate; or the verb is based on a modifying adjective)
representative glosses
‘build a shed (shelter)’
‘avoid, respect (a taboo)’
‘give out a whistle’
‘tie a knot’
‘work, do a job’
‘harvest millet, do the millet harvest’
‘spend the mid-day’
‘roll turban (on head)’
‘think a thought’
‘(a) death occur’
‘make a heap’
‘be rivals, have a rivalry’
‘dance’
‘fart, let out a fart’
‘defecate, take a shit’
‘speak’
‘give a reprimand’
‘go search for firewood’
‘write, do some writing’
‘treat (medically), provide care to’
‘sing, perform a song’
‘compete, be in a race’
‘do the second round of weeding’
‘double up, have two’
‘give a description’
‘chew cud’
‘(dog) bark’
‘(lion, hyena, elephant) roar’
‘(plant stem) split into two’
‘be stronger (than)’
‘divide into halves’
‘sneeze’
‘speak’
‘belch, emit a belch’
‘vomit’
‘cook a dish including cottonseed’
‘gain, make a profit’
‘foam, be frothy’
‘foam up’
‘poke fun at’
169
‘stutter’
‘study, go to school’
‘pray, perform the Muslim prayer’
‘jump, take a jump’
‘make a profit’
‘preach a sermon’
‘spend a half-day (morning)’
‘swear an oath’ (<Fulfulde)
‘tell a story’
‘make a payment’
‘weep’
‘count (recite numbers)’
‘be deceptive, trick’
‘make an insult’
‘forge (tools)’
‘stand/ stop in a position’
‘clear one’s throat’
‘ask a question’
‘cook (dish with cow-peas, or millet mixed with roselle leaves)’
‘yawn, make a yawn’
‘let out a groan’
‘urinate’
‘spit, emit a spit’
‘make noise’
‘lay egg’
‘(woman) emit cry of joy’
‘have fun, stage festivities’
‘converse, chat’
‘utter a formal greeting’
‘take animals to pasture’
‘do wage labor (by the day)’
‘take cows out at night’
‘(beggar) sing koranic verses’
‘fight, engage in a fight’
‘dream a dream’
‘snore; (lion) roar’
‘have a discussion’
‘request, beg’
‘make loud noises’
‘(animal) bellow’
‘formally counsel (a young person)’
‘perfume with incense’
‘have a rest’
may have vocalic change:
170
‘sow (seeds); sow the seedstock’
‘run’
‘curse, utter a curse’
‘fall down, take a fall’
‘pay dues, make a contribution’
‘cover oneself with blanket’
‘laugh, let out a laugh’
‘make an addition (top-off)’
‘take a walk’
‘crawl, drag oneself’
‘hold on one’s back’
‘do (manual) farm work (in field)’
‘(sth unseen) make a noise’
may have partial cognate relationship:
‘perform black magic’
‘sleep’
‘provide assistance to’
‘scold’
‘take a step’
‘emit some slobber, drool’
‘build a conical roof’
‘clap, applaud’
‘draw a line (with the hand)’
‘cook ŋŋŋ (lit. “white meal,” a millet dish)
‘hunt, go on a hunt’
‘perform an individual prayer’
‘hiccup’
‘give out a shout’
irregular cases?
‘be afraid’
‘stand, be in a position’
‘cook sauce’
‘lie, tell a lie’
11.1.2.5 Grammatical status of cognate nominal
usually be pro forma, as in 'dance (='do) some dancing'
171
however, some cognate nominals can be somewhat referential (denoting a
bounded unit of activity), and therefore can be quantified over or adjectivally
modified.
examples
'I danced three dances.'
'They dances a nice dance,'
try with more difficult cases: 'hiccup', 'laugh', 'snore', 'rest'
11.1.3 Clauses with additional arguments and adjuncts
11.1.3.1 Syntax of expressive adverbials (EAs)
Examples of EAs and discussion of typical senses are in §8.4.7 above.
EAs cannot be integrated into NPs (except in relative clauses based on the
predicative forms discussed below). They are inactive tonosyntactically; they
are neither controllers of tone contours on other words, nor can they be
controlled (targeted) by other elements.
Although EAs are intrinsically rather focal, calling attention to themselves
by their phonological features, they cannot be syntactically focalized.
EAs may function syntactically as one-word adverbial phrases (loosely
modifying the rest of the clause).
examples, preferably including some from texts:
EAs may also be made predicative by having them followed by an
inflectable auxiliary. The most common and aspectually unmarked predicative
form is with the relevant locational-existential clitic (e.g. wɔ-, kɔ).
examples, preferably including some from texts:
other predicative construction in the inchoative sense 'become EA'.
e.g. Jamsay [EA :-] with b :- verb that elsewhere means 'stay, remain'.
examples, preferably including some from texts:
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11.1.3.2 Adverbial phrases with verbs of motion, being in, and putting
Motion verbs are intransitive, with an optional locational AdvP as an adjunct.
The AdvP may be overtly adverbial (e.g. with a locative postposition), but it
may also take the (surface) form of a NP, such as a place name.
examples:
'They went to my village.'
'They went home.'
'They went to Bamako.'
'They came back from the well.'
There may be one or more verbs (perhaps defective stative quasi-verbs)
with senses like 'be (put) in(side)' or 'be (put) on' (cross-ref to relevant section
of Chapter 10 or 11). Although the specific locative relationship is baked into
the verb's sense, the complement may again be an AdvP, with the same
qualifications as noted above for motion verbs. The default is the basic
locational-existential quasi-verb 'be (somewhere)'.
examples
'The people are.in(side) the house.' [with a specialized stative]
'The tea kettle is.on the burner.' [with another specialized stative]
'I am in Douentza.' [with locational-existenctial]
Verbs of putting take a direct object and a locational AdvP. They can be
modeled semantically, roughly, as [X CAUSE [Y BE [IN/ON Z]]].
examples
'I put the mangoes under the waterjar.'
'I put the sugar in the box.'
11.1.3.3 Ditransitives
case frames for ‘give’, ‘show’, ‘say’ (‘give’ and ‘show’ may alternate between
two distinct case frames, in one of which the recipient is treated as direct object,
the other using dative forms)
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11.1.3.4 Valency of causatives
case-frame for causative from intransitive base: ‘cause to come’, ‘cause to
go in’ (= ‘take in’). Should be similar to a simple transitive.
case-frame for causative from transitive base: ‘X cause Y to VERB Z’.
Often both Y and Z are marked as direct objects (e.g. with Accusative
morpheme, or using pronoun-object clitics).
try with full NPs, pronouns, and one full NP and one pronoun
11.1.4 Verb Phrase
The category VP (i.e. a clause stripped of its subject and of clause-level
inflectional categories) is relevant to certain types of chains, notably direct
chains (with no linking morpheme) and explicitly same-subject subordinated
clauses. The nonfinal VP (minimally just a verb, but sometimes including non-
subject complements) is chained to the final verb (direct chains), or is more
loosely preposed to or inserted into the final clause (same-subject subordinated
clause).
For details and examples, see Chapter 15.
11.2 ‘Be’, ‘become’, ‘have’, and other statives and inchoatives
In addition to the forms discussed in the sections below, there may be a stative
'be better, be more' quasi-verb, see §12.1.4.
11.2.1 ‘It is’ clitics
The 'it is' clitic makes predicates out of NPs (including pronouns, simple
unmodified nouns, noun-like adverbs such as 'yesterday', and multi-word NPs).
The prototypical context is that an active discourse referent, or a speech-act
participant, is identified or described using an NP. Cf. English who is it?, it's
me, that's it, etc., where 'it' resumes an understood referent.
The same clitic is often used to focalize a constituent; see Chapter 13.
Usually there are different constructions for making predicates out of
adjectives (§11.4) and out of expressive adverbials (§8.4.7, §11.1.3.1)
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11.2.1.1 Positive ‘it is’ (=ŋŋŋ)
w ⁿ 'ir is a house'
-g ⁿ 'they are cows'
ⁿ 'it is a cow'
'who is it?'
g wⁿ 'what is it?'
ⁿ 'it's a sheep'
ⁿ 'it's a goat'
y- 'it's me'
y- 'it's us'
-w 'it's him'
-w 'it's them'
-w 'it's you-Sg'
-w 'it's you-Pl'
The ‘it is’ clitic has a pronominal-subject conjugation in some languages.
The unmarked 3Sg form is the default. The clitic may have clearly audible
segments (Jamsay = and variants, Nanga = and variants), or it may be
expressed just by a final falling tone (Yanda). It is completely inaudible in some
phonological combinations, but is assumed to be present by analogy to other
combinations where it is audible (Ben Tey).
Segmental forms may vary depending whether the preceding element ends
in vowel or consonant. (If not, consolidate data in (xx1) into one column.)
(xx1) category postvocalic postconsonantal
1Sg =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
1Pl =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
2Sg =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
2Pl =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
3Sg =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
3Pl =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
Inan =ŋŋŋ =ŋŋŋ
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'dogon'
ⁿ 'I am a Dogon.'
-g ⁿ 'we are Dogon.'
ⁿ 'you-Sg are a Dogon.'
discussion of segmental form
tones: clitic may be atonal, getting its tones from the final tone of the
preceding stem. Or it may be L-toned, but subject to tone-spreading. Discuss,
with cross-refs to Chapter 3, e.g. Final-Tone Resyllabification §3.7.4.3.
in Nanga, most such clitic forms are atonal, but 3Sg and Inanimate clitics
are low-toned in some combinations (after 3rd person pronoun, interrogative
‘what?’ etc., and demonstrative pronoun) even if they end in a high vowel.
examples
expression of ‘it’s me/you!’ (clitic is 3Sg, or 1Sg/2Sg agreeing with pronoun?)
if a special Inanimate-subject form of the clitic is in use, is it also used in
identificational predicates like ‘it’s (=that’s) it!’ or ‘it’s them?’
11.2.1.2 ‘It is not’ (=ŋŋŋ-)
'dogon'
ⁿ 'I am a Dogon.'
ⁿ -g 'we are not Dogon.'
'you-Sg are a Dogon.'
ⁿ -g 'they are not Dogon'
The negative counterpart of =ŋŋŋ- ‘it is’ is =ŋŋŋ- ‘it is not’. It may be a
sequence of the 'it is' clitic and a following Negative clitic (Jamsay = = :,
etc.). Or it may be a suppletive portmanteau 'it is not' clitic (Yanda = ), but
the distinction may be unclear if the 'it is' clitic has no audible segments.
paradigm
(xx1). category form
1Sg =ŋŋŋ
1Pl =ŋŋŋ
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2Sg =ŋŋŋ
2Pl =ŋŋŋ
3Sg, Inan =ŋŋŋ
3Pl =ŋŋŋ
examples
‘I am not a Dogon’
‘that is not a cow’
‘they are not only white people’
11.2.2 Existential and locative quasi-verbs and particles
11.2.2.1 Existential particle ( ~ )
This particle, immediately preverbal (preceding 1Pl and 2Pl subject pronouns),
is used with certain stative predicates in unfocalized positivemain clauses. It
does not occur in the presence of a focalized constituent, in negative clauses, or
in relative clauses. With these exceptions it is obligatory with 'have', and with
'be' in the absence of another specified location.
Examples with 'have' are in (xx1). L-toned occurs in (xx1a-b) but not in
negative (xx1c), focalized (xx1d), or relative clause (xx1e).
(xx1) a. w -yⁿ
house Exist have-1SgS
'I have a house.'
b. w
house 1PlS Exist have
'We have a house.'
c. w - -yⁿ
house have-StatNeg-1SgS
'I do not have a house.'
d. -w w
who? house have
'Who has a house?'
e. 'there where I have a house'
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Examples with - 'be (somewhere), exist' are in (xx2). The combination
of the Existential particle and - comes out as w . The particle is present
in (xx2a), but absent in (xx2b) in the presence of a more specific locational
expression. It is also absent in negative (xx2c) and in focalized (xx2d-e).
(xx1) a. : w
tea Exist be.3SgS
'There is some tea.'
b. ] ŋ ]
[[1PlP village.LH] in] be.3SgS
'He/She is in our village.'
c. : -r
tea not.be-PerfNeg.3SgS
'There is no tea.'
d.
where? be.3SgS
'Where is he/she?'
e. -w
who? be.3SgS
'Who is there?'
Typical syntax:
a) obligatory with positive so/sa 'have' except as noted below;
b) default complement for locational-existential wɔ ~ kɔ or bu ~ bo,
required (except as noted below) when no (other) locational expression is overt,
e.g. yɔ kɔ or y 'it is (present)', 'there is some'.
c) optional with other (derived and underived) positive statives involving
stance or position ('be sitting', 'be hanging on a hook', etc.).
d) absent in negative clauses ('He is not here', 'I don't have a cow')
e) (sometimes) absent in relative clauses ('a man who has a cow')
f) absent in clauses with a focalized NP constituent ('It's I [focus] who am
(here)', 'it's I [focus] who have a cow')
Give an overview here, with cross-refs to sections with details and
examples for particular stative predicates, later in this chapter.
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is the participle always immediately preverbal, or may other elements
intervene?
try with preverbal object pronominal ('I have/am holding it'), preverbal
subject pronominal (if the particle can occur in relative clauses), verb chains
(though statives are rarely chained with preceding verbs).
11.2.2.2 'Be (present)' (bo- ~ w -, past b (:)-
The stative quasi-verb used in the locational sense 'be (in a place), be present'
and by abstraction 'exist', is - after a locational expression ('here', 'in
Bamako', etc.) and w - when preceded by Existential as the default
locational. Either a locational or is required in unfocalized positive main
clauses. The falling tone of w - in w - is most clearly heard when it is
followed by a clause-final particle, especially atonal Interrogative le and its
variants: w -yⁿ 'am I here?', w 'is he/she here?' (from / w
le/). In the more frequent prepausal (clause-final) position, I usually hear
w -yⁿ, -w -, etc.
There is the usual pronominal-subject paradigm as with regular inflected
verbs. There is no AN marking (perfective, imperfective, etc.), though it does
have a Past form (see below), and there is no imperative or hortative.
The paradigms are in (xx1).
(xx1) Nonpast 'be (in a place)' or 'exist'
category after locational with Existential
1Sg -yⁿ w -yⁿ
1Pl - w -
2Sg -w w -w
2Pl - w -
3Sg - w -
ch 3Pl b- : w- :
(xx2) a. [bɔmɔkɔ ŋ ] - :
[B in] be-3PlS
'They are in Bamako (city).'
b. w -m m
Exist be-2SgS if
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'if you-Sg are present' (from /w -w/)
There is no clear synchronic connection between (stative) - and
(inchoative) - 'become'.
For past time 'was/were', - is replaced by b- (:)-. In the absence of
a regular locational expression, the Existential particle again functions as the
obligatory default, but here it takes the harmonized form . As in the nonpast
form the b of the quasi-verb lenites to w after the Existential particle. The
paradigm is therefore (xx3). Prepausally, the forms with <LH> tone (i.e. all but
3Pl) may sound L-toned, but adding a clause-final particle brings out the rising
tone more clearly.
(xx3) Past 'was/were (in a place)' or 'existed'
category after locational with Existential
1Sg b- -yⁿ w- -yⁿ
1Pl - :- w- :-
2Sg b- -w w- -w
2Pl - :- w- :-
3Sg b- :- w- :-
3Pl b- - : w- - :
Past-time examples are in (xx4).
(xx4) a. g [bɔmɔkɔ ŋ ] b- -yⁿ
last.year [B in] be-Past-1SgS
'Last year I was in Bamako (city).'
b. -ŋ b- :-
here be-Past-3SgS Q
'Was he/she here?' (from /b : le/)
c. -ŋ b- - :
here be-Past-3SgS
'They were here.'
11.2.2.3 Negative - 'is not (in a place)', ɔr- - 'was not'
- 'be (in a place), be present' is negated by r - 'is/was not (present),
is/was absent'. It does not co-occur with the Existential particle, but it may be
180
used by itself (an overt locational expression is optional). The paradigm is
(xx1).
(xx1) 'is/are absent' or 'does/do not exist'
category form (with or without locational)
1Sg r -yⁿ
1Pl r -
2Sg r -w
2Pl r -
3Sg r -
3Pl r- :
Examples are in (xx2).
(xx2) a. ŋ ) r -yⁿ
(here) not.be-1SgS
'I am not present (here).'
b. : r -
tea not.be-3SgS Q
'There is no tea.' (from / r e/)
Past b- (:)- is similarly negated by ɔr- - 'was not (present), was
absent' or 'did not exist'. As always in negative clauses, the Existential
morpheme is not allowed. The paradigm is (xx3). 3Sg and 3Pl differ only in
vowel length.
(xx3) Past 'was/were not (in a place)' or 'did not exist'
category form (with or without locational)
1Sg ɔr- -yⁿ
1Pl ɔr- -
2Sg ɔr- -w
2Pl ɔr- -
3Sg ɔr- -
3Pl ɔr-- :
181
Examples are in (xx4).
(xx4) a. ɔr- -l
not.be-Past-2SgS Q
'Weren't you-Sg present?' (from /ɔr- -w /)
b. g : ɔr- -
last.year tea not.be-Past-3SgS
'Last year there was no tea.'
11.2.3 Other stative locational and positional quasi-verbs
Irregular or suppletive stative forms in senses like 'be in' and 'be on', and in
positional senses like 'be sitting' and 'be lying down'.
If these senses are expressed by regular Stative derivatives from active
verbs, just give cross-refs.
11.2.3.1 Other stative locational quasi-verbs ('be in/on')
Does the language have irregular or suppletive stative quasi-verbs (as opposed
to regular Stative derivatives of active verbs) with senses like the following,
effectively incorporating a locational relation ('in', 'on'):
‘(sth large) be in (container)’, also metaphorical ‘be in (state, situation)’
‘(sth granulated, e.g. sugar) be in container’
‘(water or other liquid) be in container’
‘be up on (sth)’, e.g. ‘pot (tea kettle) be up on stone oven (burner)’
If there is more than one ‘be in (container)’ verb, so that some kind of
classification is involved, give lists of representative subject NPs (person,
animal, meat, millet grain spike, grains, sugar, water) for each verb.
If there is a general 'be in' verb, is it related (perhaps irregularly) to the
transitive 'put' verb? Cf. Jamsay 'put', stative k n 'be [put] in'.
a few examples including the locational complement
used with Existential particle?
182
11.2.3.2 Stative stance/position quasi-verbs
Most stance/position verbs probably have a regular Stative form (§10.3), which
need not be repeated here. Some languages have a few irregular or suppletive
stative forms that are associated semantically with, but not regularly derived
from, active verbs. These can be listed here.
Jamsay examples: :ⁿ 'be sitting', cf. ŋ 'sit down'.
'be lying down', cf. 'lie down'
11.2.4 'Become', 'happen', and 'remain' predicates
For deadjectival inchoatives ('become red/long'), which are expressed by
derivational suffixes, see §9.6. Here the focus is on 'become X' and 'remain X'
predicates with distinct verbs or quasi-verbs.
11.2.4.1 ‘Remain’ ( -)
Often :- or the like.
This is an intransitive verb that may mean 'X remain/stay (somewhere)'
and/or 'X (e.g. event, holiday) happen, take place'. Describe the range of senses
with examples.
morphologically regular, compatible with all aspects and with negation?
Does present-time ‘X remains (thus)’ use imperfective or perfective form?
This verb may also be used to make inchoative predicates out of expressive
adverbials (EAs). This is closer to the sense 'X happen' than to the sense 'X
remain/stay'. If this construction is in use, give several examples.
11.2.4.2 ‘Become, be transformed into’ ( -)
'Become' with NP complement, as in 'become president', 'become (=be
transformed into) a tree', etc., is -.
Typically t ŋ or the like, morphologically a regular verb. This is used to
make inchoative predicates with NP complements, as in 'X became a lion'.
Contexts include magical transformation, natural evolution ('the seed has
183
become/turned into a tree'), and figurative language ('he has become a white
person/a woman').
Common causative counterpart 'X transform Y into (a) Z'. Often a slightly
irregular causative (Jamsay t -ŋ ).
Mention other senses of these instransitive and causative forms, such as...
a) marriage: denotes conveyance of bride in a procession to husband's
house, hence the verbs are used as shorthand for '(woman) get married'
(intransitive), '(man) marry (woman)' (causative)
b) 'install (a new chief)'
c) 'ignite (fire)', 'turn on (lights)'
d) 'contaminate, infect'
e) 'distribute'
f) 'translate, interpret (languages)'
g) (chained with 'go past' or 'jump'): 'cross, go/jump across (river,
road)'
11.2.4.3 ‘Become’ related to 'be (somewhere) quasi-verbs (ŋŋŋ)
[Togo Kan has inchoative 'become' verbs k : (nonhuman) and w :
(human). They are related to the corresponding stative 'be (somewhere)' quasi-
verbs (kɔ, wɔ), but unlike these quasi-verbs they are regular verbs that can be
marked for perfective or imperfective aspect. k : and w : are used to make
inchoative predicates out of expressive adverbials, and sometimes out of
locational adverbial phrases]
11.2.5 Mental and emotional statives
The senses 'know' and 'want' are expressed in some Dogon languages as
irregular stative quasi-verbs. 'Know' and 'want' may also have irregular or
suppletive negative forms. Indicate for each sense whether this is true, and give
the relevant forms even if they are regular verbs.
11.2.5.1 ‘Know’ (y y)
This is a stative verb with no nonstative paradigms. It means 'know (a fact)' or
'know, be acquainted with (a person)'. The object NP takes Accusative marking:
g y y 'he/she knows me'. The paradigms, positive and negative, are
in (xx1).
184
(xx1) category 'know' 'not know'
1Sg y -yⁿ y - -y
1Pl y y y -
2Sg y -w y - -w
2Pl y y y -
3Sg y y y -
3Pl y y- : y - - :
11.2.5.2 ‘Want, like’ ( y-)
This defective stative quasi-verb takes Stative Negative allomorph - . It is not
used with Existential e (§11.2.2.1).
(xx1) category 'wamt' 'not want'
1Sg -yⁿ - -yⁿ
1Pl y- - -
2Sg -w - -w
2Pl y- - -
3Sg y- - -
3Pl y- : - - :
Compare Najamba y (negative ).
Typical context is ‘X want Y’ with Y = NP. May extend to 'X like Y', 'X need
Y', etc.
used with Existential particle?
examples
11.3 Quotative verb
11.3.1 ‘Say’ (ŋŋŋ)
There is normally at least one regularly conjugatable ‘say’ verb in addition
to quotative particles (like wa).
185
If the language has two conjugatable 'say' verbs (cf. Jamsay j -, limited to
perfective positive, and all-purpose :-), in addition to the particle,
see if one of the two is transitive, taking a demonstrative or pronoun as direct
object as in 'he said it/that' and the question 'what did he say?', while the other
requires a quotative complement. Cross-ref to §11.1 on valency §11.1.3.3.
For the structure of quotative complements, see §17.1.
examples
‘What did he say to you?’
‘They call it "elephant" '
'Say' verbs can play an interesting but sutble role in Dogon syntax.
Is the Purposive postposition ('for') related to a 'say' verb?
Are 'say' verbs included in any clause-linking subordinators, even when the
clauses are not quotative?
examples of such complexes from Jamsay:
a) j - 'say' (perfective positive only); Purposive postposition j 'for';
subordinator j y 'while doing' with same-subject subordinator y; -
j - Recent Perfect suffix; perhaps ~ j 'holding, taking with oneself'.
b) :- say', subordinator : 'after VPing' (often with subject
switch), with k n from ⁿ 'do'.
[Togo Kan: 'say' in purposive-clause forming - with Pseudo-
conditional .]
11.4 Adjectival predicates
Stative predicates of the type ‘X is heavy’. These are distinct from inchoative
and factitive verbs (‘become heavy’, ‘make it heavy’), on which see §9.6.
11.4.1 Positive adjectival predicates
The following constructions occur in one or another Dogon language. (1a-b)
involve direct conjugation of the adjective, with or without an intervening suffix.
(2a-b) involve a locational-existential 'be (somewhere)' as auxiliary. 3 involves
the 'it is' clitic also used with NPs ('be a man'). Especially in type 3, the
morphology can be somewhat murky because of confusion between
noun/adjective suffixes marking humanness/animacy and number (e.g. -m) and
some allomorphs of the 'it is' clitic (e.g. = )
186
1) direct conjugation of adjective
1a) ADJ-Pron, directly conjugated (e.g. with pronominal-subject suffix in
languages that have them) (Jamsay, tone-dropped, usually after a focalized
constituent; Najamba with a few adjectives; Toro Tegu)
1b) ADJ-yv-Pron, with an intervening suffix that functions vaguely like an
auxiliary verb (Najamba)
2) 'be (somewhere)' as auxiliary
2a) ADJ plus 'be (somewhere)' quasi-verb, e.g. bo-/bu- (Ben Tey) or
human/animate wɔ- and nonhuman/inanimate kɔ (Jamsay, Togo Kan)
2b) ADJ- plus 'be (somewhere)', resembling a Progressive construction
for verbs (Yanda)
3) ADJ (with regular Sg/Pl suffix) plus conjugated 'it is' clitic, e.g. = (Ben Tey,
Yanda for 1st/2nd persons)
Are there two or more adjectival predicate constructions in the language?
if so, is there a lexical choice, so that each adjective generally takes a
specific construction?
Does the predicate adjective show the same intrinsic-category suffixal
marking as an attributive modifying adjective (e.g. Human Sg, Human Pl,
Inanimate), as well as the usual pronominal-subject marking?
Does focalization of a constituent (so that the predicate is defocalized)
affect the choice of adjectival predicate construction?
Go through the list of basic adjectives to test them.
Test at least a few of them with both ordinary and focalized clauses, with Sg
and Pl subject NPs (human and inanimate), and with 1st/2nd person pronouns.
examples:
'This house is big/small/red/black.'
'The rope is short/long.'
'The men are fat/slender/heavy/lightweight/good/bad.'
'The meal is good/bad/sweet/bitter/sour.'
'I am/you are/we are/... fat.'
'Who is fat?', 'How is it good?', 'When is it good?' [focalized]
11.4.2 Negative adjectival and stative predicates (=ŋŋŋ)
usually adjective followed by conjugated Stative Negative suffix/clitic.
187
do the intrinsic category suffixes (e.g. Human Sg) on attributive adjectives
occur before the Stative Negative suffix/clitic?
examples
‘I am not tall.’
'The tree is not tall.'
11.5 Possessive predicates
11.5.1 ‘X have Y’ (ŋŋŋ)
This construction corresponds to English 'have'.
Generally a stative quasi-verb so- or sa- that can be conjugated in the usual
way.
This quasi-verb (or a closely related variant) may show up elsewhere,
notably in the inflectional verbal morphology (widely as
Perfective-2/Resultative suffix, occasionally also in an imperfective construction
[Nanga, Yanda]), or in a more complex auxiliary construction.
In positive 'X have Y', is the Existential particle (e.g. ya) obligatory if no
other constituent is focalized?
form in relative clauses? (cross-ref to Chapter 14)
examples:
‘I have a house’
‘I had (= used to have) a house’ (cross-ref to Past, §10.5.1.6)
'Who has a house?' [focalized]
'I want a person who has a house.' [relative]
negative counterpart ('not have')?
usually so-/sa- plus a variant of Stative Negative suffix
e.g. Jamsay s :-
Existential particle not allowed in negative?
examples
‘I don’t have a house’
positive and negative paradigms (if language has pronominal-subject suffixes)
(xx4) category ‘have’ ‘do not have’
1Sg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
188
1Pl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
2Sg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
2Pl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
3Sg/Inan ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
3Pl ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
11.5.2 ‘Y belong to X’ predicates
In this construction, the possessor X is in the predicate, and the possessed
NP Y is the subject.
The actual Dogon construction is usually of the type 'Y [is X's thing]',
ending with a noun-like predicative element and the 'it is' clitic. Frequently the
predicate noun is no longer recognizable as a 'thing' noun, so the construction
is rather frozen. In other languages, by contrast, there is a choice between
'thing' (inanimate) and 'critter' (animate), so the construction is more
transparent.
The 'thing' noun, or the 'thing' vs. 'critter' opposition, may recur in
pronominal possession, e.g. 'house [your thing]' = 'your house', in languages
with postnominal pronominal possessors at least for alienable possession; see
§6.2.1.2.
examples
‘the house is mine’
'all the houses are mine'
‘the sheep is mine’
'all the sheep are mine'
‘the house is Seydou’s’
for interrogative 'whose house is this?', see §13.2.2.
11.6 Verb iteration
11.6.1 Uninflected iteration of type [v1-v1(-v1 )]
If no such iterations have been observed (after transcribing a fair amount
of narrative), indicate this here.
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Some Dogon languages have a narrative construction where a verb stem is
iterated two or more times. The iteration functions as a clause-like background
durative segment, counterpoised to a following foregrounded event predication.
The iteration may be inflected or uninflected (bare stems iterated), and if
uninflected may have unusual superimposed tone contours.
Jamsay:
a) a simple pattern v -v (one iteration, both stems have lexical tone,
final verb inflected (unless followed by another chained verb);
b) a pattern v -v-v (two iterations, medial stems drops tones, final
verb inflected (unless followed by another chained verb);
c) a pattern v -v-v, i.e. with {HL} tone overlaid on first occurrence, then
{L}-toned forms of the verb, none of the stems with suffixal inflection
type (c) is also observed in Nanga.
if the v -v-v is observed, how is the {HL} contour on the first occurrence
realized when the stem is trisyllabic? HLL or HHL? Cross-ref. to §3.7.3.2.
cross-ref to backgrounded durative and imperfective clauses that involve an
overt subordinating morpheme (§15.2 or a subsection thereof).
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12 Comparatives
12.1 Asymmetrical comparatives
12.1.1 Predicative adjective with ŋŋŋ ‘than’ and comparandum
construction with predicate adjective (perhaps with conjugated ‘it is’ clitic).
Is there a ‘more’ word adjacent to the predicate?
Is there a ‘than’ particle adjacent to the comparandum?
examples
‘I am taller than he (is).’
‘I am fatter than you-Sg (are).’
Past clitic may be added to the predicate.
negative version
‘I am not taller than he (is).’
Past: ‘I was not taller than he (was).’
12.1.2 Verbal predicate plus ŋŋŋ ‘than’
The predicate is an imperfective or perfective verb. There may or may not
be an overt ‘more’ element adjacent to the predicate. There may be a ‘than’
element adjacent to the comparandum.
examples
'He eats (meals) more than I (do).'
'I cultivate more fields than they do.'
12.1.3 ‘Surpass’ (ŋŋŋ)
The verb ‘pass (by)’ may also mean ‘surpass, exceed’, denoting the transition
from equality or inferiority to superiority in the relevant dimension. This
dimension may be specified by a nonfinal chained verb/VP or by a NP.
191
examples
'You surpass me in height.'
'I surpass you in running.'
12.1.4 ‘Be better, be more’ (ŋŋŋ-)
This construction involves a verb (perhaps a defective stative verb, cf.
§11.2) or a predicate with conjugated ‘it is’ clitic.
examples
‘I am better than you-Sg (are).’
‘Mangoes are better than wild grapes.’
'There are more mice than lions here.'
If the predicate is stative or nonverbal, the Past clitic may be added.
12.1.5 ‘Best’ (ŋŋŋ)
‘X is the best (of a set)’
Perhaps a nonverbal predicate with ‘it is’ clitic
how is the reference set expressed?
examples:
'X is the prettiest woman' ('X is the prettiest [of the women')
nonpredicative?
'The prettiest woman is in Bamako.'
12.2 Symmetrical comparatives
12.2.1 ‘Equal; be as good as’ (ŋŋŋ)
Transitive verb ŋŋŋ- ‘equal [verb], be equal to, be as much as’.
often (:)-
in Najamba, a special sense of gwe 'go out'
stative ('be equal to') or active ('catch up to, come to equal')
how is the dimension of comparison expressed?
192
examples:
'I am (or: have become) as good as he is (at dancing).'
negation expresses an asymmetrical comparative
'I am not as good as he is (at dancing).'
Fr valoir in cues:
X vaut Y (en qch) 'X is as good as Y (in sth)'
negative: X ne vaut pas Y (en qch)
12.2.2 ‘Same (equal)’ (ŋŋŋ)
A quantifier ‘each, all’ may occur as the predicate in a sense similar to ‘be
same/equal’.
how is the dimension of comparison expressed?
examples:
‘we two are same/equal in height’
12.2.3 ‘Attain, equal’ (ŋŋŋ)
ŋŋŋ- ‘arrive at, reach, attain’ may occur in comparatives with the sense
‘attain the level of (someone, in some respect)’.
usually dɔ : ~ dw or the like
12.3 ‘A fortiori’ (ŋŋŋ)
‘X, a fortiori Y’
(local French: 'X, a plus forte raison Y')
may be s ~ s ŋ etc. (regional form shared with e.g. Fulfulde)
or may be of the type represented by w y (Yorno So), y (Jamsay)
examples:
‘I don’t have money to buy a goat, much less (buy) a cow.’
‘I don’t have anything for myself to eat, never mind (anything) to give you.’
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some languages like to include a 'talk, speak' verb:
‘I dont have money to buy a goat, much less talk of (buying) a cow’
194
13 Focalization and interrogation
13.1 Focalization
Focalization of a non-predicative constituent is expressed by three mechanisms
of varying reliability (xx1).
(xx1) a. focalized human NP or pronoun is followed by Focus morpheme
(y , w , or variant).
b. if a nonsubject constituent is focalized, the usual pronominal-
subject suffixes (1Sg -yⁿ, 2Sg -w) are replaced by preverbal subject
pronouns (1Sg , 2Sg ), and a nonpronominal subject NP is
resumed by a preverbal third person pronoun (3Sg , 3Pl )
following a focalized object.
c. the verb stem get a {LH} tone contour.
(xx1a) is not helpful to a listener if the focalized constituent is nonhuman.
(xx1b) is not helpful if the subject is 1Pl or 2Pl, which are expressed by
preverbal pronouns anyway. (xx1c) is quite helpful insofar as the final H-tone is
clearly articulated, since {LH} does not otherwise occur as a verbal tone
contour.
There is no systematic linear repositioning of focalized constituents.
However, another constituent may be topicalized (and fronted), the effect being
that a focalized constituent occurs nearer to the verb than otherwise.
13.1.1 Basic syntax of focalization
13.1.1.1 Which constituents can and cannot be focalized?
what constituents can be focalized?
NP (including pronoun)
noun-like adverb (e.g. 'yesterday')
195
entire PP, or just the NP complement of a postposition (?)
what constituents cannot be focalized using the primary focalization
construction? (What construction is used to emphasize them?)
verb (?)
try: 'I didn't sell [focus] a goat, I bought a goat.'
VP, clause (?)
[truth can be emphasized using Emphatic particles, Chap. 19]
expressive adverbial (?)
[always highlighted, so outside the syntactic focalization system]
13.1.1.2 No movement of focalized constituent
There is no systematic linear repositioning of focalized constituents. In
particular, focalized objects follow a nonpronominal subject NP as in
unfocalized clauses (xx1a). However, analysis of individual examples is made
difficult by the fact that NPs may be fronted as topics. When an object NP is
topicalized in a WH-interrogative or other focalized clause, it may seem that the
focalized constituent has moved to preverbal position (xx1b). However, the
regular SOV order is also possible (xx1c).
(xx1) a. w r ] : g ] b nd
[vehicle Def] [who? Acc] bump.Perf.LH
'Who(m) did the vehicle bump?'
(or: 'The vehicle, who(m) did it bump?')
b. w r ] : w ]
[vehicle Def] [who? Foc] sell.Perf.LH
'The vehicle, who sold it?')
c. : w ] w r ]
[who? Foc] [vehicle Def] sell.Perf.LH
'Who sold the vehicle?'
d. : w ] g ] t w
[who? Foc] [2Pl Acc] hit.Perf.LH
'Who hit you-Pl?'
Similarly, with a nonsubject focalized constituent, the fact that all
pronominal subjects (not just 1Pl and 2Pl) are expressed by preverbal pronouns
can make it look as though the focalized constituent is fronted (xx1a). In fact,
this is the same linear order for 1Pl and 2Pl subject clauses without focalization
196
(xx1b), so there is no evidence for movement of the focalized constituent in
(xx1a).
(xx1) a. y ] t w
[A Foc] 1SgP hit.Perf.LH
'It was Amadou [focus] that I hit.'
b. g ] t w
[A Acc] 1PlS hit.Perf.L
'We hit-Past Amadou.'
13.1.1.3 Focus morpheme (y ~ w )
If a non-verb focalized constituent is human, it is followed by Focus particle y
~ w or cliticized wⁿ. There is no morphological marking of focal status for
nonhuman constituents. Representative forms of focused human constituents are
in (xx1). Pronominal-subject suffixes (1Sg, 2Sg, 3Sg, 3Pl) are replaced by these
focalized pronouns.
(xx1) gloss focalized regular
a. [name] y
[name]
b. 'my child' wⁿ :
c. 1Sg y
1Pl y
2Sg w
2Pl w
3Sg w
3Pl w
Focalized objects may take this Focus markint or the Accusative marker
gi, but not both.
is the focalized constituent fronted to clause-initial position?
try direct objects and PPs in the presence of a nonzero clause-initial
subject NP
'It was me/It was Seydou [focus] that the women saw in the market.'
'It was to you [focus] that I gave the money.'
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Is there some morphological marking on the focalized constituent?
e.g. Focus particle after focalized NP
Focus particle usually just a special use of the 'it is' clitic
13.1.1.4 {LH} contour on defocalized verb
A {LH} contour is overlaid on the verb in the positive Perfective and
Imperfective (including the latter's suffix) following a focalized constituent.
{LH} is realized as LLH on a trisyllabic verb form. In the positive Stative,
always bisyllabic we get {HL}, realized as H<HL>. In effect, the verb is overtly
defocalized. There is no change in negative forms. The forms are indicated
schematically in (xx1), using a CvCo verb as example.
(xx1) category regular defocalized
both
a. positive
{LH} contour
Perfective
Imperfective -w -w
{HL} contour
Stative
b. negative
Perfective Negative -
Imperfective Negative -r
Stative Negative -
What effect does the presence of a preceding focalized constituent have on
the form of the verb, in contrast to nonfocalized clauses? (Note: the changes
below often occur whether or not the focalized constituent is overtly marked by
the 'it is' clitic.)
neutralization of marked aspectual categories into a reduced binary
perfective/imperfective opposition?
omission of pronominal-subject suffix on verb or neutralization of all
pronominal categories to 3Sg form, in subject focalization? (check 3Pl as well
as 1st/2nd persons)?
tone-dropping of verb? (especially important when there is no suffixal
change, as perhaps in Perfective Negative and Imperfective Negative)
replacement of regular main-clause verb by a corresponding AN-
marked participle, perhaps agreeing with the focalized constituent in intrinsic
198
features? (if so, are there distinct participial forms for subject and non-subject
focalization? How similar are the participial forms to those in relative
clauses?)
try perfective positive first, then go through all other AN categories
including Stative and Past
'Who [focus] slaughtered the goat?'
Jamsay: perfective positive is tone-dropped and stripped of Perfective-1
suffixes (reduced to unsuffixed Perfective); other AN verb forms usually
undergo tone-dropping but no conspicuous suffixal changes; pronominal-
subject suffixes are present for non-subject focus, but absent for subject focus.
Najamba: special participle-like verb forms, distinguishing subject from
non-subject focus.
13.1.1.5 Existential e absent
Existential particle e is not allowed in clauses with a non-verb focalized
constituent. This is most noticeable with 'have' clauses, where the particle is
obligatory in positive unfocalized clauses (xx1a) but not allowed in focalized
counterparts (xx1b-c).
(xx1) a. w -l
house Exist have-2SgS Q
'Do you-Sg have a house?'
b. g
what? 2SgS have
'What do you-Sg have?'
c. : w ] :
[who? Foc] cow have
'Who has a cow?'
We can also see this in 'be (present/absent)' clauses with no explicit
locational, as when predicating existence (xx2).
(xx2) a. w -
meat Exist be-3SgS
'There is (some) meat.'
b. r -
meat not.be-3SgS
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'There is no meat.'
13.1.1.6 Effect on cognate nominals and other fixed subject/object nouns
Are pro-forma (nonreferential) cognate nominals usually omitted when
another constituent is focalized?
‘Who is weeping?’
‘Whom did he insult?’
Can cognate nominals be focalized?
'Weeping is what they did.'
Can fixed (low-referentiality) subject and object nouns be focalized?
'Sky (=rainy season] [focus] has approached.'
13.1.2 Subject focalization
(xx1) a. ] -
[1Sg Foc] go-Impf.LH
'It's I [focus] who will go.'
b. ] w
[2Sg Foc] work(n.) do.Perf.L
'It's you-Sg [focus] who did the work.'
c. ] w -
[2Pl Foc] work(n.) do-PerfNeg
'It's you-Pl [focus] who didn't work.'
d. y ] : g
[A Foc] tea bring.Perf.LH
'It was Amadou [focus] who brought the tea.'
e. y ] g -
[A Foc] sweep-ImpfNeg
'It's Amadou [focus] who doesn't sweep.'
f. :m y g -n
rain(n.) come-PerfNeg
'Rain [focus] has not come.
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Summarize features (mostly already briefly mentioned above)
position and any morphological marking of focalized subject
form of verb
several examples
‘It is we [focus] who will sweep.’
13.1.3 Object focalization
(xx1) a. y ] w ŋ ] -y r
[1Sg Foc] [market in] 2SgS see-MP.Perf.LH Def
'It's me [focus] whom you saw at the market.'
b. : yɔlɔ-w
tea 1SgS look.for-Impf.LH
'It's tea [focus] that I am looking for.'
c. : m :] j y
[cow 1SgP] 2SgS kill.Perf.LH
'It was my cow [focus] that you-Sg killed.'
summary of construction
position of focalized object
if language has Accusative suffix/clitic on NPs and/or pronominals, is this
marking present on focalized object?
form of verb
several examples
‘That [focus] is what I’m looking for.’
13.1.4 Focalization of PP or other adverb
is entire PP (or just the NP complement) focalized?
position of focalized adverb or PP
form of verb
examples (including spatial, dative, and instrumental)
‘It’s to the fields [focus] that I am going.’
201
‘It was with this [focus] that I worked.’
‘It’s to you-Sg [focus] that I said (it).’
13.1.5 Focalization of postpositional complement
Can the NP complement of a postposition be focalized (without focalizing the
whole PP)? [usually not, so PP focalization is used even when the postposition
is part of the understood background]
example
'I didn't put it [in the house], I put it [in the granary] [focus]'
13.1.6 Focalization of verb or VP
[usually the focalization system does not allow for verb or VP focalization,
except to the extent that the verb is somewhat focal in sentences with no NP
singled out for focus]
if there is a more overt verb or VP focus construction of some kind, discuss
it here
13.2 Interrogatives
13.2.1 Polar (yes/no) interrogatives (le, ni)
2Sg subject suffix -w assimilates to the particle.
(xx`) a. ŋ ] -s -l
[village.L in] go-Perf2 Q
'Did you-Sg go to the village?' ( -s -w)
Interrogative particle added at the end of an otherwise indicative sentence.
interlinears: Q = (polar) interrogative particle
usually ma
Tomo Kan: alternatively just intonational prolongation ()
prosody
does ma have an intrinsic phonological tone?
or does the preceding tone spread into it?
202
is it subject to intonational prolongation?
does intonational pitch make it difficult/impossible to determine
phonological tone?
in polar interrogatives, are both clauses (positive and negative) usually
explicitly stated?
'Will he come, or will he not come?'
perhaps there is a range of options, ranging from full form of both clauses, and
reduced form of second clause, to total omission of second option?
If the Q particle occurs just once, between the two clauses, is it grouped
prosodically with the clause to its left or with that to its right?
Is interrogative ma dinstinguishable from, or identical to, the ‘or’ particle
(segmental form, tone, intonation)
Is ma also optionally added to content (WH) interrogative clauses?
examples, including intonational marking
13.2.2 ‘Who?’ ( :)
: 'who?' should be distinguished from : 'God'. Examples of 'who?' are in
(xx1). Like other WH-interrogatives, it is often marked by the 'it is' (here,
Focus) clitic.
(xx1) a. w
who?=Foc
'Who is it?'
b. :=w y g -
who?=Foc come.Perf.LH-3SgS
'Who came?'
c. :=w - -
who=Foc go-Impf.LH-3SgS
'Who will go?'
d. : g ] t w -
[who? Acc] hit.Perf.LH-3SgS
'Who(m) did he/she hit?'
e. w t w
203
who?=Foc 2PlS hit.Perf.LH
'Who(m) did you-Pl hit?'
f. : w wⁿ
[who? house.LH]=it.is
'Whose house is it?'
g. :nj r g ] t w
[dog Def Acc] who?=Foc hit.Perf.LH
'Who hit the dog?'
h. y g -
who?=Foc come-PerfNeg
'Who didn't come?'
If the number of referents asked about is unclear, the singular forms
illustrated above are used. A marked plural -y =w is required in predicates
with plural subject: -y =w 'who are you-Pl?' It can also be used in
nonpredicative function to make plurality explicit.
13.2.3 ‘What?’ ( ), ‘with what?’, ‘why?’
'What?' is g .
(xx1) a. g y
what? 2SgS want.+H
'What do you-Sg want?'
b. g r -
what? 3SgS get-Reslt.L+H
'What did he/she get?'
c. g g ] -
what? [2Sg Acc] do-Perf2
'What (e.g. which body part) has hurt you-Sg?'
d. g wⁿ
Dem what?=it.is
'What is this/that?'
A kind of plural can be formed by conjoining g to itself: g
y g y ] 'what and what?'. An informant rejected a direct plural
# g g .
204
'With what?' is g y :.
'Why?' ('for what?') is g g .
13.2.4 ‘Where?’ ( )
'Where?' is . Like all locational expressions, it can occur without change in
static locative, allative, and ablative contexts, with direction (if any) specified
by verbs.
(xx1) a. -w
where? be.L+H-2SgS
'Where are you-Sg?'
b. - -w
where? go-Impf.L+H-2SgS
'Where are you-Sg going?'
c. gw :
where? 2PlS go.out.Perf.L+H
'Where are you-Pl from?'
d.
where?.L+H
'Where is it?'
13.2.5 ‘When?’ ( -ŋ )
'When?' is -ŋg , which includes 'where?'.
(xx1) a. -ŋg y g -w
when? come-Impf.L+H
'When are you-Sg coming?'
form of ‘where?’ interrogative; relationship to other forms
perhaps more than one form including ‘which time?’ with noun ‘time’
used with Locative postposition or by itself?
predicative form?
examples including predicative forms
205
13.2.6 ‘How?’ (ŋŋŋ)
form of ‘how?’ interrogative; relationship to other forms
optionally iterated? (full reduplication)
examples
‘How will you fix the basket?’
combined with ‘do’ verb as ‘do how?’ (= ‘do what?’)?
subordinated ‘(by) doing how, ...’ as another way of asking ‘how?’
13.2.7 ‘How much/many?’ (ŋŋŋ)
form of ‘how much/many?’ interrogative; relationship to other forms
usually not pluralizable morphologically
distributive iteration: 'how.much?-how.much?'
meaning 'how much each?' (price per unit)
combines with preceding core NP (like numeral, with no tonal interaction?)
if noun is countable, does it appear in plural form?
examples
‘How much sugar did you buy?’
‘How many sheep do you have?’
‘It is how much?’ (predicative)
may co-occur with topicalized expression in partitive function
‘My cows, how many of them died?’
iterated for distributive sense (‘how much [= price] each?’)
ordinal: how-manieth? (nonexistent English, but cf. French quantième)
13.2.8 ‘Which?’ (ŋŋŋ)
form of ‘which?’ interrogative; relationship to other forms
may be used absolutely, or as modifying adjective?
tonal effect on preceding core NP? (tone-dropping?)
examples
206
‘Which mango do you want?’
‘Which of your cows are you selling?’
13.2.9 ‘So-and-so’ (ŋŋŋ)
‘So-and-so’ = substitute (function over) any of a range of personal names
used in generalized contexts like: ‘If you encounter someone you know in
the field at twilight, you should say “Hey So-and-so, let’s go back to the
village”’
form of ‘So-and-so’ word; relationship to other forms
examples
‘This cow belongs to So-and-so’
13.2.10 Embedded interrogatives
embedded polar interrogatives:
‘He doesn’t know whether they have arrived in Bamako’
such a construction may also be used constructions with ‘know’ and factive
complement (presupposed to be true)
‘He doesn’t know that they have arrived in Bamako’
(better ex: ‘He doesn’t know whether (= that) I am in Douentza’)
embedded content interrogatives: these may take the same form as main-clause
interrogatives, or they may involve substitutions, using generic nouns like
‘person’, ‘thing’, ‘place’, ‘time’, manner’, ‘quantity’
‘I don’t know [who is coming]’ or ‘I don’t know [the person [who is coming]]’
examples:
‘I don’t know ...’
‘... who is coming’
‘... what we will eat’
‘... where they are dancing’
‘... when they will come’
‘... how they will farm’
‘... how much they ate’
‘... which house they lodge (“go down”) in’
‘... why they went away’
207
208
14 Relativization
Relative clauses are referentially restrictive (not parenthetical).
note: using French cues in elicitation can lead to misunderstanding
[le chien que j’ai frappé] may be misunderstood as focalized (clefted) ‘it’s
the dog [focus] that I struck’. Therefore it’s best to put the relative clause in a
larger sentential context, such as [O est [le chien que j’ai frappé]?] or [Voilà
[le chien que j’ai frappé]].
14.1 Basics of relative clauses
brief summary of major features of relative clauses
few or no examples here
extensive exemplification should be given in the subsections below,
including e.g. "subject relatives"
correct the following inventory as needed
a. The head NumP (i.e. the head NP up to and including a numeral) remains in
clause-internal position (i.e. the relative is internally headed). The
head NumP may therefore be preceded by an AdvP ('yesterday') and/or
a (subject) NP within the relative clause, and/or it may be separated
from the verb by intervening constituents.
[Toro Tegu exceptionally has a clause-initial head NumP, arguably
fronted]
b. The clause-internal head NumP drops tones if unpossessed, arguably with
the relative operator RelOp as tonosyntactic controller; the drop is
audible on the final word of the core NP, i.e. N(Adj), and on the
numeral.
c. In a few Dogon languages, the head NumP ends with an overt Relative
morpheme (Toro Tegu : ~ :ⁿ, Ben Tey :ⁿ), which arguably
controls the tone-dropping on the head NumP. One might posit an
209
inaudible RelOp in the same position in the other languages,
accounting for tone-dropping in the head NumP.
[Tomo Kan exceptionally has is a Relative morpheme n that immediately
follows the subject. This applies to both subject and non-subject
relatives, so the Relative morpheme is not attached to the head NumP
as such]
[Toro Tegu, the only known Dogon language with regularly clause-initial
head NumPs, not only has Relative : ~ :ⁿ at the end of this head
NumP but also has a clause-final Relative morpheme ŋ (etymologically
a demonstrative) following the verb and any postverbal elements such
as dative NPs)]
d. if the head NumP has a preposed possessor ('[Seydou's dogs] that got sick'),
the possessor (NP or pronoun) has its usual tonal form, and the
possessed NP has its usual possessor-controlled tone contour. That is,
the possessor-possessed sequence is a tonosyntactic island, unaffected
tonally by the RelOp. This is clearly the case when the possessor-
controlled contour is {HL} or anything other than {L}. If the possessor-
controlled contour is {L} it cannot be distinguished from the {L}
controlled by RelOp, unless the domains controlled by the possessor
and the RelOp differ (i.e. when the possessor does not control tones on
an adjective or a numeral while RelOp does control them).
[Jamsay exceptionally has RelOp override the possessor as tonosyntactic
controller, so the possessor too is tone-dropped]
e. the verb of the corresponding main clause (with AN suffix and, in some
languages, a pronominal-subject suffix) usually undergoes some
categorial neutralizations or is replaced by a verbal participle; there is
no pronominal-subject suffix (see h); there may or may not be
noun/adjective-like suffixation agreeing with the head NP (e.g. Human
Sg).
[in Nanga the participle usually has no head-NP agreement, but does have
Animate Plural agreement in negative participles only; in languages
(Nanga, Tommo So) with little or no head-NP agreement on the
participle, determiners that do mark these categories commonly follow
the verb or verbal participle]
f. the head NP is bifurcated, the NumP along with any possessor remaining
clause-internal, while late-NP elements including determiners
(demonstratives and Definite morphemes) and non-numeral quantifiers
(free Plural morpheme, ‘all’, ‘each’) are positioned after the verb or
verbal participle.
210
g. if the possessor NP is the head NumP (‘the man whose dog ran away’), i.e. in
a possessor relative, it is treated like any other head NP and is tone-
dropped; in this event, the possessed NP (‘dog’) appears in
unpossessed tonal form (i.e. is tonally unbound), as in [man.L dog ran-
Ppl.HumSg], or else it appears with a resumptive possessor pronoun,
as in [man.L [3SgPoss dog.(H)L] ran-Ppl.HumSg]
h. in non-subject relatives (‘the man whom I saw’, ‘the day when I saw the
man’, etc.), a pronominal subject is expressed by an independent
pronoun (or by a special series of pronominal elements), usually
procliticized to the verb or verbal participle.
j. In some languages, the relative clause proper may be followed by a simple
noun copied from the fuller head NP, hence a particular kind of double-
headed relative.
If bifurcation works as indicated above, the break-off point being between
the numeral and the determiners, we could model the construction syntactically
as a NP of the form
[[Poss [N Adj Num]] Rel Det 'all']
where Rel consists of RelOp plus a clause containing a second copy of at least
the [Poss [N Adj Num]] portion of the head NP (perhaps immediately followed
by a RelOp]. This model requires that the underlined elements shown above be
deleted, while the clause-internal copy of the (possessed) NumP is not deleted.
This deletion pattern is somewhat ad hoc, but the analysis will account for the
linear order in the languages, including the fact that the audible head NumP
may be preceded by an AdvP and/or another NP within the relative clause.
Presumably the possessor is bracketed with the NumP and this combination is
dominated by the RelOp, i.e. [[Poss [N Adj Num]] Rel Det 'all']
The analysis would have to be modified for Toro Tegu, whose relative-head
NumPs appear to be fronted, but Toro Tegu does have the same bifurcation
pattern as the others.
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14.2 Head NumP
The head NP is bifurcated. The sequence Poss-[N-Adj-Num], i.e. maximally a
possessed NumP, remains internal to the relative clause. The remaining late-NP
elements, including determiners and non-numeral quantifiers, follow the verb
(verbal participle). Here we focus on the internal head NumP, and on general
restrictions on what kinds of NP can function as head.
14.2.1 Tone-dropping on final word(s) of head NP in relative clause
comparison of NPs in their usual main-clause form and in their tone-dropped
form.
start with unpossessed NPs of various shapes
the house that fell
the big house that fell
the six houses that fell
the six big houses that fell
then possessed NPs of various shapes
Seydou’s house that fell
Seydou’s big house that fell
Seydou’s six houses that fell
Seydou’s six big houses that fell
possibilities (might be ambiguous in a particular language):
a) possessor-possessed functions as a tonosyntactic island and is not
affected tonally by the RelOp (indicated when the possessor-controlled
tone contour is anything other than {L} and when the possessor
controls tones on the entire NumP)
b) possessor and RelOp jointly control tones on the NumP (clearly the case
when the NumP begins with a non-{L} possessor-controlled contour,
and where at least the numeral is clearly tone-dropped by the RelOp,
i.e. in languages where possessors do not control tones on the entire
NumP)
c) if the entire NumP is {L}, and if possessors control tones on entire
NumP's, control of {L} could be attributed to either the possessor, the
RelOp, or both.
d) if the possessor should control a non-{L} contour, but we get {L} on the
entire NumP, the RelOp must be the controller.
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14.2.2 Restrictions on the head of a relative clause
head may not be
pronoun
‘we who are here’ (expressed as ‘we [people who are here]’)
demonstrative
expressive adverbial
grammatical relation of head NP may be
subject
object
possessor
complement of postposition (overt or covert)
hence dative, temporal, spatial, manner
head may be definite or indefinite
(definite or other determiner can follow the verb)
14.2.3 Conjoined NP as head
'[men and women] who eat dog meat' is not idiomatic Dogon
normally (re-)phrased as two conjoined relative clauses
‘[the men who eat dog meat] and [the women who eat dog meat]’
however, a conjoined NP construction may be forced when no such rephrasing
is possible without changing the sense
‘(These are) [the men and (the) women] who fought each other?’
14.2.4 Headless relative clause
not very common, since semantically light ‘thing’, ‘person’, ‘critter’, ‘place’,
etc. are commonly overt as relative heads
but examples do occur where the head NP, either a semantically vague element
like ‘place/situation’ or an unspecified or obvious NP, is omitted
for headless relatives as adverbial clauses, see §15.5.3.
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14.2.5 Head noun doubled after relative clause
In some languages, the relative clause proper may be followed by a simple
noun copied from the fuller head NP, hence a particular kind of double-headed
relative.
[…time.L…2SgO 1SgS see-Perf(-Ppl)] time.(H)L
'(at) the time when I saw you'
Does this construction occur in the language?
If so:
when the head NP in the relative clause proper is modified (e.g. by an
adjective or numeral), is the copy limited to just the noun? What about late-NP
elements like determiners?
is the double-headed construction confined to temporal, spatial, and
manner adverbial clauses, or more general?
is the post-relative copied head noun possessed in tonal form, or have
other evidence of being "possessed" by the main relative clause?
[Jamsay: overt Possessive morpheme is used, with no tonal change (this
is the usual alienable possession construction in this language]
[…time.L…2SgO 1SgS see-Perf(-Ppl)] time
[some other languages: copied noun is {HL} or {L} toned, suggesting a
possessed-noun status]
This double-headed construction is common with nouns like 'time', 'place',
and 'manner', and may evolve into the primary type of spatiotemporal and
manner adverbial clauses (in which case the relative-clause structure may
become less transparent). See §15.2.1.1 for temporal clauses, §15.3.1-2 for
spatial and manner clauses.
14.3 Preverbal (or: preparticipial) subject pronoun in non-subject relative
Even in Dogon languages that have pronominal-subject suffix (or enclitic)
paradigms on verbs in main clauses, pronominal subjects in relatives (only non-
subject relative clauses are relevant) are always proclitic to the verb. Hence
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main clause [house buy-Perf-1SgS] 'I bought a house', but relative [house.L
1SgS buy-Perf(-Ppl) Def] 'the house that I bought'.
The distinction is either absent, or more subtle, in languages where
pronominal subjects are preverbal even in main clauses. But carefully observe
the following:
obligatoriness:
Is a preverbal subject pronoun required even when the subject is already
expressed by a nonpronominal NP? ('the goat that Seydou killed yesterday': is
there a resumptive 3Sg subject pronoun coindexed to clause-initial Seydou?)
forms:
Are the preverbal subject pronouns identical in form (including tone) to
some or all other independent pronominal paradigms (possessor, object,
complement of postposition, independent form)?
[Jamsay: L-toned, identical to inalienable possessor pronouns, but unlike
the other pronominal series, all of which are H-toned]
[Yanda: identical to inalienable possessor pronouns, which include some
H- and some L-toned forms]
[Togo Kan: identical in form (but not position) to clause-initial subject
pronouns in main clauses]
position:
Do the preverbal subject pronouns appear in the regular clause-initial
subject position (so that they precede e.g. object NPs, dative PPs, and the like)?
('the day when I slaughtered the goat', 'the money that I gave to you') [Toro
Tegu, where relatives differ from main clauses only with 3Sg and 3Pl subjects,
which are enclitics to the verb in main clauses]
Or are they proclitics that occur directly before the verb? [Jamsay, Togo
Kan] Do they follow even object pronouns ('the day when I saw you') and
Existential ya/y ('the house that I have')?
When the relative clause contains a direct verb chain, does the preverbal
subject pronoun intervene between them, or does it precede the first chained
verb ('the day when I can eat here', 'the day when I fell down [fall go.down-
Perf]'). Discuss here or give cross-ref to §14.5.
It is possible for subject pronouns to be preverbal in both main and relative
clauses, yet differ from one to the other in terms of obligatoriness (e.g.
resumptive 3rd person subject pronouns in relatives only), form (allomorphs
different), and/or position (clause-initial versus immediate preverbal position).
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examples
14.4 Verb (or: verbal participle) in relative clause
Briefly describe the main morphological characteristics of the verb or
verbal participle in relatives (details and full exemplification are in the
subsections below).
The term "participle" is appropriate when this form of the verb has some
noun/adjective-like feature, such as intrinsic-category agreement with the head
NP. The term "verb" may be used when the verb merely lacks a final
pronominal-subject suffix, and is otherwise fairly similar in form to the
corresponding inflectable main-clause stem.
Summarize the neutralizations of AN categories (whether obligatory or just
usual in practice) that take place in relative clauses. Add or delete categories as
appropriate for the language. Details and examples in the following sections.
(xx2) Participles (all categories of active verbs)
category suffix(es) similar AN morpheme
Perfective -ŋŋŋ ? (variable)
(Perfective-1a) -ŋŋŋ Recent Perfect -ŋŋŋ-
(Perfective-1b) -ŋŋŋ Recent Perfect -ŋŋŋ-
(Perfective-2) -ŋŋŋ Recent Perfect -ŋŋŋ-
Recent Perfect -ŋŋŋ Recent Perfect -ŋŋŋ-
Experiential Perfect -ŋŋŋ ExpPerf -ŋŋŋ -
Perfective Negative -ŋŋŋ Perfective Negative -ŋŋŋ-
Recent Perfect Negative -ŋŋŋ Recent Perfect Neg-ŋŋŋ-
Experiential Perfect Neg -ŋŋŋ ExpPerfNeg -ŋŋŋ-
Imperfective (or: Present) -ŋŋŋ- Imperfective -ŋŋŋ-
(Future) -ŋŋŋ Progressive -ŋŋŋ-
Progressive -ŋŋŋ Progressive -ŋŋŋ-
{Habitual} -ŋŋŋ Progressive -ŋŋŋ-
Imperfective Negative -ŋŋŋ Imperfective Negative -ŋŋŋ-
Progressive Negative -ŋŋŋ Progressive Negative -ŋŋŋ-
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14.4.1 Participles of positive perfective-system verbs
Marked perfective categories may be neutralized with the simple Perfective in
relative clause participles. For example, either an unsuffixed verb (or verbal
participle) without an AN suffix (but with a particular tone contour), or a verb
(or verbal participle) based on Perfective-2 -sa-/-so-, may be required in
relatives. Discuss.
add other categories in (xx1) as needed (e.g. Perfective-1)
(xx1) category suffix(es)
in Rel clause in main clause
Perfective -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
(Perfective-1a) -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
(Perfective-1b) -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
(Perfective-2) -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
Recent Perfect -ŋŋŋ Recent Perfect -ŋŋŋ-
Experiential Perfect -ŋŋŋ ExpPerf -ŋŋŋ -
examples
'the dog that I hit'
'the man who has (just) finished eating'
'a man who has (ever) seen an elephant'
14.4.2 Participles of positive imperfective-system and stative verbs
(add marked categories, e.g. Future or Habitual, as needed)
(xx1) category suffix(es)
in Rel clause in main clause
Imperfective (or: Present) -ŋŋŋ- -ŋŋŋ-
(Future) -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
Progressive -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
Stative -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
examples (imperfectives)
'the goat that I will slaughter'
217
'a dog that bites children'
'the woman who is sweeping the yard'
examples (statives)
'the woman who is standing over there'
14.4.3 Participles of negative perfective-system verbs
(xx1) category suffix(es)
in Rel clause in main clause
Perfective Negative -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
Recent Perfect Negative -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
Experiential Perfect Neg -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
examples
'the cow that did not fall down'
'a woman who has not (just) finished eating'
'a man who has never seen an elephant'
14.4.4 Participles of negative imperfective-system and stative verbs
(xx1) category suffix(es)
in Rel clause in main clause
Imperfective Negative -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
Progressive Negative -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
Stative Negative -ŋŋŋ -ŋŋŋ-
examples (imperfective, progressive)
‘(I don’t like) a person who doesn’t work’
‘the cows that they will not milk’
‘a person who is not sweeping (progressive)’
examples (stative)
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‘(I don’t like) a person who doesn’t have a house’
‘a person who isn’t sitting (in seated position)’
‘(I’m looking for) a man who is not tall’
‘a man who is not a Dogon’
‘a moment when I was not in Douentza’
14.4.5 Participle of Past clitic =ŋŋŋ
The Past clitic =ŋŋŋ has participial forms in several Dogon languages (those
in which this clitic is conjugatable).
For positive relative clauses, the form of the participle is shown in (xx1),
along with the regular inflectable form for comparison. Negative counterparts
are in (xx2).
(xx1) Participle of Past clitic (positive polarity)
category inflected participle
Past Imperfective ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
Past Progressive ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
Past Perfect (< Perfective) ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
(Past Perfective-1a) ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
(Past Perfective-1b) ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
(Past Perfective-2) ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
Past Recent Perfect ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
Past Experiential Perfect ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
(xx2) Participle of Past clitic (negative polarity)
category inflected participle
Past Perfect Neg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
Past Imperfective Neg ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
14.5 Relative clause involving verb- or VP-chain
Only the final verb in a chain has the relative-clause form (e.g. participial, in
some languages)?
Nonfinal chained verbs have their usual bare-stem form?
219
In non-subject relatives, if there is preparticipial subject pronominal, does this
pronominal immediately precede the final participialized verb, i.e.
splitting the verbs in the chain?
Do nonpronominal subject NPs precede the nonfinal verb(s) in a direct verb
chain?
May a nonpronominal subject NP be resumed by a pronominal subject marker
preceding the participle?
examples
‘the cow that I will buy and bring’
‘the cow that my father will buy and bring’
‘the child who fell down’ (< ‘fall’ plus ‘go down’)
'the day when I fell down'
14.6 Late-NP elements that follow the verb (or verbal participle)
14.6.1 Determiners (demonstrative and definite)
Determiners (‘this/that’, ‘the’) with scope over the head NP appear in post-
participial position.
Do those determiners that are elsewhere controllers of tone-dropping have this
effect on the verb (or verbal participle?)
examples
‘the house that you see’
‘this man whom you see’
‘that (aforementioned) child who ran away’
examples of indefinite (undetermined) relatives
‘I’m looking for...
...a cow that you haven’t milked’
...two cows that you haven’t milked’
14.6.2 Free Plural particle (ŋŋŋ)
The free Plural morpheme (usually be) may follow the verbal participle.
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not common except when no other marker of head-NP plurality is possible (as
with inanimates in some languages)
linear position vis-a-vis determiners and 'all'?
examples
'the mosquitoes that bit me'
14.6.3 Non-numeral quantifiers ('each', 'all')
‘all’ and (if present in the language) ‘each’ also appear after the participle
If there is an 'each' quantifier that controls tone-dropping, what preceding
elements are affected (just the verbal participle?)
examples
‘Bring all the cows that you have not milked!’
‘(For) each house that fell, we will give 2 million (riyals)’
‘any person who has not finished eating’
14.7 Grammatical relation of relativized-on NP
14.7.1 Subject relative clause
this and the following sections mainly exemplify the points already described.
Begin each section with a summary of the features relevant to the particular
syntactic type of head NP
subject relatives (brief list of features)
head NumP is tone-dropped (core NP, numeral)
late-NP elements occur after verb (or verbal participle)
in some languages, verbal participle agrees with head NP (subject NP)
no preparticipial subject pronominal (since subject must be
nonpronominal)
examples (mix of elicited and textual exx)
‘the man who saw me in the market’
‘some men who saw me in the market’
‘(Where is) the stone that injured me’
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‘the person who didn’t hit me’
14.7.2 Object relative clause
object relatives (brief list of features)
head NumP tone-droppedas with all head NPs
determiners and non-numeral quantifiers shifted to post-participial position
verbal participle agrees with head NP (here, the object NP)
pronominal subject is expressed by a preverbal (preparticipial) subject
pronominal
is there Accusative marking on the (object) head NP?
examples (mix of elicited and textual exx)
‘the cows that I sold’
‘the cows that I did not sell’
‘what we ate was not meat’
14.7.3 Possessor relative clause
possessor relatives (brief list of features)
head NP (possessor NP) tone-dropped (core NP, numeral) as usual
determiners and non-numeral quantifiers shifted to post-participial position
verbal participle agrees with head NP (possessor NP)
pronominal subject expressed by a preparticipial subject pronominal
Does the possessed NP revert to its regular (unpossessed) tones as in main
clauses with no possessor?
Or is the possessor resumed by a 3Sg or 3Pl possessor pronoun?
examples (mix of elicited and textual exx, including alienable and inalienable
possession if this distinction is meaningful in the language)
‘the man whose house fell’
‘the man whose cow died (naturally)’
‘the man whose father has gone away’
14.7.4 Relativization on the complement of a postposition
where (if at all) does the postposition appear in the relative clause?
examples:
222
‘the woman to whom I said that’ (dative)
‘the daba (hoe) with which I do farm work’ (instrumental)
‘the honey for which they came’ (purposive)
‘the hole (pit) that he fell into’ (locative)
Adverbial relative clauses like '(the time) when you came' or '(the place)
where the cows died', and manner adverbial relative clauses like '(the way) how
they work', can be analysed as slightly reduced forms of PP-complement
relatives; see §15.5.
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15 Verb (VP) chaining and adverbial clauses
define direct and loose chains (hold off examples until subsections below)
direct chain: verbs concatenated without overb subordinating morphology,
usually treated as forming a single clause, with a single set of complements
(preceding the verbs). Nonfinal verbs in the direct chain have bare-stem form
(or a special chaining form).
loose chain: the nonfinal clause has an overt subordinator, maintains its
identity as a separate clause at least to some extent (all verbs in the chain may
be immediately preceded by their respective complements).
15.1 Direct chains (without chaining morpheme)
examples of direct chains
‘fall’ + ‘go down’ = ‘fall down’
‘run’ + ‘go in’ = ‘run in(to)’
‘put down’ + ‘leave/abandon’ = ‘put down (and leave) (sth, in a place)’
‘go’ + ‘come’ = ‘go (somewhere) and come back’
Each verb denotes a co-event. The verbs combine into a conceptually
integrated whole. In many cases (but not in ‘go and come [back]’) the co-ovents
overlap in time.
For cases where the final verb is specialized in chain-final function in a
particular sense, e.g. ‘get, obtain’ in the sense ‘be able to’, see §17.5.
are direct chains used in the same manner in perfective and imperfective
(especially future-time) predications? Compare past-time indicatives with e.g.
imperatives.
'he fell down' (fall + go down) versus 'he will fall down' and imperative 'fall
down!'; also 'he went and came (back)' versus 'he will go and come (back)' and
imperative 'go and come (back)!'
[Togo Kan: some combinations denoting simultaneous co-events are
always expressed as direct chain. Others, which denote a chronological
225
sequence and normally have the same subject, are expressed in perfective
contexts with a Same-Subject Anterior subordinator, and in imperfective
contexts with either Pseudo-Conditional or with a direct chain]
test for this with:
'he fell down' (fall + go down)
'he will fall down'
'he went and came (back)'
'he will go and come (back)'
15.1.1 Verbal Noun of directly chained verbs
Normally the VblN suffix is added only to the final verb in the chain.
Do nonfinal verbs drop tones (i.e. function as compound initials)?
examples:
‘fall’ + ‘go down-VblN’ = ‘falling down (verbal noun)’
15.1.2 Presence of AN suffix in nonfinal verb in direct chains
Usually no aspect-negation suffix is allowed in nonfinal verbs in chains.
However, there may be some cases where an AN suffix or a related morpheme
does occur in nonfinal verbs (e.g. Imperfective -m- in Nanga durative clauses).
Perfective (positive) system suffixes (e.g. Jamsay Perfective-1b -t -)
sometimes have variants (Jamsay t ) that may occur after a nonfinal chained
verb, forcing a chronological-sequence interpretation of the chain. This is
relevant to the discussion as to whether the marked Perfective suffixes are
really auxiliiary verbs chained to the preceding verb (§10.1.2).
Negative suffixes are not used on nonfinal verbs in direct chains. The whole
chain must be positive or negative.
15.1.3 Arguments of directly chained verbs
Since directly chained verbs constitute a conceptually unified whole, they
generally take a single set of complements. This is most apparent when one of
the verbs is normally intransitive and the other is transitive.
226
examples
[sheep hit kill-Perf-3SgS] = ‘he/she hit and killed a sheep’
[sheep kill get-Impf-3SgS] = ‘he/she can kill a sheep’
[sheep go kill-Perf-3SgS] = ‘he/she went and killed a sheep’
note especially the last example, where 'sheep' cannot be construed as
bracketed with the adjacent 'go'.
Usually it is not possible to break up the chained verbs by inserting a non-
verb constituent (other perhaps than proclitic pronominal subjects in relative
clauses) between them.
e.g. no #‘run [sheep kill-Perf-3SgS’ = ‘he/she ran and killed the sheep’.
verify position of object pronoun and relative-clause subject pronoun:
'I hit and killed it'
'the day when I hit and killed the sheep'
15.1.4 Negation of direct verb chains
Only the final verb in the chain may be negated. The negation has semantic
scope over the entire sequence, though in some contexts only one of the denoted
co-events is understood to be false.
'he didn't go and come (back)'
(either he neither went nor came back, or e.g. he went but did not come
back)
15.1.5 Direct chains including ŋŋŋ ‘leave’
Transitive ŋŋŋ ‘leave, abandon (sth)’ (e.g. Jamsay ) is often added to
verbs like ‘put down’, ‘tie up’, and ‘knock down’ denoting actions that typically
result in the theme being stationery in a location. Often the ‘leave’ verb is not
needed in an idiomatic English free translation.
examples
'He put it down (and left it) there.'
227
15.1.6 Direct chains including a motion verb
Purposive clauses with a motion verb ('go and VP' in the sense 'go in order
to VP') should be treated separately from simple direct chains (look for special
tone contours or suffixes on the nonfinal verb), see §17.6.3.
For (non-purposive) direct chains, which are covered here, distinguish
cases where a) motion and co-event are chronologically sequenced (in either
order); b) motion is simultaneous to co-event. If direct chains are not used in a
particular type, indicate briefly what construction is used with a cross-ref.
motion followed by co-event (if direct chains, not in purposive form)
'he went and came (back)'
'he went there and fell into a hole'
motion following co-event (if direct chains)
'I will eat and go back home.'
motion simultaneous with co-event (if direct chains)
‘fall/jump and go.down’ = ‘fall down’, ‘jump down’
‘run and go.up/go.down’ = ‘run up’, ‘run down’
‘run and go.in/go.out’ = ‘run in(side)’, ‘run out’
'went along (while) singing/smoking'
15.1.7 Durative verb-iterations chained to a motion verb
Any special constructions like this one (in Nanga), involving direct chains
without an overt subordinating suffix or particle, can be covered in separate
subsections here.
Nanga type with iterated verb (first one with HL tone, others with L tone), then
a motion verb:
[dance(noun) dance.HL-dance.L] come-Perf-3Sg
'He/She came dancing along'
Include a cross-ref to this section at the beginning of §15.2, below. If there
is a somewhat similar construction used as a purposive complement for a
motion verb, clarify the difference here and in §17.6.3.
228
15.1.8 Chains including ŋŋŋ- ‘be/do together’
By itself, the verb ŋŋŋ is an intransitive verb meaning ‘gather together,
assemble’. It occurs chained with another VP to translate adverbial ‘together’.
Thus ‘work together’ is expressed as ‘get together and work’.
examples
15.1.9 Chaining with ŋŋŋ ‘go with’, 'take along with oneself'
If the language has no such specialized form, but just uses the regular
Instrumental/Comitative postposition, indicate this briefly here.
The stem ŋŋŋ (Jamsay and Togo Kan , Ben Tey , Nanga
j j ) appears to function syntactically like a transitive verb with a sense
like ‘have/take (something, someone) with oneself’. However, its phonological
form is aberrant: the {HL} tone contour and in some cases the intonational
prolongation are not normal for bare stems of verbs.
The context is that subject has the object (e.g. a tool, a dog, or a child) in
his/her custody while in motion. The stem occurs only in nonfinal position in
chains, chiefly with motion verbs: [X ŋŋŋ] go-Perf-1Sg 'I took X along with me'
or 'I went (there) with X'. The stem is not inflected, so its status as a verb is not
transparent. The alternative would be to take it as a specialized postposition.
The form of the complement X may clarify the syntax.
form of preceding complement X?
Accusative marking possible at least for human NP?
form of pronominal object?
does the form of X clarify whether it is a direct object, or a postpositional
complement? [If there is accusative marking of NPs, or a specialized accusative
form of at least one pronoun, it should be possible to determine this. Otherwise
it may be ambiguous.]
examples
‘X took the sheep along with him.’
'Take this child along with you.'
‘They took me along (with them)’
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15.2 Temporal adverbial clauses with overt chaining or subordinating
morpheme
15.2.1 Adverbial clauses expressing temporal simultaneity or overlap
Subsections in this section may be deleted, combined, split, or rearranged
(and reorganized) to suit a particular language.
Indicate in each case (except the relative-clause type) whether the
construction requires same subjects in the main and adverbial clauses. How is
different subject expressed ('while he was working, we ate')?
If relevant, cross-refs to durative complements of ‘see’ and ‘find’ (§17.2.2.),
and uninflected verb-stem iterations in narrative (§11.6.1).
15.2.1.1 Noun-headed temporal relative clause (‘[at] the time when ’)
This is a relative clause (Chapter 14) headed by a temporal noun ('time',
'moment', 'day', 'year', 'era', etc.) in adverbial function. The same relative
clause construction is used for spatial and manner adverbial clauses (§15.3).
Logically, the relative clause should be the complement of a postposition
('at [the time when he fell]'), but the postposition is often omitted.
Is a locative postposition required/common/uncommon at the end of the entire
relative clause?
Is a definite morpheme common/uncommon at the end of the relative clause?
Is the 'time' noun optionally/obligatorily repeated after the relative clause
proper, perhaps in possessed-noun tonal form? (see §14.2.5). If so:
is there any sign of lexical specialization, whereby one term meaning 'day'
is used in the relative clause proper and a synonymn as the doubled
noun? (also check for 'year', 'time/moment')
examples
'the year when they came here'
'the beautiful day when I saw you' (adjective not repeated on copy?)
'those three long days when I did farm work in the field'
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15.2.1.2 Backgrounded durative clauses (ŋŋŋ)
[If ŋŋŋ is identifiable as the Imperfective morpheme, combine with
adjacent subsections.]
Particle/suffix ŋŋŋ is used in backgrounded durative clauses, which
precede a foregrounded event predication. The ŋŋŋ clause denotes a
temporally extended activity, such as motion, that persists through a temporal
span T that leads up to and may overlap with the following event E. Usually the
activity is first introduced as a main clause, and the verb is then repeated (one
or more times) in durative-clause form, before the next event E is introduced.
same-subject requirement?
form of verb that ŋŋŋ follows (bare stem, etc.)?
if anything unusual (unpredictable) about the verb form, give a table with
representative examples (including irregular verbs) of the bare stem and the
ŋŋŋ form.
(xx1) bare stem with ŋŋŋ gloss
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ ‘come’
must the two clauses have the same subject?
is the subject overtly indicated in the [... verb ŋŋŋ] clause, or just in the
surrounding main clauses?
15.2.1.3 Backgrounded durative clauses with iterated stem and (ŋŋŋ)
is the [... verb ŋŋŋ] durative clause often iterated as a whole in narratives?
examples, including textual examples
‘The two of them were coming; come ŋŋŋ, come ŋŋŋ, come ŋŋŋ [= they
kept coming and coming]. (Then) a storm arose.’ (ŋŋŋ).
if relevant, cf. uninflected verb iteration (§11.6).
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15.2.1.4 Imperfective subordinator -ŋŋŋ
Subordinating suffix/particle morphemically identifiable as the regular
Imperfective suffix, but here on a verb without pronominal-subject inflection in
a nonfinal VP that is followed by an intrinsically durative or stative final verb.
same-subject requirement?
examples:
[combine with neighboring subsections if not formally distinct]
15.2.1.5 Imperfective -ŋŋŋ on activity verb plus time-of-day verb
Imperfective VP denoting a prolonged activity (ending in Imperfective
subordinator), followed by a time-of-day verb.
The two verbs are conceptually integrated as in direct chains, but here the
nonfinal verb is explicitly imperfective and has an overt subordinator
examples
'We spent the night dancing.' = 'We danced all night.'
'They will spend the (mid-)day making tea.'
[combine with neighboring subsections if not formally distinct]
15.2.1.6 Imperfective -ŋŋŋ plus ŋŋŋ- ‘be’ quasi-verb
VP ending in Imperfective subordinator, followed by ‘be (somewhere)’
quasi-verb (bu-, etc.).
a kind of progressive (‘be a-running’)
may be identical or related in form to the regular progressive, or (if there is
a distinct progressive inflection) this may involve a more literal spatial ‘be
(somewhere)’
examples, including negative
‘My friend is (here), eating a meal.’
‘My friend is not (here), eating a meal.’
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[if other constructions involving the Imperfective suffix are attested, add extra
subsections]
15.2.1.7 ‘Since ’ clauses (ŋŋŋ)
[possibly more than one construction; if so, add subsection, etc.]
description and examples
‘Since they came, they have not eaten any meat’
‘Since she got sick, she has not gone outside’
brief mention of the ‘since X’ construction where X is a noun/adverb (‘since
yesterday’, 'since the day when you came')
15.2.2 Adverbial clauses expressing a chronological sequence
15.2.2.1 Clauses with ŋŋŋ ‘and then’ (different subject, anterior)
(not all Dogon languages have an explicitly different-subject subordinator,
but all seem to have at least one construction that is especially common with
different subjects)
(conceivably a language could have more than one different-subject
subordinators, with different temporal profiles (anterior, simultaneous))
interlinear gloss: ‘and.DS’
Clauses with particle/suffix/clitic ŋŋŋ following the verb denote
eventualities that precede in time the reference time (in the main clause). The
subject of the ŋŋŋ clause is referentially disjoint from that of the main clause,
and is therefore overtly expressed (for example, by an independent pronoun).
Either clause may be separately negated.
form (including tones) of verb to which ŋŋŋ is attached?
If interesting/unpredictable, add a full table with representative verbs
(including irregular verbs)
expression of pronominal subject?
examples
‘Amadou pulled the rope and (then) it snapped.’
233
'They brought the food, then we ate.'
‘You went to him, (but) he didn’t give it to you.’
15.2.2.2 Clauses with -ŋŋŋ (same-subject, anterior)
subordinator -ŋŋŋ requiring that the clause have the same subject as the
reference clause (usually a following main clause), and specifying that the two
eventualities are chronologically sequenced (cf. English ‘having VP-ed, ...’)
Is the entire temporal sequence in the past, or it could also be in the future?
If so, combine analysis and examples in the following subsection into one
subsection.
in which clause is the subject NP expressed?
interlinear gloss: ‘and.SS’
form (including tones) of verb to which ŋŋŋ is attached?
If interesting/unpredictable, add a full table with representative verbs
(including irregular verbs)
examples
‘They roasted and (then) ate the meat.'
‘You went to him, and/but you didn’t find him there.’
15.2.2.3 Clauses with ŋŋŋ ‘and then’ (same-subject, anterior, future time)
[if not distinct in form from preceding type, combine the two subsections and
their examples]
Similar to the preceding, but the entire temporal sequence is in the future
(so the following clause has a verb in imperfective/future, imperative, or
hortative form)
interlinear gloss: ‘then.SS’
form (including tones) of verb to which ŋŋŋ is attached?
If interesting/unpredictable, add a full table with representative verbs
(including irregular verbs)
examples:
234
‘Let’s eat and then go!’
‘He/She will do farm work and then go.’
'They will roast and (then) eat the meat.'
'Roast and (then) eat the meat!'
15.2.2.4 ‘Worked until got tired’ = ‘worked for a very long time’
Is there a special construction with a verb meaning ‘get tired’, used in
contexts implying long duration?
examples, including negative
'He ran (and ran) until he got tired.'
'He ate (and ate) until he got tired.'
15.2.2.5 ‘No sooner did, than ’ (ŋŋŋ)
Cf. French dès que ...
indicates that the following event took place or began immediately afterwards
may involve an ‘all’ quantifier (pu etc.) at the end of the clause.
expression of pronominal subject?
structural difference between same-subject and different-subject combinations?
examples
‘As soon as we came (=arrived here), we went to bed’
‘As soon as we came, it rained’
‘As soon as we arrive in Douentza, we will go to bed’
‘As soon as you touch Seydou, he will weep’
‘As soon as Fanta sits down, (every time) she falls asleep’
There may be a semantically similar conditional construction; if so, cross-
ref to §16.2.2 ('as soon as…').
15.2.3 Chronological reversal (‘before ' clauses)
‘before’ clauses are highly variable in structure in Dogon languages
235
describe in detail
form of verb
subordinators
expression of subject (NP or pronoun)
If form of verb is interesting/unpredictable, add a full table with
representative verbs (including irregular verbs)
examples
‘Before they came back, I hid (myself).’
‘We’ll work before we eat’
15.3 Spatial and manner adverbials
15.3.1 Spatial adverbial clause (‘where ’)
The noun ŋŋŋ ‘place’ occurs in L-toned form as the relative head. The
construction is similar to that for temporal adverbials ('at the time when…'), see
§15.2.1.1.
examples
'We will spend the night where we ate last night.'
15.3.2 Manner adverbial clause (‘how ’)
A relative clause with ŋŋŋ ‘manner’ as head NP may function as a NP (xx1.a).
With ŋŋŋ ‘like’ this can become a manner adverbial clause (xx1.b).
examples
'I work (like) the (same) way he/she works.’
'The way he drives, we can reach Bamako in one day.'
15.3.3 Headless adverbial clause as spatiotemporal or manner clause
The ‘time’, ‘place’, or ‘manner’ head noun may be omitted. The result is a
headless adverbial relative clause whose exact interpretation requires
inference. In some cases there may be no determinable specific head noun, and
something like ‘situation’ may be useful in translation. Contextual clues may
236
force one or the other reading; for example, a ‘like’ particle forces a manner
adverbial reading.
examples:
‘(The time) when he/she fell is far away (= was long ago).’
‘I work like (the way) he/she works.’
15.3.4 ‘From X, until (or: all the way to) Y’
here: X and Y are clauses (not NPs)
the ‘from X’ construction (X = clause) is cross-linguistically variable
note: direct translation from French may produce non-idiomatic
constructions.
one widespread Dogon construction involves the verb ‘take, pick up’
(Jamsay y ŋ etc.) at the end of the ‘since’ clause, hence ‘VP take
Subordinator, ...’ = ‘from (the time that) VP, ...’
example
‘From when they (= their mothers) bear themx (=they are born), until when
theyx die, they are wicked.’
15.3.5 ‘As though ’ clause
examples
‘You-Sg are crying (weeping) as though you hadn’t eaten.’
‘They are crying as though they hadn’t eaten.’
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16 Conditional constructions
‘if X’ (X=clause) may also be used in the sense ‘when X’ (including
recurrent eventsd, e.g. ‘if/when the sun comes up’). That is, the probability of X
occurring may be anywhere from unlikely to 100%.
terminology: antecedent clause (‘if’), consequent clause (‘then’)
There is often one primary ‘if/when’ particle (occasionally two with similar
sense), and a couple of other substitutes (with core meanings ‘all’, ‘even’,
‘only’)
[Togo Kan and some other languages also use the 'if' particle (or a
homophone) as a VP-chaining device in imperfective contexts where the two
co-events are chronologically sequenced; here can be called Pseudo-
conditional]
16.1 Hypothetical conditional with ŋŋŋ ‘if’
temporal context: future or (present) habitual. The antecedent event is possible
but uncertain.
most common logical relationship: cause and effect (entailment)
(‘if X, then Y’ = ‘X is a sufficient condition for Y’)
form of ‘if/when’ particle
tones spread from final tone of preceding word?
typical aspect categories of antecedent and consequent clauses
unmarked category for antecedent: perfective (if cause-and-effect
conditional)
--may also be imperfective in some contexts
unmarked category for consequent: imperfective, future, imperative,
hortative
both clauses have normal main-clause form (AN suffix, pronominal-subject
suffix)
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16.1.1 Regular antecedent clause
verify that the antecedent clause is basically identical to a main clause except
for the 'if' particle. pay special attention to pronominal subject marking.
give examples of the normal conditional construction
‘If you-Sg see Amadou in the market, flee!’
‘If he sees Amadou in the market, he will flee.’
‘If Hawa doesn’t eat, she will die.’
any unusual patterns in AN marking of antecedent?
preference for one or another of the various perfective-system forms?
16.1.2 ‘Unless’ antecedent
often a regular hypothetical conditional in which the the antecedent clause
is negative.
examples
‘Unless the rain falls (“if the rain didn’t fall”) heavily, we cannot sow
(millet).’
‘Unless the chiefs are here (“if the chiefs are not present”), we cannot
slaughter a sheep.’
‘Unless you-2Sg do (“f you-2Sg don’t do) the farm work, how will you eat?’
16.2 Alternative ‘if’ particles
16.2.1 ‘Even if ’ (ŋŋŋ)
usually the ‘even’ particle (§19.1.4) replaces the ‘if/when’ particle
[Nanga: the Purposive postposition (or a homonym) is used in this
construction]
examples
‘Even if he/she comes, he/she won’t eat here.’
‘Even if you-Sg come, you won’t eat here.’
‘Even if it rains, we’ll go to the field(s).’
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16.2.2 ‘As soon as ’ (ŋŋŋ)
A particle meaning ‘only, just’ or the like replaces the ordinary ‘if/when’
particle
in languages under Fulfulde influence, often t (Nanga, Jamsay)
There may also be other ways to express 'as soon as …', i.e., with a regular
anterior subordinator (same or different subject as the context requires) plus an
'all' particle (Ben Tey).
may compete with another construction, see §15.2.2.5 ('no sooner did…,
than…').
16.3 Willy-nilly and disjunctive antecedents (‘whether X or Y ’)
two mutually incompatible conditions (both causally irrelevant to the
consequent) are spelled out
final ‘all’ quantifier after the second condition?
examples
‘Whether it rains or not, we are going.’
16.4 Counterfactual conditional
antecedent denotes an eventuality that seemed possible at some point in the
past but did not in fact occur
often both the antecedent and the consequent involve the Past clitic/particle.
antecedent: Past Perfect form (simple Perfective plus Past)
consequent: Past Imperfective form
examples
‘If the locusts hadn’t come, we would have gotten (= were going to get) a
lot of millet in the granary.’
‘If the doctor had been there, I would have been cured.’
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17 Complement and purposive clauses
17.1 Quotative complements
Quotations are marked by up to three distinct features:
(xx1) a. inflectable ‘say’ verb (ŋŋŋ), preceding or following the quotation,
§17.1.2;
b. invariable quotative particle ŋŋŋ following the quotation (or
multiple segments of the quotation), §17.1.3;
c. logophoric pronouns substituting for (original) first person
pronouns, §18.2.
17.1.1 Direct versus indirect in quotative complements
reported speech involves a mix of direct and indirect discourse
direct features:
initial vocatives (‘hey you!’)
aspectual category on verb normally the same as in the original
no ‘that’ complementizer
indirect features:
pronominal person category recomputed
so ‘hey you!’ appears in most contexts as ‘hey 3Sg!’
logophoric replaces original 1Sg or 1Pl in direct quote
17.1.2 ‘Say that ’ with inflectable ‘say’ verb (ŋŋŋ)
For the inflectable 'say' verb see §11.3.
May it either precede or follow the quotation?
When it precedes, is it set off prosodically, or is it followed by a special
interjection?
form of pronominal subject?
243
examples
‘Hex said that hex is going tomorrow.’
‘I said that I am not going.’
‘Shex will say that shex is sick.’
‘(The) people will say that they are cured.’
‘I didn’t say that I can stop the locusts.’
‘Hex didn’t say that theyy will come.’
The ‘say’ verb may also take a NP complement (‘what?’, ‘that’, ‘nothing’,
etc.)
Is the conjugatable ‘say’ verb usually omitted when the invariant Quotative
clitic/particle is present?
17.1.3 Quotative clitic ŋŋŋ
usually wa or lo
Occurs at the end of quoted clauses
and (in some languages) also after quoted vocatives or topicalized
constituents
also after subject of quoted clause?
atonal, with tone spread from element to the left?
functins:
typically used when quoted speaker is third person (hearsay modality)
also used with first/second person quoted speaker to indicate “quotation
marks,” as in [did you say “dog”?] and [yes, I said “dog”]
also used with quoted imperatives/hortatives (jussive complements)?
examples
‘He/shex said that he/shex has no sugar.’
‘Hyena said to hare: hey you, go!’
‘Amadou said that the people have sown (the millet).’
extended quotations: ŋŋŋ is typically repeated after each clause
examples
‘He/she said that the people will come, (but that) they won’t eat here.’
244
omitted when it would be adjacent to the ‘say’ verb?
omitted in negative contexts (‘X didn’t say that ...’)?
examples:
‘Amadou did not say that the people have sown (the millet).’
‘Did he say that the people have sown (the millet)?’
omitted with factive complement (ending in Definite morpheme)?
‘If he says (= claims) that the people have sown (the millet), it’s false.’
17.1.4 Jussive complement (reported imperative or hortative)
17.1.4.1 Quoted imperative
When imperative ‘Sweep the courtyard!’ is quoted (‘They told him [to
sweep the courtyard]’), the original imperative may appear in the same
imperative form (Jamsay), or in a 3rd person Hortative as in e.g. ‘may God
protect you!’ (Nanga).
singular and plural subject of Imperative distinguished or merged?
quotative particle added at end?
overt pronominal denoting the original addressee may be present, perhaps
as a quoted vocative (‘hey you!’ expressed as ‘hey 3Sg!’)
examples
‘I told him to slaughter a sheep. ’
‘They told me to come. ’
reported prohibitives (negative imperatives)
‘I told him not to slaughter a sheep. ’
‘They told me not to come.’
17.1.4.2 Embedded hortative
quoted form of ‘let’s go!’ (hortative)
Does the verb takes regular hortative form, or a special quoted-hortative form?
245
expression of the original 1Pl (dual or plural) subject? (perhaps a dative in
the ‘say’ clause, or perhaps a quoted vocative)
quotative particle present at end?
any difference between 1st, 2nd, and 3rd person quoted speaker?
examples
‘They said (to me), let’s go!’
‘He said (to me), let’s go!’ (original dual-subject hortative)
‘You said (to him), let’s go!’
‘You said (to me), let’s go!’
‘I said (to him), let’s go!’
‘I said (to you), let’s go!’
reported hortative negative
examples
17.2 Factive (indicative) complements
This type of complement may be translated as ‘(the fact/proposition)
that …’. It occurs with verbs like ‘know’ and ‘see/hear’ in the main clause.
There is no ‘that’ complementizer.
verb of the complement clause has regular AN marking?
how are pronominal subjects expressed?
subject of factive clause expressed as a possessor?
definite morpheme often follows factive clause?
Briefly describe the structure here, and give examples in the subsections below.
17.2.1 ‘Know that ’ complement clause
if the 3Pl subject inflections are somewhat irregular or formally specialized in
main-clause inflectional morphology, for example in negative AN inflections, be
sure to include examples with 3Pl subject in these subsections.
examples
‘I know that you are not coming.’
‘You know that I am not coming.’
246
‘You know that he is not coming.’
‘You know that they are not coming.’
‘I know that you did not come.’
‘You know that I did not come.’
‘You know that he did not come.’
‘You know that they did not come.’
‘I know that you will come.’
‘I know that they will come.’
‘I know that you came.’
‘I know that they came.’
no distinction between ‘X doesn’t know [that S]’ and ‘X doesn’t know
[whether S]’? (see §13.2.2)
17.2.2 ‘See (find, hear) that ’
Are there different constructions for
a) direct perception (‘I saw him fall[ing]’) and
b) recognition after the fact, often by inference from circumstantial
evidence (‘I saw that he had fallen’).
17.2.2.1 Direct-perception type (relative-clause complement)
is the complement factive (as with 'know'), or imperfective/durative?
examples
‘I saw the cow fall[ing]’ or ‘I saw the cow about to fall’
‘I saw the children dance (dancing).’
17.2.2.2 Recognition (inference, hearsay) construction
factive-type complement?
perhaps competing with a resultative complement?
perceiver has not perceived the actual event, but perceives the aftermath
and infers what has happened
247
examples (including negative complements)
‘I saw that the cow had fallen’ = ‘I saw the cow (having) fallen’
‘I saw (= see) that you-Sg didn’t take the motorcycle away.’
‘I heard (= hear) that you-Sg are going to Bamako.’
17.2.3 Factive complement with ŋŋŋ ‘it is certain’
ŋŋŋ ‘it is certain’ may precede an ordinary indicative clause, denoting a
future event that is (all but) certain, or a situation or a past event that one infers
from strong evidence or reasoning. tilay is a regionally ubiquitous form.
examples
‘It’s certain (definite) that I will go to Anda.’
‘He/She has certainly left Sevare (by now).’
17.3 Verbal Noun (and other nominal) complements
Complements whose verb is in morphological verbal-noun form.
Complement is often really a VP (subjectless), but some main-clause control
verbs (‘prevent’) also require a subject
Definite morpheme common at end?
17.3.1 Structure of Verbal Noun Phrase
describe the form of subject NP and object NP
--same as in main clause? (e.g. Accusative marking on object)
--possessor form?
describe the form of subject pronominal and object pronominal
--object same as in main clause, or possessor?
--subject expressed as possessor, or as independent pronoun?
Subsections below are for specific main-clause verbs that take these
complements. If the verbs do not in fact take verbal-noun complements, the
relevant subsection should be relocated elsewhere. If the verb takes a mix of
verbal-noun and other complements, the subsection may remain here.
248
17.3.2 ‘Prevent’ (ŋŋŋ)
describe semantics of verb (perhaps more than one such verb)
perhaps a basically transitive verb like ‘cut’ or ‘block’
complement is verbal-noun clause, with the agent specified
agent in possessor form?
or treated as direct object of ‘prevent’ verb in main clause?
examples
‘The rain prevented me from going to Douentza.’
‘Millet farming [topic], the hot sun prevented me from doing it.’
‘The noise prevented Amadou from sleeping.’
17.3.3 ‘Dare’ (ŋŋŋ)
describe semantics of verb (may be fairly tricky)
(Fr oser)
subjects of two clauses are coindexed, so complement does not repeat subject.
examples
‘They don’t dare go down.’
‘Do you-Sg dare get close to the elephant(s)?’
‘He/She dared (had the audacity) to speak to me.’
17.3.4 ‘Consent’ (ŋŋŋ)
semantics of verb (often one sense of the ‘accept, receive’ transitive verb)
distinguish same- from different-subject constructions
examples
‘The chief has agreed to come.’ (same subject)
‘Our father has consented to our going to Bamako.’ (different subject)
‘He did not agree that we do the marriage.’
249
17.3.5 ‘Want’ (ŋŋŋ)
semantics of ‘want’ verb (‘want, like, love’, etc.)
same-subject vs. different-subject constructions
examples (same subject)
‘I want to go.’
‘We don’t even want to see him/her.’
examples (different subject), requiring expression of complement subject
‘Your-Sg father doesn’t want you-Sg to come here.’
17.3.6 ‘Forget’ (ŋŋŋ)
discussion of semantics of verb.
verb may have irregular or defective paradigm; if so, give a table of its most
important inflectable stems
(xx1) ‘Forget’
Perfective-1a ŋŋŋ-
Perfective Negative ŋŋŋ-
Imperfective ŋŋŋ--
Imperfective Negative ŋŋŋ-
Imperative ŋŋŋ
Prohibitive ŋŋŋ-
may take factive as well as verbal-noun complements, in different senses
factives: subject may be same or different, complement denotes prior event
verbal noun: main-clause subject forgets to do sth that he/she intended to
do
examples (factive)
‘I forgot that you had come.’
‘I forgot that I had told him to come.’ (be careful with semantics)
examples (verbal-noun)
‘Don’t forget to come tomorrow!’
‘I forgot to water the garden’
250
brief mention of ‘remember’ (perhaps reversive of ‘forget’)
17.3.7 Obligational (ŋŋŋ ‘duty’)
‘X must VP’ may be expressed as e.g. ‘[X’s ... verb-VblN] [it’s a duty]’,
including the ‘it is’ predicative form of the noun ‘duty, obligation.’ There may
be variants of this construction.
examples
‘I must go to Sevare.’ (“My going to Sevare is a duty.”)
‘I had to go to the field.’ (“I went to the field out of a duty.”)
17.3.8 ‘Be afraid to’ (ŋŋŋ)
In the sense ‘X be afraid to VP’, where the VP has the same logical subject as
the main clause, the complement may have a verbal noun.
example
‘He was afraid to come here.’
complement with different subjects?
example:
‘I’m afraid he/she will hit me.’
‘Hex’s afraid I will hit himx/y.’
17.3.9 ‘Begin’ (ŋŋŋ)
The main and subordinated clauses must have a shared subject.
complement: chained verb, or verbal noun?
examples
‘He/She began to eat (the meal).’
‘He/She began to weep.’ (cognate nominal, cf. koyo koyo-)
‘He/She began to slaughter the sheep.’
251
17.3.10 ‘Finish’ (ŋŋŋ)
The construction is similar to that of ‘begin’ (preceding subsection).
examples
‘He/She doesn’t stop (= keeps on) eating.’
‘They have finished farming (=weeding).’
‘I havent’ (yet) finished writing.’
alternative constructions with similar meaning?
‘Their farming is finished’ = ‘they have finished farming’
Recent Perfect (j - etc.) is used in the sense ‘finish VP-ing’ as well as
‘have (already) VP-ed’?
17.3.11 ‘Cease’ (ŋŋŋ)
discuss semantics of verb(s)
may be special case of the transitive ‘leave, abandon’ verb
may suggest a definitive abandonment of the activity, or it may just mean
‘finish, stop (doing)’ in a particular instance
examples:
‘He has ceased to eat meat.’ (= has had enough for now, or has become a
vegetarian?)
‘I will stop singing.’ (retire from a singing career, or finish up a song set?)
17.4 Locative verbal noun or other nominal complement
In this construction, the complement consists of a Locative PP, whose
complement in turn is a verbal-noun clause.
17.4.1 ‘Help’ (ŋŋŋ)
relocate 'help' to another section if not of this syntactic type
semantics of ‘help’ (in some lgs, a special case of ‘add, increase’), perhaps
‘increase the manpower (in accomplishing sth)’
252
may also take the form ‘X help Y [in [VP-ing]]’ with verbal noun (or other
nominal, e.g. a cognate nominal related to a verb)
examples
‘He/She helped me to sit down.’
‘Amadou helped me (= doctor) to treat you’
‘He/She helped me to tie up the cow.’
‘Amadou helped you in (doing) the farming’
17.5 Direct chain complements
Direct verb chains (nonfinal verb is in bare-stem form), but with a final
inflected verb that is specialized for this construction (at least in the relevant
sense).
Cross-refs to any instances of this construction in other sections in this
chapter, i.e. as optional alternatives to another construction.
17.5.1 ‘Be able to, can’ (ŋŋŋ)
Usually the verb ‘get, obtain’ (e.g. b r ) is the final verb, preceded by a
VP ending in a bare stem (or other direct chaining form).
The subject of lower clause is coindexed with that of the main clause, but
not repeated.
examples
‘Can you-Sg go up?’
‘Can you-Sg lift the stone?’
‘Can you-Sg help me?’
‘I can’t come tomorrow.’
‘He/she cannot work.’
in relative clause
‘the day (when) you can come’
253
17.6 Purposive, causal, and locative clauses
17.6.1 Clauses with Purposive postposition ŋŋŋ ‘for’
(purposive clauses including the Purposive postposition)
there may be more than one such construction, involving e.g. Imperfective
marking, Imperfective Negative marking, and perhaps Imperative Negative (and
Imperative positive?) complement verbs. If so, one might divide this into two or
more subsections
examples (same subject)
‘They will go up (and stand) on the barrel in order to replaster the house
(= ceiling).’
‘We have come in order to speak with the chief.’
examples (different subject)
‘I put the pot down, so that they (could) eat.’
‘Hex gave us hisx bicycle, so that we (could) go to Anda.
examples (negative complement)
‘We’ll fix the roof, so the roof beam(s) won’t fall.’
‘We (have) blocked the doorway, so that the sheep-Pl will not eat the
mango(s).’
‘We’ll take food (along), so as not to die (= starve) on the way.’ [same
subject]
‘I will make noise, so that you-Sg do not sleep.’
‘I will spend the night in a chair, so as not to sleep.’
17.6.2 Purposive clauses with Imperfective participle
(xx1) a. g - - -y
hair.L braid-xxx go-Impf-1SgS
'I am going (there) to get braided.'
an Imperfective complement may occur in combinations suggesting (but not
forcing) a purposive reading
example
254
‘They are sitting eating’ (= in order to eat.’)
17.6.3 Purposive clause with motion verb
there may be a specific type of purposive clause used in combination with a
main-clause motion verb (‘go’, ‘come’, etc.)
[Jamsay: complement verb is in bare-stem form with overlaid {HL}
contour]
[Nanga: bare verb with tone-dropping, followed by Locative postposition]
If such a construction is basically purposive, describe here. Do not confuse
with formally similar non-purposive constructions involving a motion verb, cf.
§15.1.6-7.
examples:
‘Shex went to in order to bring herx father.’
‘I went in order to put out the fire.’
‘They came in order to drink the water.’
no negative counterpart?
17.6.4 Causal (‘because’) clause (ŋŋŋ)
‘because’ particle at beginning or end of causal clause?
clause otherwise in main-clause form?
examples
‘We can’t go to the village because the road isn’t good.’
17.6.5 ‘Because of’ (ŋŋŋ)
‘because of X’ (X a NP)
perhaps a special case of the Purposive postposition
perhaps a more specific morphology
examples:
‘We went into the house because of the rain.’
255
18 Anaphora
brief summary of the main forms and their functions: Reflexive (antecedent is
clausemate subject), Emphatic (‘I did it myself’), Logophoric (antecedent is
attributed author of quoted proposition), Topic-Indexing (antecedent is a
preposed topical NP), and Reciprocal (‘each other’).
In some languages, Reflexive, Logophoric, and Topic-Indexing are different
functions of the same pronominal forms.
18.1 Reflexive
18.1.1 Reflexive object (Sg ŋŋŋ, Pl ŋŋŋ)
g ] 'he looked at himself'
g l ] 'he cut himself'
g l ] 'I cut myself'
g l ] 'we cut ourselves'
Direct object is coindexed with clausemate subject. Usually a special
Reflexive pronoun is used in third-person cases.
forms of 3rd person reflexive object
singular distinct from plural?
Accusative marking present?
discussion of form
same as Logophoric and Topic-Indexing?
noun-like, or pronoun-like?
relationship to other nouns (‘person’, ‘soul’, etc.)
examples
‘They cut themselves’
‘He saw himself (in the mirror)’
regular object form used for 1st/2nd persons?
257
examples
‘You cut yourself.’
‘I saw myself (in the mirror).’
18.1.2 Reflexive PP complement (Sg ŋŋŋ, Pl ŋŋŋ)
Antecedent is again the clausemate subject, but now the target is the
complement of a postposition (e.g. dative).
examples
‘They sent the money to themselves.’
‘He sent the money to himself.’
‘Amadou found (a/the) boubou under himself.’
‘I sent the money to myself.’
18.1.3 Reflexive possessor (Sg ŋŋŋ, Pl ŋŋŋ)
Here the target is the possessor of a direct object or other non-subject NP.
Again the antecedent is the clausemate subject.
remind readers of the basic possessor-possessed construction (for alienable
and inalienable possessors); if personal pronouns have a distinctive possessive
construction (e.g. pronominal possessor follows possessed noun, and/or
pronominal possessor co-occurs with a possessive classifier), does reflexive
possessor pattern like nominal or pronominal possessor?
examples (alienable and inalienable)
‘He hit his (own) dog.’
‘He hit his (own) father.’
‘They sold their (own) sheep-Pl.’
‘I hit my (own) dog.’
‘I hit my (own) father.’
18.1.4 No antecedent-reflexive relation between coordinands
example
‘Amadoux and hisx father.’ (regular 3Sg possessor, not a reflexive)
258
(so reference of ‘his’ is ambiguous)
18.2 Emphatic pronouns
Emphatic pronouns (‘I did it myself’, etc.) are morphologically associated
with reflexives in English and many other languages, so they are described in
this chapter.
perhaps two or three types (each gets a subsection)
a) adverbial ŋŋŋ ‘(by) oneself’ after an independent pronoun;
b) numeral ‘one’ after independent pronoun (‘1Sg one’ = ‘me, alone (by
myself)’
c) possessed form of ‘head’ or other body-part noun (‘my head’ = ‘myself’),
though in some languages this might be the simple reflexive form (in which case
it belongs in the preceding section); is e.g. 3Pl form ‘their head’ with singular
‘head’?
discuss sense and pragmatic context of each type (for example, ‘I did it
myself’ implies that it might have been expected that other people share in the
work, but they did not, = ‘I did it alone’)
examples (including textual examples, with comments on context); include
examples where the emphatic pronoun is direct object or other non-subject
‘He didn’t send his son, (rather) he came himself.
‘We will do the farming ourselves.’
‘Hamidou went himself (in person).’
‘She didn’t call my son, she called me myself (i.e. directly).’
‘You can’t cut up the meat alone.’
‘I can’t lift the water jar by myself.’
‘The children can’t pick up the water jar by themselves (=without help).’
‘My father cannot do the farming by himself.’
‘We work for ourselves.’ (lit.: “we do the work of our head” ?)
‘They work for themselves.’
‘I work for myself.’
259
18.3 Logophoric and indexing pronouns
18.3.1 True third person logophoric function
Logophoric pronoun ia coindexed with attributed author of a speech or
thought quotation;
corresponds to 1Sg and 1Pl in the original (direct) quotation
logophorics used only when the author is a third person (not the current
speaker or addressee)?
forms (with discussion)
same as reflexive, topic-indexing?
syntax
as subject, requires regular 3Sg or 3Pl pronominal-subject suffix on verb?
behaves like personal pronouns, or like nouns?
a) in morphological appearance
b) as possessors (if special construction for pronominal possessors)
c) as subjects (check linear position in relative clause containing a
direct chain, e.g ‘hex said that [the cow that he-Logox killed (and) left-
Participle] is still there’ = [... fall go.down-Participle]; same linear position as
e.g. preparticipial 1Sg in ‘[[the cow that I killed (and) left-Participle] is still
there] (?)
Accusative marking in direct-object function? (‘He said that I hit him’)
elicited examples (ordinary clause, and quoted equivalent) showing relationship
of logophoric to nouns and to other pronouns
‘he jumped down’
‘the man jumped down’
‘I jumped down’
‘hex said that he-Logox jumped down’
(non-logophoric) ‘hex said that shey jumped down’
elicited examples including relative-clause subject position
‘the day he/she jumped down’
‘the day the man jumped down’
‘Hex said, the day he-Logox jumped down, …’
no logophoric with current 1st/2nd person as quoted author?
‘I said that I can’t come.’
‘You-Sg said that you-Sg can’t come.’
260
singular antecedent included in plural logophoric
‘Amadoux said that theyxy (e.g. Amadou and Seydou) are going to Mopti.’
‘Amadoux said you went to their-LogoPlxy (=Amadou & his family’s)
house.’
more examples including textual exx. of logophorics
long-distance anaphora (logophoric in embedded clause)
‘Amadoux said [you saw that [he-Logox was injured]]’
‘Amadoux said [you said [that you would kill him-Logox]]
quotation embedded in another quotation: can higher antecedent bind a
logophoric in the embedded quotation (resulting in ambiguity)?
‘Amadoux said [Seydouy said [he-Logo will kill him-Logo]]
(perhaps ambiguous as to which antecedent each logophoric is coindexed to
(Seydou kill Amadou, or Amadou kill Seydou); if reflexive pronoun is identical
to logophoric pronoun, this sentence should also have two additional readings
in which he-Logo is antecedent of him-Refl (Amadou kill Amadou, Seydou kill
Seydou).
18.3.2 Non-logophoric topic-indexing function
subject of main clauseis coindexed to the subject of a relative clause (the
latter may have a Reflexive/Logophoric pronoun). If reflexive and logophoric
are identical in form, such cases (which do not involve quotation) should be
labeled Refl in interlinears.
examples
‘I will do as much as I can.’
‘Amadoux will do as much as hex can.’
‘The people will do what they can.’
no anaphora when antecedent is object, dative, or other non-subject
‘Hex showed me a bird that hex (had) killed.’ (antecedent is subject)
‘I showed himx the damage that hex (or: shey) had made.’ (antecedent is
object or dative)
261
18.4 Reciprocal
18.4.1 Simple reciprocals (ŋŋŋ)
clausemate subject (normally plural, referentially) is coindexed in a distributive
fashion with object or other non-subject NP.
form of Reciprocal (with discussion)
recognizable relationship to a noun? (‘friend’, ‘agemate’, etc.)?
distinction between dual-subject (‘[Amadou and Seydou] saw each other’)
and 3+-plural subject (‘[The ten men] saw each other’) ? If so, do the
respective Reciprocal forms differ morphologically as singular (e.g. ‘friend’)
and plural (‘friends’)?
Accusative marking in direct-object function?
examples
‘We saw each other.’
‘They fought each other.’
‘You-Pl hit each other.’
Reciprocal morpheme optionally preceded by plural pronominal possessor
(1Pl, 2Pl, 3rd Reflexive Pl)? (would be consistent with origin as ‘our friend(s)’,
‘your-Pl friend(s)’, etc.). Possessed-noun tone (all-low, {HL}) on Reciprocal
morpheme in this case?
if so, examples
‘We saw each other.’ (same as ‘We saw our agemate(s).’)
‘They saw each other.’ (same as ‘They saw their (own) agemate(s).’)
‘Theyx saw theiry (another group’s) agemate(s).’
18.4.2 ‘Together’ (ŋŋŋ)
Some Dogon languages have a ‘(we/you/they) together’ construction
consisting of a ‘together’ noun (with possessed-noun tone contour) preceded by
a nonsingular pronominal possessor that is usually coindexed to the clausemate
subject.
(xx1) category form
1Pl ŋŋŋ
2Pl ŋŋŋ
262
Reflexive Plural ŋŋŋ
examples
‘We came together.’
‘The people farmed (= raised) millet together.’
antecedent may be direct object instead of subject
‘We cooked [leaves and onions] together.’
263
19 Grammatical pragmatics
19.1 Topic
19.1.1 Topic (ŋŋŋ)
‘as for X, he ...’ (topicalized X with Topic particle)
X may be pronoun or nonpronominal NP
often occurs at topic-changing site in discourse
combinations with pronouns (if irregular, give table)
(xx1) category topicalized pronoun
1Sg ŋŋŋ
1Pl ŋŋŋ
2Sg ŋŋŋ
2Pl ŋŋŋ
3Sg ŋŋŋ
3Pl ŋŋŋ
InanSg ŋŋŋ
InanPl ŋŋŋ
LogoSg ŋŋŋ
LogoPl ŋŋŋ
a few examples (including textual examples, with some context)
is topicalized constituent preclausal, or part of clause?
evidence for preclausal topic:
topicalized X is “resumed” by a pronoun within the clause proper
evidence for clause-internal topic:
topicalized X is marked for case (Accusative, Dative)
topicalized X is preceded by other clause-internal elements
example (topicalized direct object)
‘He/She hit my friend, but me he/she didn’t hit.’
265
19.1.2 ‘Now’ (ŋŋŋ)
In addition to the temporal adverb ‘now’ (ŋŋŋ), there is a short ‘now’ form
that is used in a kind of topicalizing function with a preceding NP or pronoun
(e.g. ‘me now, ...’).
examples (preferably textual)
This ‘now’ particle may also be topicalized itself ‘as for now, ...’ ?
19.1.3 ‘Also’ (ŋŋŋ)
form (including tones)
idiomatic translation may be ‘also, too’ or more loosely ‘likewise, in a similar
fashion’.
may follow PP, or Accusative or Dative NP/pronoun
examples (several, including textual exx.)
‘My friend is going to Bamako, and I’m going there too!’
‘If you give (some) to him/her, give (some) to me too!’ (after object/dative
pronominal)
‘I do farm work with an ox, (and) I do farm work with a camel also.’ (after
PP)
avoidance of clause-final position? (preference for locating the particle after a
non-verb constituent, perhaps a cognate nominal instead of the verb)
example:
‘He/She cooks, and he/she sweeps too.’ (perhaps expressed as ‘...
[sweeping too] he/she sweeps’ with cognate nominal)
19.1.4 ‘Even’ (ŋŋŋ)
(in some languages, may be the same form as ‘also’, see above)
form (including tones)
266
examples
‘Even the little kids will do farm work (= weeding).’
‘He/She didn’t even greet (=say hello).’
cross-refs to other sections in grammar involving ‘even’, e.g. ‘even if’
conditional antecedents §16.2.1.
19.2 Preclausal discourse markers
(add sections as needed)
19.2.1 ‘As much as ’ (ŋŋŋ)
The particle ŋŋŋ is phrase- or clause-initial, unlike the bulk of subordinating
particles, postpositions, and the like which are phrase- or clause-final. The core
sense is ‘as far as, all the way to (location)’, or ‘up until (time)’, preceding a
NP or adverb (§15.5.4).
In this section we consider discourse extensions, where ŋŋŋ has scope over
the entire clause. A positive example is (xx1). The sense is close to ‘even’;
compare §16.2.1 and §19.1.4.
example
‘He/She even sang (a song).’ (i.e., ‘… went so far as to sing’)
The construction is common with a negative predicate (xx2).
examples
‘He/She didn’t say as much as hello to me.’
‘He/she didn’t give me as much as a red cent.’
‘He/She didn’t come as much as (=even) once.’
19.2.2 ‘Well, ’ (ŋŋŋ)
This is the common ‘well, ’ expression, giving the speaker time to formulate a
clause.
ŋŋŋ = /haya/ etc. in many Dogon languages; a regional form also in Fulfulde
etc.
267
examples, preferably from texts
19.2.3 ‘So, ’ (ŋŋŋ)
French voilà, in the form /walaa/, is used in some Dogon languages as a kind of
‘so, …’ preclausal pragmatic marker.
French donc used by younger speakers?
other forms?
examples, preferably from texts
19.2.4 Clause-initial emphatic particle (ŋŋŋ, ŋŋŋ)
(often more than one such form)
Emphatic clause-final particle in ‘not at all’ clauses (‘not on your life’, etc.)
examples:
‘I haven’t eaten at all.’ (‘… haven’t eaten a lick’, etc.)
can such particles also be used as emphatics in positive clauses?
examples (positive):
‘I’m perfectly healthy.’
19.2.5 ‘But ’ (ŋŋŋ)
clause-initial ‘but’ particle
in several Dogon languages: ka: ~ ga: (fairly widespread regional form), but
m : (< French) used by younger speakers
phonological tone of particle may be hard to determine because of heavy
intonational overlay
examples (from texts)
268
19.2.6 ‘Lo, ’ (ŋŋŋ)
This particle is used in narrative to highlight a following clause denoting a
surprising or climactic event.
form: often jaka or iterated jaka- jaka in northeastern Dogon (and
Fulfulde).
19.3 Pragmatic adverbs or equivalents
19.3.1 ‘Again’, ‘not again’, ‘on the other hand’
may be expressed by the adverb ŋŋŋ ‘again’ or by a chained verb ŋŋŋ ‘go
back, return’. The latter is expecially common in negative contexts. ‘Again’ may
indicate that an event type recurred (here ‘again’ is part of the core
proposition), or it may be a pragmatic adverb ‘then again’ or ‘on the other
hand’.
in some languages, ‘again’ is identical to, or slightly different
phonologically from, the ‘today’ adverb.
examples (for pragmatic function, use textual examples)
‘I won’t go to Hombori again.’
‘If you come here again, you’ll get trouble.’
‘Having eaten at home, he ate here again.’
19.4 ‘Only’ particles
19.4.1 ‘Only’ (ŋŋŋ)
The particle ŋŋŋ ‘only’ follows and has scope over a NP or adverb.
examples:
‘I have only one hundred (riyals).’
The ‘only’ particle may also have clausal scope.
examples:
‘He/She doesn’t work, he/she just sleeps.’
269
Alternatively, ‘only’ may be expressed by a more complex ‘nothing but’
construction
examples:
‘He only works in the rainy season.’ (= ‘He doesn’t work, except in the
rainy season.’)
‘Boura wants nothing other than honey.’
19.4.2 ‘Just (one)’ (ŋŋŋ)
This is a colorful intensifier for the numeral ŋŋŋ ‘one’. Often pejorative
'just one (cow)', '(he gave me) one lousy (dollar)', etc.
examples:
‘I have a single (= only one) cow.’
For more 'exactly' and 'specifically' expressions see §8.4.3.2-3.
19.5 Phrase-final emphatics
19.5.1 Phrase-final ŋŋŋ ‘exactly’ (confirming)
form: usually :t in northern Dogon (regional form, also Fulfulde,
Songhay)
may be used by itself as a single-word confirmation: ‘exactly!’, often
replying to what the interlocutor has just said
may also be phrase- or clause-final
examples, including textual examples
See also §8.4.3.2-3 for other 'exactly' and 'specifically' expressions.
19.5.2 Clause-final ŋŋŋ 'sure' (firm agreement or answer)
form: often y in northern Dogon languages, as in Fulfulde
Can express agreement with an interlocutor's proposition (repeated
verbatim or somewhat shortened, plus addition of particle)
270
Can similarly express a firm 'yes' answer to an interlocutor's question.
cf. English sure as in 'I sure did!' in response to an interlocutor's statement
or question
examples
Q: Did you see the fire?
A: I sure did.
‘Money sure is hard to come by.’
'It sure is hot today!'
19.5.3 Clause-final ŋŋŋ (admonitive)
form: usually de(y) in northern Dogon, as in Fulfulde, Songhay, etc. Also
used in other Malian languages and even in local French.
May have an admonitive pragmatic function, cf. unstressed clause-initial or
-final pragmatic adverb now in English.
May also express disagreement with the interlocutor (correcting him, or
giving an answer that the interlocutor was not expecting).
examples
‘Watch our for wild animals now!’
‘Now don’t you go to the field without a hat!’
19.6 Backchannel and uptake checks
uptake checks initiated by the speaker who has the floor (telling a story etc., or
talking to a child)
‘Do you understand?’ or ‘Did you hear'
backchannel volunteered by listener
'uh-huh’ or ‘amen’ etc.
northern Dogon lgs. also use (as in Fulfulde andi) to express mild
surprise (cf. really? or oh? or how interesting!)
271
19.7 Greetings
general verb 'greet' and noun 'greeting'. There may also be another verb
meaning 'greet in the morning, say good-morning to'.
group the greeting phrases into categories like the following, giving the
standard response to each greeting. Indicate whether each greeting phrase is
intelligible lexically and syntactically. Indicate if different versions of the
phrase are used for singular and plural addressees (some greetings are
imperative verbs in form).
a) time-of-day greetings
‘good morning’ to ‘good night’
'good morning' may be expressed as 'did you sleep well?' (i.e.
retrospective), 'good evening' as 'did you spend the day well?'; 'good night'
often prospective ('let's spend the night well' etc.).
indicate time of day (range of hours) when each greeting is appropriate
perhaps a default 'hello' in the middle of the day
b) situational greetings like ‘hello in the field/at work/at the well/at the
market)’, referring to a location and activity that the interlocutor is in or is
coming back from; typical forms are 'you and (the) field' or 'hello in the field'.
c) greetings to travelers (best wishes on departing, welcome on arriving):
‘welcome!’ (perhaps imperative ‘approach the house!’)
‘bon voyage’ (perhaps ‘arrive there in health!’)
d) condolences
from the visitor to the deceased’s family
e.g. ‘greetings in high worth’
to the visitor as he is about to depart
e.g. ‘may God lengthen your life’
or ‘may God put distance between us (and the deceased)
to one returning home after presenting condolences in another village
e.g. ‘greetings in running’
analysis may require cultural explanations
e) good wishes at marriages and major Muslim holidays
'May God show you next year!'
f) Islamic greetings
assala:mu walaykum (generally a formal greeting among men)
272
response: malaykumussalaam (or similar)
‘amen’ (often a reply to a good wish)
‘thanks’ (albarka, < Arabic ‘the blessing’), said to one’s host after a meal, also
said to a merchant in politely declining to buy at the price proposed
invitation (to eat, etc.): usually bisimil(l)a (< Arabic ‘in the name of God’)
Ask if the old people use(d) greeting phrases that are now out of fashion.
273
20 Text
Brief information about circumstances of recording (informants and living
non-celebrity persons mentioned in the text remain anonymous, use e.g. A, B, ...
as labels). Use tabs to align text with interlinear glosses. Organize the text into
small units that seem to function roghly like small paragraphs (perhaps
including several clauses). Use hyphens and clitic boundary = in interlinears to
correspond to the same markers in the text. Use brackets [...] in both the Dogon
text and the interlinear to indicate phrasal groupings. Foreign (e.g. French,
Bambara) items should be non-italic if the Dogon text is italicized. In addition
to interlinear glosses, add free translations for each segment, followed by
italicized comments in [...]. These comments should identify constructions or
other grammatical features, and give a reference to a section of the grammar
describing them.
Tales may involve segments that are sung by a protagonist. The songs may
be in another language.
Format below shows use of italics (Dogon text, and comments following
free translation). If speaker X continues uninterrupted, no need to put "X: ..." at
beginning of each segment.
(xx1) X: ŋŋŋ...
xxx [analysis, if intelligible]
Y: ŋŋŋ...
xxx [analysis, if intelligible]
[formulaic story-opening phrase and audience response authorizing story
to proceed, often unintelligible or partially so, sometimes borrowed from
another language]
(xx2) X: ŋŋŋ...
[hare and hyena and] [day.labor.L-work in] go.Perf.L-3PlS,
ŋŋŋ...
[ReflPl two] [day.labor.L-work in] go and.SS,
ŋŋŋ...
[wage.L-work in] [3Pl Obj] receive.Perf-3PlS
ŋŋŋ...
apiary build-Impf-3PlS
274
‘Hare and hyena went to (get) day-labor work. The two of them went to
(get) paid work, and they (= people) took them in paid work. They were
going to build apiaries (man-made beehives) ’
[X yo Y yo ‘X and Y’ §7.1; topic-indexing Reflexive Plural §18.2.2;
-ŋŋŋ ‘and.SS’ subordinator in same-subject VP chains §15.2.5]
.....
(xx9) ŋŋŋ...
[story submerged] [finish(noun) submerged] Emph
‘That's it’
[story-closing formula]
275
Index
model for index, from Jamsay grammar (additions/comments in pink). Jamsay
forms (to be replaced) are here colored dark yellow. References should
ultimately be to pages, but while drafting the grammar section references like
§6.2.1 are all that one can do.
1. prosody (grammatical)
now use {L}, {HL}, {LH} etc. as overlaid tone contours
all-L tone, 8
{HL} tone, 8, 109 (phonology)
all-H tone, 8
final intonation, 8-9
2. selected morphemes
list grammatical morphemes (affixes, clitics, particles)
also any irregular or otherwise interesting stems
do not list every stem that occurs in examples
-Ø suffix
Nonhuman, 140
3Sg subject, 371
1Pl subject (contracted after i), 373
2Sg subject (contracted after u), 373
- at onset of nouns, 148
: ‘who?’, 464
-a 3Pl subject allomorph (ImpfNeg - - ), 372
- :- Perfective, 347
, ‘always, never’, 320
ŋ ‘how much?’, 471
- r - Habitual, 363
negative, 371
rⁿ ‘man/male’, 206
rga ‘side’, 298
- ‘there’, 172
-n ‘man’, 169
276
-ba 3Sg subject, 371
:
‘equal, be as good as’, 450
‘since ’, 557
ⁿ (see ŋ )
ŋ , ⁿ ‘owner’, 161 Formatted: Font: Times New
in demonstratives, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166, 208 Roman, 11 pt, Font color: Auto
Plural, 254, 502
in relative clause, 502-3
n (Pl of n )
3Pl human, 156
-be 2Sg subject, 371
: ‘remain, happen’, 426
‘X and Y’, 272
b r , b r : ‘in’, 292
b r ‘get, obtain’, 25
‘be able to, can’, 624
in possessive predicate, 438
: ‘thing’
‘whatchamacallit?’, 475
c : ⁿ- ⁿ ‘and so forth’, 674
c w ‘all’, 148, 232, 257, 259, 263, 303, 303, 307, 456, 502, 582 584
in conditionals, 581
‘do well’, 311
g ‘thing’
‘whatchamacallit?’, 475
‘thus’, 302, 675
ɣ ‘a little’, 305
ɣ ‘leave; cease’, 527, 619
ⁿ ‘be sitting’, 422
r ‘dare’, 599
yⁿ in ‘since ’ clause, 557
‘if’ (nonfinal variant of dey), 579
clause-final Emphatic, 679
d m ‘straight’, 317
‘want’, 619
dey ‘if’, 542, 576-80, 675
subtopics, 668
yⁿ ‘apart’, 319
dɔ : ‘attain, equal’, 452
u ‘under’, 299
277
di᷈ :ⁿ ‘close to, beside’, 295
g ‘finish’, 623, 675
u ‘under’, 299
dɔ m ‘still, (not) yet’, 377
-e 3Pl subject allomorph (ImpfNeg - - ), 372
: ‘see’, 388, 605
t-t r -, 353
ⁿ ‘very, a lot’, 304, 310
n-di ⁿ ‘there’, 172
n
reflexive possessor, 644
logophoric, 648-51
topic-indexing, 652
n-kɔ ‘that’, 165
- ‘there’, 172
f s ‘(not) at all’, 679
: ‘all’, 138 (intonation), 210, 231-2, 257, 259, 263, 279, 456, 502, 583
in conditionals, 583
ga (interim) quotative, 593
-g - in cpds, see -gɔ-
g : ‘say’, 428, 584
g ::-j - y, 584, 592
g - y, 596-7
g : ‘but’, 669
g ‘some, certain’, 244
g ‘between’, 300
g r ‘pass, go by’, 315, 348, 675
in comparatives, 447
g r ‘a lot’, 305
g r ‘more’, 447
-g - Imperfective Negative, 370
-gɔ-, -g - in compounds, 214
gɔrⁿɔ ‘be stronger than, be capable of’, 625
-g
Characteristic, 150
rare VblN suffix, 153
g ,g ‘after, behind’, 297
-g (v = variable vowel)
Causative, 328
apparent infix, 338
‘until’, 570
: ‘it is’ (see )
278
- : Stative (verbal suffix), 365
: ‘who?’, 465
‘since ’, 558
-n ‘child’, 169
(see n )
wⁿ Reflexive, 642
ɲ ‘what?’, 466
r ‘be better, more’, 447
‘indeed’, 310, 678
j Purposive-Causal, 301, 468
Purposive clause, 629
j
‘say’, 429-31
variant of , 539
-j - Recent Perfect, 353
negation of, 368-9
r ‘hold, have’, 437
j :r ‘bring’, 387
ⁿ Past, 375, 502
participle of, 494
after participle, 503
, j ‘go(ing) with’, 539
‘like’, 303, 306, 449, 572
yɔ :-ji n ‘how?’, 470
‘hold, have’, 436
r ‘in front of’, 296
gɔ- ‘know’, 328, 332, 387, 568, 601
contracted to jɔ:-, 64, 73
- (v = variable vowel) after consonantal dissimilation
Causative w ɣ - -, 51, 328
Inchoative-Factitive w g - -, 51
denominal verb lɔɣɔ-jɔ-, 334, 338
: ‘at the mouth of’, 297
:, :, g : ‘but’, 669
ⁿ
‘each’, 225, 257, 275, 456, 504-5, 674
‘also, too, even’, 502, 667
y ⁿ ‘if’, 581
‘even if’, 582
- ‘scattered’, 323
rⁿ
‘do; be done’, 401
279
‘also, too, even’, 502, 667
with yⁿ in chains, 534
Topic, 665
kɔ nonhuman locational or existential ‘be’, 412-20
cliticization of, 80
participle of, 493, 506
Nonhuman subject in Imperfective, 372
kɔ:-, 420
‘that’, 163, 251
Nonhuman pronoun, 156-7, 286, 315
- ⁿ ‘that one’, 165
y clause-final Emphasic, 678
k ⁿ Definite, 255
in relatives, 502
in subordinated clauses, 547-8
in factive clauses, 603
ⁿ ‘head’
in reflexives, 646
ⁿ ‘on’, 293
‘be in’, 420
‘put’, 388, 420, 422
rⁿ ‘wear’, 388
- - Stative Negative, 369, 422, 424, 425, 433, 437 (see also y, - -m)
Negative, 410
: Negative
‘it is not X’, 410
tag question, 463
a: ‘first’, 188, 315
ɣ ‘other’, 314, 673
- ɣ ‘(not) particularly’, 450
- -m Hortative Negative, 382
y Imperative Plural Negative, 378
postposition, 288, 291
purposive clause, 627
locative clause, 628
postposition, 289
purposive clausre, 625
‘behooves’ clause, 627
- - Perfective Negative, 368, 373
, 677
lɔɣɔ ‘do a lot’, 305
-lɔɣɔ ‘very’, 222
280
- - (see - -)
- (v = variable vowel) Reversive, 325
-m suffix
1Sg subject, 371
(human) Plural, 140-2
‘so that; had better’, 634
- Hortative, 381
ma
‘or’, 277
polar interrogative, 461
(alienable) Possessive, 234
with repeated relative head, 480
in ‘before ’ clause, 560-4
superfluous, 572-5
:n ‘So-and-So’, 144
‘on’, 294
- y Hortative Plural, 382
Negative, 383
yⁿ in verb chains, 532
mɔ:-nɔ ‘put together’, 658
mɔrⁿɔ ‘be/do together’, 529, 658
-n
(human) Singular, 140-2
complement of ‘dare’, 599-600
- Dative (1Sg, 1Pl), 156
:
stative verb ‘be up on’, 422
‘though’ (clause-final), 640
medial in cpds, see - :-
- :-, - :- in compounds, 210-214
‘owners’, 208
in Pl demonstratives, 161, 162, 163, 166
-n Ordinal, 156
n ‘now’ (discourse particle) (666)
ni - ‘here’, 167
‘here’, 167
-di ⁿ, ni -di ⁿ ‘here’, 167
-di ⁿ, ni -di ⁿ ‘here’, 167
‘now’ (see n )
ŋ ‘that’, 161, 252
in relatives, 506
- (v = variable vowel)
281
Causative, 330-1
deadjectival verb, 336
denominal verb, 338
-ŋ (v = variable vowel)
Causative, 52, 328
deadjectival verb, 336
denominal verb, 338
verb-verb pair, 338
- Negative ( - ), 421
- : ‘road’, 604
ɔ n-kɔ, ɔ ŋ-kɔ ‘that’, 165
Emphatic, 309
, : ‘beside’’, 300
p y ‘(not) at all’, 679
w ‘go back; do again’, 530, 675
pɔ ‘straight’, 318
pɔ:rɔ ‘first’, 188, 315
-r Stative Negative (with ‘have’), 436
-rɔ Stative Negative (with ‘be’ quasi-verbs), 417-8
-r Dative, 151
-r (v = variable vowel)
Reversive, 324-5
Causative, 330
deadjectival verb, 336
denominal verb, 337
verb-verb pair, 338
‘have’, 434
participles of, 492
-, 492
:-Ø, 506
-r (negative), 149, 196, 436, 610
- - Resultative, 350
in conditional antecedent, 576
: at end of verb chain, 536
, ‘because’, 638
y ‘only’, 676
s ⁿ ‘straight’, 319
g
‘than’ in comparatives, 446
‘because of’, 468, 638
g
‘because of’, 639
282
‘a fortiori’, 639
y ‘all’, 260, 321
‘(not) at all’, 679
in conditionals, 582
ŋ ‘become’, 428
ŋ y ‘if’, 580
, - : ‘precisely’, 307, 308
-t - (see -t r -)
t m ‘find’, 608
-t r - Experiential Perfect, 352
negation, 369
linker in verb chains, 537
-ti - Perfective, 347, 373
‘first’, 188
y ‘necessary, certain’, 611
-tɔɣɔ- Imperfective, 361
negative, 371
tɔ :-m reciprocal plural, 656
tɔ :-n reciprocal, 656
tɔ :n ‘approximately’, 306
- - (see - -)
‘begin’, 623
- Verbal Noun, 151
‘be lying down’, 424
-w 2Sg subject, 371
wa quotative, 591
w ‘obligation’, 610
w - ‘or else’, 281
wɔ human locational or existential ‘be’, 412-20
cliticization of, 80
participles of, 492
wɔ-n, 547
wɔn-, 492
wɔ:-Ø, 506
wɔ:-, 420
w ‘3Sg human, 156
w in conjunctions, 274
-w (v = variable vowel)
Causative, 327-8
Reversive (in metathesized r -w -), 325
Passive, 333
deadjectival verb, 335
283
verb-verb pair, 338
-w (v = variable vowel) pseudo-causative nominal (in ‘before ’ clauses, 331
-y 1Pl subject, 371
, : ‘it is’, 402-10, 438
phonology of, 79
focalization, 455
Focus, 454
- suffix
Verbal Noun, 151
Imperative Singular Negative, 378, 382
- Imperative Plural, 378
-y - Perfective, 347
-y -y :- ‘woman’, 206
y ŋ in ‘from to ’, 570
y ŋ rⁿ ‘when?’, 470
-y - Perfective, 347
y Existential, 410
assimilated variant yɔ, 418, 421
with ‘have’, 435
y - ‘woman’, 206
y indexing, 158
y ‘a fortiori’, 452
y -di ⁿ ‘over there’, 167
y - , y - ‘there’, 167
y r ‘come’, 13, 348, 387
y ‘there’, 167
yɔ (see Existential y )
yɔ : ‘where?’, 468
y ‘and’, 261
yɔ - ‘how?’, 470
yɔ kkɔ ‘which?’, 472
yɔ -ŋ ‘how?’, 470
yɔ y ‘where?’, 469
y g ‘that’, 162
3. grammar
adjective, 176-81, 243-50
as predicate, 431-4
participle of predicate, 500
comparative, 443, 449
Adj-Num Inversion Formatted: Font: 11 pt, Font
color: Pink
284
adverb
manner, 313, 530
spatiotemporal, 313-6
adverbial clauses, 540-72
adverbial, 135 (intonation), 317-23
‘a fortiori’, 452, 639
‘again’, 530
agentive, 153, 508
‘also’, 667
anaphora, 642-63
anaphoric, 165
antipassive (ambi-valent verb), 334
apocope, 62-3
apposition, 262
Approximative, 172
aspect, 343-65
aspect-negation suffix, 522, 341
Atonal-Morpheme Tone-Spreading, 118, 373-4
augment, 181
autosegmental, 96
backchannel, 681
bahuvrihi, 219
‘be’
locative/existential, 410-20
‘it is X’ (identificational), 403
‘because’, 638
‘before ’ clause, 559
bracketing (within NP), 230
Causative, 326
valency of, 390
with r , 529
chaining (of verbs or VPs), 520-39
arguments of chained verbs, 523-5
with yⁿ, 532
Characteristic, 150
cliticization, 78, 403, 415, 418, 421, 591
Clitic <LHL>-Reduction, 133
clusters, 35
cognate nominal, 392-400
comparatives, 443-53
compounds
nominal, 28 (phonology), 191-219
285
adjectival, 219-23
bahuvrihi, 219
iterated stem and a medial, 222
instrumental, 214
in ‘before ’ clause, 565
Purposive construction, 631
conjunction, 266-76
conditionals, 567-86
consonants, 30-35
Contour-Tone Mora-Addition, 122
Contour-Tone Stretching, 125
deadjectival verb, 335
Definite, 255, 502, 601
defocalized verb or adjective, 346, 432
deictic (see demonstrative)
demonstrative, 161-75
denominal verb, 337
Derhoticization, 69
detachability (of NP component), 228
in relatives, 502-6
discourse markers, 669-72
disjunction, 277
dissimilation (consonants), 50-1
distributive
‘each’, 257
iterated adverbials, 322
with quantifiers, 188, 472
‘do’, 401
dual, 381-2
dying-quail, 136, 266, 452
Emphatic, 304, 309, 677-80
epenthesis, 56
epistemic, 312
‘even’, 667
‘even if’, 581
Existential, 410, 435
Experiential Perfect, 347
expressive adverbial
factitive (verb), 335
factive clause, 600-2, 605
Final-Cv R-to-H Reduction, 132
Final-Tone Resyllabification, 126
286
focalization, 454
effect on verb morphology, 344-7, 368
fraction, 190
Gourou dialect, 685-94
greetings, 139 (intonation), 681-4
Habitual, 363
hortative, 381
negative, 382
embedded, 598
‘have’, 434-8
hiatus, 71
imperative, 378
embedded (jussive), 597
imperfective, 343 (see also Habitual)
Marked, 361
unsuffixed, 358
reduplicated, 360
negative, 370
inchoative, 335
intensifier, 245
interrogatives, 460-78
embedded, 476
Inter-Word u-Apocope, 63
intonation, 134-9
iteration, 155, 180, 214, 222, 270, 322-3, 439-42, 627
jussive, 597
locative, 291-300, 421
locative clause, 628
logophoric, 165, 172, 587, 648-51
manner adverbial
simple adverbial, 313
adverbial clause, 567, 569
mediopassive (ambi-valent verb), 334
metathesis (consonants), 49-50, 325, 329
metrical structure, 26
modal
obligation, 610, 634-6
‘behooves’, 627
‘had better’, 634
certainty, 611
epistemic, 312
Monophthongization, 77
287
motion verbs, 291, 528, 588, 631
Nasalization-Spreading, 48
Negative
Imperfective, 370
Perfective, 368
Stative - -, 311, 422, 424, 433, 437
, 410
:, 407, 463
- ‘not be in’, 421
-r , 436
-rɔ, 417-8
scope, 367-8, 460, 531
noun phrase, 224ff.
numeral, 182-8
bahuvrihi compounds, 220
obligation, 610
‘oil for rubbing’, 214
‘only’, 676-7
ordinal, 187
participle, 182, 491-9, 607
Passive, 332
Past, 375
perception verb, 605-6
Perfect
Experiential Perfect, 352
Recent Perfect, 353
perfective, 343-49
Marked, 347
unsuffixed, 344
unsuffixed, in participle, 497
unsuffixed, in narrative climax, 572
reduplicated, 355
negative, 368, 369
person
3rd as indirect 2nd, 384, 587, 663
implied 1st, 384-5
Plural, 140, 254
possessive, 234-42
predicates, 434-8
in ‘before ’ clause, 560-4
possessor relative, 513
postposition, 288-301
288
relative clause, 515-9
Post-Sonorant Syncope, 56
prohibituve, 378
Pronominal-Suffix Tone-Raising, 121
pronouns, 155
L-toned preverbal subject, 156, 491, 540, 578, 603-4
independent (H-toned), 156
possessor, 156
pronominal-subject suffixes, 371
pseudo-causative, 331, 559
pseudo-participial clause, 540
imperfective type, 540
perfective type, 543
lexical-stem type, 545
Purposive
Purposive-Causal postposition, 301
purposive clause, 625-37
negative purposive clause, 640
quasi-verb, 13, 385
quotation
quotative verb, 428-31
quotative complement, 587-99
‘what they call X’, 511
‘if they have said ’, 584, 592
Recent Perfect, 353
Reduplication, 144, 154 (see also iteration)
reflexive, 642-7
relative clauses, 479-519
with repeated head noun, 480
headless, 490, 569, 605
instrumental compounds, 214
Resultative, 350
in conditional antecedents, 577
Reversive, 324
Rhotic Assimilation, 69
Rhotic-Cluster Lateralization, 70
Rightward H-Spreading
‘since ’, 557
‘So-and-so’, 144
spatial adverbial
deictic adverbs, 167-75
other simple adverbs, 316
289
adverbial clause, 566
stance verbs, 422-25
stative, 311, 365
‘be in’, 420
stance verbs, 422-25
existential-locational ‘be’, 412-20
Stranded-Tone Re-Linking, 130
subject
pseudo-subject, 383-4
Suffixal u-Apocope, 62
Suffixal Vowel-Spreading, 53
syllables, 25
temporal adverbial
simple adverbs, 173. 314
adverbial clauses, 558-65
‘together’, 529
tonal locative, 283
tone, 82-134
in stem iterations, 440-2
in verb chains, 520
Tone-Dissimilation, 117
tone-dropping, 230, 485, 502-6, 520
Tone-Grafting, 113
topic, 664-8
valency, 334, 388
of causatives, 390
VblN V2-Lenition, 60
verb, 386-90
derived, 324-40
inflection, 341-85
Verbal Noun, 151
of chained verbs, 521
Verbal Noun complement, 611-21
verb phrase, 386-442 (see also chaining)
vowels, 40
VV-Contraction, 76
‘want’, 619
‘intend to’, 627
‘whatchamacallit?’, 475
‘with’ (accompaniment), 539
290
sample verb paradigms
This section, to be deleted when no longer necessary can be used to
assemble simple paradigms of verbs and their "principal parts"; the data can
then be reassembled in Chapter 10, Inflectional Verbal Morphology. To quickly
locate this section, avoid using the word "sample" elsewhere in the grammar.
Do not include stative-only quasi-verbs ('be [somewhere]', 'have', 'want',
'know', etc.) here. Also omit adjectival inchoatives ('be red'), reversives
('unhook'), causatives ('make drink'), and other sets that can be directly elicited
in the relevant grammar sections (Chapter 9).
Inflectional categories can be relabeled or added, e.g. Progr[essive],
Fut[ure], if they are not predictable from the basic forms shown. The "bare"
form is the one used in nonfinal position in chains, often elicitable in 'X can
VERB' construction. Imprt = imperative. If the verb is normally accompanied
by a fixed nominal in the sense indicated, this can be indicated by a comment
below the paradigm.
Copy and paste the two-line formula below, then fill in the forms for each
verb. Some glosses are already suggested. Re-organize by verb stem shape: Cv,
Cv:, CvC, CvCv, CvCCv, Cv:Cv, etc. For CvCv stems, it may be useful to
subdivide by medial consonant (especially sonorants). If the language
distinguishes a (nonmonosyllabic) class whose bare stem ends in a high vowel
(e.g. i) from another whose bare stem ends in a non-high vowel, separate them
as well. Separate special morphological classes (Mediopassive, Causative, etc.)
from others. The two-line segment with 'xxx' for the gloss can be copied and
pasted as many times as wished below.
'gloss' Imprt Impf ImpfNeg
bare Perf PerfNeg VblN
'xxx' ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
MONOSYLLABIC
'pound/insult' dɔ: dɔ:-w dɔ:-
dɔ: dw- : dɔ:- ŋŋŋ
[homonym of 'insult']
['pound with pestle in mortar', general term; Fr piler, with t ŋ )
'pour' tɔ: tɔ:-w tɔ:-
tɔ: tw- : tɔ:- ŋŋŋ
[Fr semer]
291
'sing/enter' nɔ: nɔ:-w nɔ:-
nɔ: nw- : nɔ:- ŋŋŋ
[with noun nw 'song']
'go out' : :-w :-
: w- : :- ŋŋŋ
[used with s ]
'eat, drink' : ɔ:-w ɔ:-
ɔ: - : :- ŋŋŋ
[used with noun ŋŋŋ 'meal' : 'water']
NCa verbs
'give' : ndɔ-w -
nd- : :- ŋŋŋ
CVCV verbs
'dig' -w -
- - ŋŋŋ
'reply' ɔ-w ɔ-
ɔ - - ŋŋŋ
[ ɔ- 'reply to (sb)']
'have fun' -w -
- - ŋŋŋ
[Fr s'amuser, with noun 'fun']
'fall' y y g -w y gɔ-
y gɔ y g- y - ŋŋŋ
'come' y y -w y -
y y - y - ŋŋŋ
'gather wood' t tɔgɔ-w tɔgɔ-
tɔgɔ tɔg- t - ŋŋŋ
292
[with noun t :ŋ '(fire-)wood']
'arrive' (2) ŋŋŋ y -w y -
y y- y - ŋŋŋ
'lie down' y y -w y -
y y- y - ŋŋŋ
[Fr se coucher]
[stative y 'be lying down', Fr. être couché]
'lay out' y y -w - y -
y - y- y - ŋŋŋ
['lay out mat/mattress'; Fr étaler]
'abandon' y yɔ-w yɔ-
yɔ y- d y - ŋŋŋ
'bathe' y yɔ-w yɔ-
yɔ y- y - ŋŋŋ
[used with noun : 'water', Fr se laver]
'sleep' y y -w y -
y y- y - ŋŋŋ
'bring' s s -w s -
s s - s - ŋŋŋ
[Fr amener]
'harvest' y y -w - y -
y y- y - ŋŋŋ
['harvest (millet) by cutting off seed spike']
'kill' y j yɔ-w j yɔ-
j yɔ j y- y - ŋŋŋ
'step on' t y tɔyɔ-w tɔyɔ-
tɔyɔ tɔy- t y - ŋŋŋ
[Fr marcher sur]
'carry1' y yɔ-w yɔ-
yɔ y- y - ŋŋŋ
['carry (load) on one's head']
293
'shave self' y y -w y -
y y- y - ŋŋŋ
'say' - -
( -) - - ŋŋŋ
'taste' ɔ-w -
ɔ - - ŋŋŋ
'buy' dɔnɔ-w dɔ -
dɔnɔ dɔn- - ŋŋŋ
'butcher' t tɔnɔ-w tɔ -
tɔnɔ tɔn- t - ŋŋŋ
['skin and butcher (a slaughtered animal)', Fr dépouiller]
'eat (meat)' t t : - t mɔ-
t ( -) t m- t - ŋŋŋ
'speak' : - -
( -) - - ŋŋŋ
'steal' - -
( -) - - ŋŋŋ
[with noun :ŋ ]
- [ homophonous with 'do']
'slaughter' s s : - s mɔ-
s ( -) s m- s - ŋŋŋ
['cut the neck of', Fr égorger]
'do farming' w - wɔ-
( -) w- w - ŋŋŋ
[Fr cultiver, refers focally to weeding in July]
'dance' y w y - - y wɔ-
y ( -) y w- y w - ŋŋŋ
[used with noun y w 'dance']
'catch' w - w -
- ( ) w- w - ŋŋŋ
294
'hit, strike' t w t - - t wɔ-
t ( -) t w- t w - ŋŋŋ
'point at' s w s - - s w -
s ( -) s w- s w - ŋŋŋ
[local Fr indexer]
'accept' w - w -ra᷄
w w- w - ŋŋŋ
[also 'dispossess']
'touch' t w t - t w -
t w t w- t w - ŋŋŋ
'die' t w t - t wɔ-
t ( -) t w- t w - ŋŋŋ
'hang up' w - wɔ-
wɔ g w- w - ŋŋŋ
[Fr accrocher]
'go up' ɔ-w -
ɔ - - - ŋŋŋ
'sell' t t ɔ-w t -
t ɔ t - t - ŋŋŋ
'give birth' -w -
- - ŋŋŋ
[Fr accoucher]
'look for' y yɔlɔ-w yɔ -
yɔlɔ yɔl- y - ŋŋŋ
'cut, chop' t t l -w t -
t l t l- t - ŋŋŋ
'raise (price)' -w -
- - ŋŋŋ
[Fr augmenter]
295
'throw' 1 pɔrɔ-w pɔ -
pɔrɔ pɔr- - ŋŋŋ
'draw water'' ɔrɔ-w ɔ -
ɔrɔ ɔr- - ŋŋŋ
[Fr puiser]
'get, obtain' ŋŋŋ ɔ-w ( )-
ŋŋŋ - ŋŋŋ
'be able' ŋŋŋ -
ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ ŋŋŋ
[default complement is ]
CvCv, final high vowel
'go' - -
( -) - - ŋŋŋ
'do' - -
( -) - - ŋŋŋ
[also 'cook (meal)']
'convey' s s - s -
s ( -) s - s - ŋŋŋ
[Fr emmener, opposite of 'bring', i.e. 'take (sth) away (from here)', 'convey (sth,
sb) to sw']
'beat tomtom' - -
( -) - - ŋŋŋ
[with noun p l 'clap hands']
Cv:Cv verbs
'reach' ŋŋŋ : -w : -
: : - : - ŋŋŋ
'come down' s : s : -w s : -
s : s : - s : - ŋŋŋ
296
[cf. s - 'go down']
'build; look' : : -w : -
: : - : - ŋŋŋ
[also '(healer) treat (sick person)']
CvCCv verbs
'push' -w -
- - ŋŋŋ
'chop' 2 t t -w t -
t t - t - ŋŋŋ
'pull; shut' ɔ-w ɔ-
ɔ - - ŋŋŋ
'shave' [tr] y- y- -w y--
y- y- - y- - ŋŋŋ
'sit (down)' w-y w-y -w w-y -
w-y w-y- w-y - ŋŋŋ
[stative w , 'be seated, be sitting', neg w - ]
'winnow1' mbɔ-w mbɔ-
mbɔ mb- - ŋŋŋ
['winnow in wind', Fr. vanner au vent]
'jump' t t -w t -
t t - t - ŋŋŋ
'fall' -w ɔ-
ɔ - - ŋŋŋ
'bump' ŋ ŋ -w ŋ -
ŋ ŋ - ŋ - ŋŋŋ
[Fr cogner]
'post' ŋ ŋ -w ŋ -
ŋ ŋ - ŋ - ŋŋŋ
[Fr afficher, as in posting a notice on the wall]
297
'throw' 2 dɔnjɔ-w dɔnjɔ-
dɔnjɔ dɔnj- - ŋŋŋ
Cv:CCv verbs
'find' y : y : -w y : -
y : y : - y : - ŋŋŋ
[Fr trouver, as in finding sth accidentally]
'hear' ŋŋŋ : -w : -
ŋŋŋ : - : - - ŋŋŋ
[also stative : , neg : - ]
CvCvCv verbs
'see' ŋŋŋ -y -w -y -
-y y- -y - ŋŋŋ
[also stative 'sees', neg :- ]
'stand; stop' -y -yɔ-w -yɔ-
-yɔ -y- -y - ŋŋŋ
[Fr s'arrêter]
[stative 'be standing', Fr. être debout, être arrêté]
'shake' y y -w y -
y y - y - ŋŋŋ
'sweep' -w -
- - ŋŋŋ
[Fr balayer]
'fly (away)' y y -w y -
y y- y - ŋŋŋ
'winnow2' b ɔ-w b -
b ɔ b - - ŋŋŋ
['winnow by shaking'; Fr vanner en secouant]
'price go up' ŋŋŋ i-y -w -y -
298
-y -y- -y - ŋŋŋ
[Fr s'augmenter, e.g. price]
'forget' y yɔ-w yɔ-
yɔ y- y - ŋŋŋ
'hold' y y -w y -
y y- y - ŋŋŋ
[e.g. 'hold a stick', Fr tenir]
'shatter' [tr] t w - t w - -w t w - -
t w - t w - - t w - - ŋŋŋ
['shatter (a waterjar, a glass)', Fr. briser]
'carry2' -y -y -w -y -
-y -y- -y - ŋŋŋ
['carry (baby) on one's back']
'shatter' [intr] ŋŋŋ t w -yɔ-w t w -yɔ-
t w -yɔ t w -y- t w -y - ŋŋŋ
['shatter (a waterjar, a glass)', Fr. briser]
'send' y - nd y - - nd y - -
nd y -m nd y - - nd y - -
ŋŋŋ
'squeeze' - -
( -) - - ŋŋŋ
[Fr serrer]
CvCCvCv verbs
'squat' s -y s -y -w s -y -
s -y s -y- s -y - ŋŋŋ
[Fr s'accroupir]
[stative s 'be squatting', Fr. être accroupi]79314046
'do well' y y -w y -
y y- y - ŋŋŋ
299
'crawl' -w -
- - ŋŋŋ
['(baby) crawl', Fr. marcher à quatre pattes]
(with cognate nominal )
'open (door)' - - -lɔ-w - -
-lɔ -l- - - ŋŋŋ
CvCvCCv verbs
'break' ŋ ŋ -w ŋ -
ŋ ŋ - ŋ - ŋŋŋ
['break/snap (a bone, in half)', Fr. casser]
Cv:CvCv verbs
'run' : y : y -w : y -
: y : y- : y - ŋŋŋ
quadrisyllabic verbs
'go back' ŋ y ŋ y -w ŋ y -
ŋ y ŋ y- ŋ y - ŋŋŋ
[Fr retourner]
'think' y y -w y -
y y- y - ŋŋŋ
ɲ :-yɔm 'have already eaten'
300
