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					                                                               World Development Vol. 29, No. 4, pp. 657±671, 2001
                                                                    Ó 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved
                                                                                           Printed in Great Britain
www.elsevier.com/locate/worlddev                                                 0305-750X/01/$ - see front matter
                                        PII: S0305-750X(00)00122-4


  Disempowerment of Men in Rural and Urban East
  Africa: Implications for Male Identity and Sexual
                       Behavior
                              MARGRETHE SILBERSCHMIDT *
                               University of Copenhagen, Denmark
        Summary. Ð Patriarchal structures and stereotyped notions of gender hide the increasing
        disempowerment of many men in rural and urban East Africa. Socioeconomic change has left men
        with a patriarchal ideology bereft of its legitimizing activities. Unemployment or low incomes
        prevent men from ful®lling their male roles as head of household and breadwinner. Women's roles
        and responsibilities have increased. This a€ects men's social value, identity and self-esteem. Multi-
        partnered sexual relationships and sexually aggressive behavior seem to strengthen male identity
        and sense of masculinity. Strategies to improve sexual and reproductive health must take into
        account how socioeconomic changes have a€ected traditional gender roles and male sexual
        behavior. Ó 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

        Key words Ð male disempowerment, poverty, masculinity, sexuality, Kenya, Tanzania

              1. INTRODUCTION                                 tions, male identity and self-esteem have
                                                              become increasingly linked to sexuality and
                                                              sexual manifestations: in their frustrating situ-
                                                              ation, multi-partnered (``extramarital'')Ðoften
  I think that when we talk about the position of women       casual sexual relationsÐhave become essential
  in Africa and see how miserable it is, quite often we       for masculinity and self-esteem.
  forget that these miserable women are married to               Furthermore, this paper is based on the
  miserable men (Wanagari Maathai, 1992. Kenyan wo-           assumption that the patriarchal system resides
  men's activist).
                                                              precisely in the fact that male authority requires
                                                              a material base while male responsibility is
  While the impact of socioeconomic change                    culturally and normatively constituted. In both
on women's lives in East Africa has been widely               rural Kenya and urban Dar-es-Salaam,
documented, such documentation does not                       however, socioeconomic change has brought
exist on men's lives. Stereotyped notions of                  increasing economic hardship and changing
gender roles and relations abound with men as                 norms and values, and these in turn have
the dominant gender who have pro®ted more                     weakened the material base of male authority.
from the development process than women.                      Male roles have become unclear and contra-
Based on qualitative research by the author,                  dictory. Research by the author shows that a
®rst, in rural Kenya from mid-1980s to mid-                   majority of men cannot ful®ll expected male
1990s and then in urban Tanzania in 1996±97,                  roles and responsibilities as head of household
the aim of this article is to illuminate underly-             and breadwinner, and many su€er from feelings
ing and so far overlooked factors which                       of inadequacy and lack of self-esteem. Many
contribute to an understanding of how socio-                  are met with contempt from women who are
economic change has a€ected men and even-                     left with increasing responsibilities. This has
tually their sexual behavior. The following                   both theoretical and policy implications.
arguments are pursued: ®rst, socioeconomic                    Theoretically, there is a need to revise stereo-
change in rural and urban East Africa has                     typed notions of the ``dominant'' gender and to
increasingly disempowered men; second, this
has resulted in men's lack of social value and
self-esteem; third, with unemployment and
problems ful®lling social roles and expecta-                  *   Final revision accepted: 9 September 2000.
                                                        657
658                                   WORLD DEVELOPMENT


investigate the e€ect of socioeconomic change        impotence (Busingye, 1997). But, more women
on men's life situation. Policy-wise, both at the    than men are HIV positive with Dar-es-Salaam
national and international levels, there is a need   being one of the most a€ected regions in sub-
to consider the negative consequences of male        Saharan Africa (Bureau of Statistics, Planning
disempowerment in relation to e€orts to              Commission, 1996). In most cases, women have
empower women and to improve sexual and              been infected by their husbands/partners
reproductive health.                                 (Kapiga et al., 1994). Married women are more
   The background of the research is presented       at risk than unmarried women who are said to
in Section 2. In order to understand the impli-      be able to negotiate use of condom more easily.
cations of changing male and female roles and        National governments are now in the process of
relations and to capture the social actors and       making e€orts to improve sexual and repro-
their strategies in day-to-day living, the ana-      ductive healthÐstrongly pushed by donor
lytical framework of the research has combined       agencies and local nongovernmental organiza-
concepts from anthropology, psychology and           tions. In this process, there is an increasing
sociology. These theoretical tools and the           recognition of the need to address and involve
methodology are dealt with in Sections 3 and 4,      men in sexual and reproductive health
respectively. Socioeconomic change and male          approaches to make them responsible partners.
disempowerment both in Kisii and Dar-es-             In spite of the fact that the cultural, social and
Salaam are discussed in Section 5. The               attitudinal context of male sexual behavior is
implications for masculinity, self-esteem and        attributed increasing attention (cf. among
sexuality are discussed in Section 6. The conclu-    others Orubuloye, Caldwell, & Caldwell, 1994),
sion revisits my initial arguments and discusses     men's changing life situation and how it may
theory and policy implications in more detail.       interact with their sexual behavior have not yet
                                                     been explored.
                                                        As my research clearly reveals, men's sexual
             2. BACKGROUND                           behavior patterns cannot be understood and
                                                     dealt with unless the underlying reasons for
   Over the past 20±30 years, it has been widely     such behaviors are analyzed. Consequently,
documented that socioeconomic change and             both in Kisii and in Dar-es-Salaam focus for
breakdown of traditional social institutions in      the research was on the impact of socioeco-
sub-Saharan Africa have left women in a              nomic change on gender roles and responsibil-
disadvantaged and vulnerable situation with          ities; the underlying reasons for gender
increasing    burdens     and     responsibilities   antagonism; cultural ideals of manhood/mas-
(Boserup, 1970 and many others). The term            culinity versus womanhood/femininity; speci®c
patriarchy has been widely used to describe          characteristics of (hegemonic) masculinity; how
male superiority over women, and the condi-          are they constructed? How do they change?
tions that privilege men and put women in a          How are they linked to notions about social
subordinate position vis--vis menÐwithout
                           a                         roles, social value, self-esteem and perception
equal access to family property, inheritance of      of self; how are they linked to sexuality and
land, and educational opportunities, etc.            sexual behavior?
Precisely because of patriarchal structures
working to the detriment of women, hardly any
attempts have been made to investigate and                3. ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
analyze the impact of socioeconomic change on
men's lives, and how men are dealing with their         The main features of my conceptual frame-
new situation. Consequently, the very impor-         work are as follows: Gender and gender rela-
tant observation by Boserup (1980) that the          tions, ``masculinity'' and ``femininity'' are
change in women's work has been less radical         neither universal nor static, and they do not
than that in men's work has never been               re¯ect biological ``givens.'' They are products
pursued.                                             of social and cultural processes which vary
   It is now widely accepted that not only has       through time and space. As such masculinity
poverty been feminized, but with the AIDS            and femininity are not given by nature or
pandemic sweeping over sub-Saharan Africa            rooted in individual characteristics, but are
women's sexual and reproductive health has           largely products of social and cultural proces-
deteriorated drastically. The HIV virus also         ses. In the overwhelming amount of research on
causes male infertility, hormonal change and         identity (in various disciplines) only few e€orts
                                    DISEMPOWERMENT OF MEN                                         659


have been made to distinguish between male           and its implications for male identity and male
and female identities, how they have been            sexual behavior in rural and urban East Africa.
constructed, and what gives ``value'' to these
respective identities. Such a distinction has been
crucial to this research.                                        4. METHODOLOGY
   For this purpose, analytical tools are used,
which combine symbolic and sociological                 Research in Kisii was carried out at di€erent
approaches and which focus on the cultural           periods from the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s.
construction of self through an analysis of             Research in urban Dar-es-Salaam took place
gender identity and sexuality. Marriage is seen      during one year (1996±97). While the initial
as constituting one of the most important            study in Kisii consisted of both survey data
institutions within which gender ideology is         (723 women and 200 men in their reproductive
produced and reproduced, and is fundamental          age) as well as qualitative data, the subsequent
for the construction of gender and sexuality.        Kisii studies were based on qualitative data
Sexuality is seen as an integral part of gender      collection, life histories and focus group
identity. It is a cultural construct constituting    discussions with a selection of men and women
the cornerstone of marriage. Marriage and            from two villages included in the ®rst study
sexuality a€ect, in particular, male social value.   (Silberschmidt, 1991, 1992a,b, 1995, 1999). All
Sexual (and reproductive) behavior takes place       interviewees belonged to the Gusii tribe, and
in a cultural, social, economic and historical       were either Catholics or Seventh Day Advent-
context where individuals are faced with ascri-      ists. The vast majority had not completed
bed norms and values, power structures,              primary education.
di€erent gender and social roles which entail           The qualitative data collection in urban
certain rights and social values. Social value is    Tanzania took place in three low-income
fundamental to men's and women's identity,           squatter areas of Dar-es-Salaam: Manzese,
self-esteem and also to gender relations. Thus,      Tandale and Vingunguti/Buguruni. In-depth
as concepts of gender identity and sexuality are     interviews were carried out with 38 women and
stamped by social value, and with social value       53 men by means of structured, semi-struc-
a€ecting, in particular, sexuality, social value     tured, and open-ended interviews. In addition,
has constituted a key concept of the research        and in order to discuss major issues that came
(Ortner & Whitehead, 1989; Caplan, 1991 and          up in the in-depth interviews, 13 focus group
many more). These concepts are combined with         discussions (each with 8±10 participants) were
more dynamic approaches to understand                conducted with di€erent groups of men (aged
actors' strategies, the discrepancy between the      16±65) and women (17±69). The interviewees
ocial and the unocial discourse, and the gap       had di€erent religious and ethnic back-
between say and do (Giddens, 1991; Bourdieu,         groundsÐa majority being Muslims. The
1986).                                               majority had a primary education. Seven out of
   The new masculinity literature has provided       the 53 men had attended secondary school.
particularly important tools by stressing that       Only one of the 38 women had attended
there is a considerable discrepancy between          secondary school.
men's and women's public agreement with the
dominant ideology of gender, and the great
range of their actions. In addition, while a           5. SOCIOECONOMIC CHANGE AND
patriarchal ideology may be embodied in the                MALE DISEMPOWERMENT
lives of socially dominant men, this does not
mean that all men are successful patriarchs. In        With their unique historical and economic
fact, few men match the blueprint. Masculinity,      developments, in particular after indepen-
like femininity, is always liable to internal        dence, 1 and with Kisii being rural and Dar-es-
contradiction and historical disruption. More-       Salaam urban; these two locates necessarily
over, there is a close link between masculinity,     have many di€erences. Both areas also have
sexuality, manifestations of sexual power and        some of the same characteristics with 41% of
violence (Cornwall & Lindisfarne, 1994;              the rural population in Kenya and 61% of the
Cornell, 1995; Bourdieu, 1998). These new            urban population in Tanzania living below the
tools together with parallel observations from       poverty line (Fields, 2000). Moreover, both
(medical) research in the Western world are          rural Kisii and urban Dar-es-Salaam have
used to analyze the disempowerment of men            experienced an overall economic decline,
660                                   WORLD DEVELOPMENT


economic instability, unemployment and lack         the more land could be cultivated by the
of income earning opportunitiesÐfor men in          household. Through marriage he controlled his
particular. There is a large percentage of female   wife's sexual and reproductive powers, and got
headed households, breakdown of social and          custody of the children born to his wife.
political institutions, high birth rates, low use   Manliness was closely linked to self-control and
of contraceptives, high HIV seropositivity,         dignity. Human procreation was a blessing,
andÐnot the leastÐchanging norms and                infertility a great tragedy. Ideas concerning
values.                                             public manifestations of sexual activity were
                                                    strict but relatively permissive in terms of
      (a) Socioeconomic change in rural Kisii       clandestine sexual acts. Adultery was a serious
                                                    o€ence, although men had much greater lati-
   Kisii, situated in the Western part of Kenya     tude in their sexual activities. Adultry
is among the most productive cash and food          committed by a woman was considered more
crop regions in the country. The district is        serious (LeVine & LeVine, 1966; Mayer, 1949;
populated almost exclusively by one tribe, the      Mayer, 1973).
Bantu-speaking Gusii people. Most of them              The invasion by the colonial power drasti-
(say) they are Christians (60% Catholics and        cally altered the precolonial social and
40% Protestants mainly Seventh Day Advent-          economic structure. Taxation was introduced,
ists). In 1907, the population was estimated by     and to generate cash for taxes, men were
the British Administration at 75,000. Since         recruited to construct railroads and urban
then, the population has multiplied by at least     centers. Kisii men became known as hard-
20. Population density, land pressure, unem-        working and responsible laborers, and Kisii
ployment, criminality, violence and alcohol         became one of the most important reservoirs
abuse mainly by men are among the highest in        for migrant male labor. The rise of wage labor
the country. Unemployment is seen as a              external to the household economy meant that
particularly serious problem, because there is      some men could live on their o€-farm earn-
not enough land to secure survival. Even if the     ingsÐseparate from their familiesÐwithout
peasantry is in a process of disintegration, a      reinvesting those earnings in the household
large proportion of household reproduction          economy. But, as long as wage labor remained
remains based on peasant agriculture and relies     external to the household and only short-term,
on female labor (Orvis, 1985, 1988; Silbersch-      such men would eventually have to return to
midt, 1992a,b, 1999). According to statistics,      the household economy. Many women were
one-third of the households are female-headed.      left for years on their own to manage the farm.
Households, where married women are solely             By the eve of the Mau Mau rebellion (1952),
responsible for the farm management consti-         the symbiosis between the peasant and migrant
tute a much larger percentage (Silberschmidt,       labor modes of production began to break
1992a,b, 1999). Fertility rates declined from       down. The peasant economy supplied more
eight in the 1980s to 6.5 in 1991 (World Bank,      labor than the wage economy could absorb.
1993). By 1992, STD/HIV ®gures were alarm-          After WW II, a shift toward increased
ing with one-third of pregnant women being          production of industrial goods began. This
HIV positive (Dept. of Obstetrics, Kisii District   created a demand for skilled and semi-skilled
Hospital, personal communication, 1992).            workers rather than for large numbers of
   Before British colonial rule, the division of    unskilled workers. The majority of Gusii
labor was clear. Women were the food                migrants were unskilled and casually employed
producers and men were dependent on women           workers. This set the stage for a profound
for food. Men were warriors defending their         change in the migrant labor system. The e€ects
territories against attacks from other tribes.      of these changes on the labor force became
Men took an active part in political decisions.     increasingly apparent in the decade after inde-
Cattle herding was a major male activity.           pendence. Moreover, employment did not keep
Cattle, representing wealth and power, had a        pace with a population growing at an estimated
high symbolic value and constituted the major       3% per annum, and employment as a percent-
part of the bride price which was transferred in    age of the population declined (Stichter, 1982).
exchange for a woman's productive and child-           In Kisii, men's former identity prestige-giving
bearing capacity. Polygyny was a cardinal           activities gradually disappeared. There were no
feature of the household. The more cattle a         more tribal wars to ®ght; cattle camps had been
man had, the more wives he could marry, and         eliminated because it was more pro®table to use
                                   DISEMPOWERMENT OF MEN                                          661


land for cash crops. Therefore, on their return     e€ect on the payment of cattle for bride price.
to Kisii in the 1960s, many were discouraged        With an increasing number of men unable to
and returned to the urban areasÐonly to ®nd         provide bride price, marriage was increasingly
that their labor was not needed. As a result, the   substituted by temporary ``unions.'' Women's
majority of migrant workers had to return to        access to landÐtheir means of productionÐ
Kisii, where most of them remain today.             became insecure, and marriage no longer
Unemployment along with the intensi®ed              provides a life-long security for women. In the
population growthÐnot only in Kisii but on a        l940s ``runaway'' wives became a common
national scaleÐis now a major problem. While        phenomenon, and male control over women
some men have seasonal work on tea planta-          started to weaken. In spite of their increasingly
tions in the neighboring Kericho district during    vulnerable situation, women had to learn how
peak seasons, long-term migration ®gures are        to make ends meet on their ownÐwithout any
very low with only 5,000 (mainly men) regis-        assistance from their absent husbands.
tered as working outside Kisii (Ministry of            The vast majority of women interviewed in
Planning & National Development, 1992).             the Kisii studies still had the primary respon-
                                                    sibility for the farming activities. They were
(b) The development of the ``provider'' ideology    also involved in informal tradeÐranging from
               and new values                       the sale of tomatoes and some vegetables to the
                                                    sale of more pro®table cash crops. These
   In the 1940s and 1950s a new situation           women learned to develop their own goals and
gradually emerged whereby women were no             strategies. In particular, they learned to over-
longer able to feed their families. Population      come patriarchal forms of control. For
growth, smaller land plots and emphasis on the      instance, many interviewees had special
cultivation of cash crops instead of food crops     arrangements with local dealers so that they
made the survival of the household dependent        could sell some of their cash crops without their
on men's ®nancial aid. This was new, since          husbands' knowledge.
employment and trade were regarded as                  While these women generally recognized and
supplements rather than substitutes for the         accepted certain formal rights and privileges
produce of the ®elds. Thus, men got a new           that were reserved for men, they had no illu-
social roleÐthat of a breadwinner. But most         sions about men as conscientious providers.
men could not ful®ll this role and the expecta-     When matters of intrahousehold (®nancial)
tions linked to it. Life in town was expensive,     responsibilities were discussed, women of all
and salaries were low. The urban minimum            ages would start out giving stereotyped
wage only provided the barest essentials for a      answers: The husband provides school fees; he
single man (White, 1984). Consequently,             buys household necessities (sugar and tea) and
remittances from husbands were often irregular      clothes for his wife and children. When we were
or nonexistent. The substantial change in the       through the formalities, however, the same
need for both men's and women's contributions       women acknowledged that only a minority of
to family support challenged the ideology of        their husbands contributed household necessi-
separate spheres. On the one hand, it initiated a   ties. Recurrent and general observations by
shift from men's dominance and responsibility       women were: ``a woman is better o€ without a
as head of household to a pattern of absent         husband;'' ``if only he was dead;'' ``a husband is
migrantÐtax-paying men with responsibility          like an extra baby in the house,'' ``men are so
toward the stateÐrather than the household.         delicate; they break so easily;'' ``our sons have
On the other, the role of head of household         nobody to take as a model.''
became closely associated with economic                In contrast, all men interviewedÐoften
responsibility. A new type of social value          husbands of already interviewed womenÐand
system, the ``provider'' ideology, emerged with     often in local bars or market places because
new obligations and responsibilities for men.       they were dicult to ®nd at homeÐthey did
   Thus, a new discourse began. New values and      not hesitate to emphasize their status as head of
logics were createdÐmeshing with old ones.          household, their control over wife and children,
Men still owned the land. But men's diculties      their right to correct ( ˆ beat) an obstinate
in providing ®nancial assistance to the house-      wife, etc. These were indisputable facts. At the
hold undermined their social roles as heads of      same time, however, both men and women
households and their social value. The disap-       agreed that ``men drink and are rude to women
pearance of cattle camps had a very negative        to forget that they cannot provide the family
662                                  WORLD DEVELOPMENT


with blankets;'' ``men drink to drown their         have taken command of the home,'' and
problemsÐand they are many.'' What was              ``harmony has gone out of the window''
particularly striking was men's aggressive          (Silberschmidt, 1992a,b, 1995, 1999). The same
``macho'' behavior while at the same time           tendencies were observed in a study from Siaya,
complaining that ``women have forgotten that        Kenya (Cohen & Atieno Odhiambo, 1989).
men are the masters;'' ``today women do not            Summing up, today, Kisii is in a process of
respect their husband;'' ``they humiliate the       fundamental socioeconomic transformation
husband and tell home secrets to others.'' Men      and proletarianization (Silberschmidt, 1999).
also complained of having bad dreams; they felt     Gender antagonism and domestic violence have
pursued and some were afraid to eat the food        escalated, often resulting in men killing their
prepared by their wife for fear of being            wives and vice versa. Persistent rumors about
poisoned (Silberschmidt, 1999).                     men being poisoned by their wives circulate. In
   Traditionally, poor men were despised, while     recent years, the district has also become
rich men were admired. This remains the case        known for its witch hunts and witch burnings.
today. Wealthy businessmen and politicians,         In this process, and with men's withdrawal
who can a€ord bride price for at least one wife,    from household responsibilities, men's position
and who can also a€ord ``girlfriends''Ðare          as heads of household is incresingly challenged.
highly admired. Having both gives status and        Some would even be called ``®gure'' heads of
respect. A general observation by men was that      household. Land is still inherited and owned by
``a man needs at least three wives: one to bear     men, however, and most men interviewed call
his children, one to work and one for pleasure.''   themselves farmersÐeven if their labor input in
Most men had not, however, provided the             the farm activities is negligible. The few men
agreed bride price for their wife. Some had         who assisted their wives were subject to ridicule
managed to pay the ®rst ``installment.'' In the     by other men and excluded from their
1970s, 33% of the households in Kisii were          company.
polygamous (Population and Development in
Kenya, 1980, p. 81). Survey ®ndings by this          (c) Socioeconomic change in Dar-es-Salaam
author indicate that less than 10% lived in
polygamous unions. With only one wife, a               While men migrated out of Kisii to ®nd
general observations by men was that ``a man        work, Dar-es-Salaam was at ``the receiving
needs to go outside to feel like a man.'' Besides   end'' experiencing an enormous in¯ux of
``wives always complain. Therefore, if a man        migrants from rural Tanzania. In 1894, Dar-es-
wants a€ection he has to go to his outside          Salaam was a minor settlement with 10,000
partner.''                                          inhabitants. By 1957 it had grown to 130,000
   The intensi®cation of their roles and            (Leslie, 1963). Today the population has grown
responsibilities has made women increasingly        to more than 1.5 million with migrants ¯ooding
aware of their own importance. The women            the capital hoping for a brighter and better life.
interviewed were fully aware that the household     All 122 ethnic groups in Tanzania are now
could not survive without them. This seems to       represented. Sixty percent are Muslims. In the
have nourished their sense of identity and          1950s men in the capital far outnumbered
reinforced their self-esteem. They complained       women. Today there are only 0.9 men for every
about lack of male responsibility and lack of       woman. The average fertility rate was estimated
®nancial contributions. As noted by LeVine          at 7.1 children in 1990. Contraceptive use is
(1979), when women complain, they take a            10.9, which is lower than in other urban centers
position of power. Thus, even though struc-         in Tanzania. About 30% of the sexually active
turally subordinate and dependent on men for        population is HIV positive (Bureau of Statis-
access to their means of production, women          tics, Planning Commission, 1996).
have actively responded to the new situation. In       In 1978, 84% of the men in Dar-es-Salaam
order for them to survive with their children,      had formal employment (Bureau of Statistics,
they have created a new social role for them-       1982). Dramatic changes took place in the
selvesÐwhich is not in contradiction to the         1980s with many workers losing their jobs.
traditional image of the ``entrepreneurial and      According to the 1990±91 labor force survey,
strong woman.'' This trend, however, has            only 45% of the men in urban working popu-
fundamental consequences for the relations          lation were employed. Today, only a fraction of
between genders. Both men and women inter-          the population is employed in the formal
viewed admitted that ``more and more women          sector. Government salaries are far from ade-
                                   DISEMPOWERMENT OF MEN                                         663


quate to support a family. Thus, the informal       is ample evidence of women being abandoned
sector has become overcrowded with a myriad         by irresponsible husbands, ``divorces'' (chang-
of market vendorsÐmen and women. Compe-             ing registration) ®led by women have become
tition to survive economically has become very      increasingly common (personal communication
intense. Women, children, youth and the             with ward ocer). On the one hand, divorced
elderly have taken on greater responsibility.       women interviewed say that they feel ``ex-
There are now more household members                posed'' to moral judgement and even jealousy
contributing to incomes at very low returns         from other women. On the other hand, they
than in earlier periods (Gibbon & Raikes, 1995;     maintain that they are better o€ on their own.
Tripp, 1997). According to my own data, men         A few hopeful women, both married and
seem particularly hit by rapidly declining real     divorced, would still maintain that it was better
wages for those who are employed, and by            to have a husband ``in case of emergencies.''
increased competition for those making a living        ConsequentlyÐand also as in KisiiÐthe
in the informal sector. Even young men with         form and content of the marriage contract has
secondary education cannot ®nd rewarding            changed. Most men and women in my study
employment opportunities as they could in the       live in more or less informal and passing
past, and many end up as self-constituted           unions. If a couple has been together for two
parking boys or street vendors in downtown          years they are registered as ``married'' by the
Dar-es-Salaam.                                      local authorities. Yet, a proper marriage still
   As in Kisii, the ideology of men as bread-       requires the procurement of the bride price,
winners is forcefully alive in those urban areas    although most men cannot raise that money.
of Dar-es-Salam, which belong to the poorer         This was already a problem 50 years ago
parts of the city and where ®eld-work was           (Leslie, 1963). The implications are that both
conducted. Stereotyped notions shared by            women's security and male control over
women as well as men interviewed are that ``a       women's sexual and reproductive powers are at
man should be the head of his family;'' ``he        stake. In this situation, new household forms
should provide a house (and land if possible),      are emerging, organized increasingly around
pay school fees and clothes for wife and chil-      the female-headed householdÐa process which
dren.'' Such a man has social value and is          is fraught with tensions and negotiations over
respected. But, a majority of men in the            co-habital arrangements and obligationsÐin
research area su€er the same fate as men in         particular toward their children. Drinking
Kisii: they cannot ful®ll expectations, and are     relationships between men often take prece-
increasingly withdrawing from household             dence over the marital relationships and obli-
responsibilities. Men's earnings are no longer      gations, and aggressions and violence between
the main source of income for the urban             men and women are daily phenomena.
household as they were prior to the economic           Urban life, however, has provided women
crisis of the 1980s. Even men's best e€orts may     with many opportunities, and the fact that
only feed a family for a few days every month.      many now have their own incomes has created
Consequently, men's status as head of house-        a new awareness, autonomy and self-con®-
hold is seriously challenged because wives          dence. In the early 1980s it was unheard of for
cannot count on husbands' support. But, when        poor women to manage ambitious private
asked about their ``status'' in the household it    enterprises. Today, women increasingly realize
was obvious to all 53 men interviewed that they     that they can stand on their own. This has
were the ``born'' head of households. That was      changed women's own view of their role in the
a ``God given'' fact. They clearly expressed that   household and in society. While women inter-
men had to control women, because ``women           viewed would often express self-limiting,
are like children and should be guided by men.''    culturally accepted expections of them as
Moreover, ``men are the lions, and women are        women, in practice, they were entrepreneurial
the sheep.'' Nevertheless, men are continuously     agents struggling for survival for themselves
accused by women of being irresponsible             and their children. The majorityÐalso those
husbands and fathers, and avoiding claims of        who referred to themselves as ``housewives''Ð
children. In fact, the 53 men interviewed had       were actively involved in baking and selling
fathered children with 2±4 women and had 30%        mandazis (small sweet buns), preparing
more children than the 38 women interviewed.        ``lunches,'' selling second-hand clothes, etc.
   In Tandale, one of the study areas, the          Both men and women interviewed agreed that
majority of household were female. While there      women are much harder working and enduring
664                                   WORLD DEVELOPMENT


than men. Therefore, when women enter the            riority;'' ``a man's ego is hurt.'' As a result,
informal sector many are able to earn more           ``men loose their vigor and women take over;''
than their husbands. In 1993±94, contrary to         and ``when a man has lost control over his
expectations, female-headed households in            household and is humiliated by his wife a man's
urban Tanzania actually constituted 18% of the       pride is hurt.'' In this situation, both men and
highest income households, and only 13% of           women interviewed felt that many men resort
the poor households (World Bank, 1995).              to aggressive and violent behavior to demon-
   Husbands' negative attitude toward women's        strate their authority. Or as often mentioned
employment and/or mobility in the informal           particularly by men, in order for men to ``build
sector is well known (Mgughuni, 1994), and           up their pride'' and ``boost their ego,'' men
was also considered in this study. But the vast      need to ``relax'' and to be ``comforted.'' As
majority of both men and women interviewed           shall be shown below, relaxation and comfort
agreed that families cannot survive unless           are mainly provided by ``extramarital'' part-
women contribute income. Both women and              ners.
men would say that husband and wife should
decide together on the use of ``household''
money. In practice, what women had earned            6. DISEMPOWERMENT, MASCULINITY
belonged to them, and they decided how to use                 AND SEXUALITY
it, not their husbands. The largest proportion
of their expenditures were on food and clothes          As appears from above, in the 20th century,
for themselves and their children (see also          fundamental socioeconomic changes have
Strauss, Mwabu, & Beegle, 2000). Nevertheless,       taken place both in Kisii and in Dar-es-Salaam,
husbands would always be expected to provide         and, today, poverty in rural and urban sub-
house rent, money for food and school fees           Saharan Africa is deep, severe and massive (Ali
even if these practices were honored more in         & Thorbecke, 2000; Fields, 2000). In the recent
theory than in practice. In addition to the          decade, much attention has been drawn to the
observation that the more women control and          feminization of poverty, and the UNDP's
manage their own incomes, the more responsi-         Human Development Report (1995) postulates
bilities are given to them at the household level    that more than 70% of the world's poor are
(Omari, 1994), my ®ndings also indicate that         women. But the empirical and quantative evi-
when women have their own money they                 dence on the feminization of poverty in the
become less respectful of their husbands (see        developing world is ambiguous and increas-
also Tripp, 1997).                                   ingly questioned (Marcoux, 1998). While there
   According to the Tandale ward ocer who           are important dimensions to poverty that are
constantly dealt with divorces ®led by women,        unique to women (such as access to social
women are much more hard-working than                capital, reproductive rights, violence and
men, they are more inventive, and they have a        cultural factors), it is increasingly argued that
strength that men do not have. Many men feel         there is considerable variation in the nature and
destitute, and they have ``no tactics to deal with   extent of gender inequality across countries
their problems'' (personal communication,            (Lampietti & Stalker, 2000).
1997). Pastors/priests in Dar-es-Salaam are also        The data collected both in Kisii and also in
increasingly dealing with issues of male self-       Dar-es-Salaam clearly indicate an overall
esteem and problems that arise out of women's        context of economic decline which has caused
economic independence and shifting depen-            severe economic hardship for both men and
dencies. This is supported by Tripp (1997) who       women. In addition, the data also indicate that
notes that according to a Lutheran pastor in         men and women have responded di€erently to
Buguruni one of the new problems that he             the economic crisis. While men have increas-
encountered among members of his congrega-           ingly withdrawn from their traditional respon-
tion was husbands complaining that they did          sibilities because their traditional roles are
not want their wives involved in projects            moot and they are unable to ful®ll new roles,
because of how this would re¯ect on them and         womenÐin order for them and their children to
their ability to support the family. According to    surviveÐhave been forced to take on new roles.
my interviewsÐand irrespective of religious             Thus, even though structurally subordinate
and tribal backgroundÐboth men and women             to men, women have aggressively responded to
agreed that ``when husbands are crushed down         the challenges of economic hardship. In this
economically they su€er from feelings of infe-       process, women have increasingly created a
                                    DISEMPOWERMENT OF MEN                                           665


new social role for themselves and have started       1995; Stillion, 1995; Rutz, Walinder, von
to challenge men and their position as heads of       Knorring, Rilimer, & Pihlgrenl, 1997; Shajahan
household. Although, the main axis of patri-          & Cavanagh, 1998). A study from Tanzania
archal power is still the overall subordination       argues that frustrations and inner disturbances
of women and dominance of men, the material           may even result in men raping children and
conditions have seriously undermined the              women (Masanja & Urassa, 1993). This would
normative order of patriarchy both in rural           explain the increasing numbers of sexual
Kisii and in urban Dar-es-Salaam. As a result,        assaults in the study areas (see also Heise, 2000
patriarchy has been placed at increased risk and      for increasing international concern). Possess-
uncertainty. While men do have a relative             ing no means to change their economic status,
freedom compared to women, particularly in            many seem to be yielding to an exaggerated
sexual and reproductive behaviors, lack of            ``owner''/macho behavior and physical violence
access to income-earning opportunities has            against women. As one man interviewed put it:
made men's role as heads of household and             ``there is always a tendency for men to want to
breadwinners a precarious one. With a majority        overcome women and to show them how
of men being left with a patriarchal ideology         aggressive we are. This gives respect and self-
bereft of its legitimizing activities and often       respect to us men.'' In this way men may
reduced to ``®gure heads of households,'' men's       translate their economic subordination into a
authority has come under threat and, most             symbolic expression which is perhaps culturally
importantly, so has their identity and sense of       rewarding, if politically displaced.
self-esteem. For patriarchy does not mean that           Perhaps some parallels can be drawn from
only men have privilegesÐon the contrary. A           what has also taken place in industrialized
patriarch and head of household has also many         countries, namely what Mies (1986) calls a
responsibilities. The key and the irony of the        ``housewi®zation'' of men. When men cannot
patriarchal system reside precisely in the fact       anticipate salaried wage-labor employmentÐ
that male authority has a material base while         fundamental for their role as breadwinnerÐ
male responsibility is normatively constituted        they ®nd themselves in the situation of
(see also Kandiyoti, 1988). This has made             housewives: atomized, unorganized, and
men's roles and identities confusing and              economically insecure. Man the hunter is faced
contradictory, and many men in my studies             with becoming a parasite. He is constantly
express feelings of helplessness, inadequacy and      vili®ed because of his lack of support to
lack of self-esteem. In fact, men increasingly        household needs.
seek psychiatric help (personal communication            In this situation con¯icts of interests
with heads of Psychiatric Department, Kisii           embedded in gender relations become more
District Hospital and Muhimbili Medical               visible. The fact that women are becoming
Centre, Dar-es-Salaam, respectively). This is         increasingly economically independent and
re¯ected in local advertisements in the news          leave husbands is a serious threat to the male
media which o€er to assist men with their             ego and honor. Many men expressed outright
depression, and loss of sexual power (impo-           jealousy and fear that when wives have their
tence).                                               own business projects outside the home they
   There are psychological explanations for           may feel attracted to other men. ``As soon as a
these observations. When a person's moral             husband starts declining economically, his wife
universe does not ``®t'' social reality, a person's   will take advantage and go out to look for
identity/identities and the perceptions of an         other men to satisfy her material needs,'' men
individual self in relation to the other will be      would argue. Successful businesswomen in
invalidated too. If the self-image does not           Dar-es-Salaam are even said to pay younger
correspond to the actual social reality an ``acute    men for sexÐa new threat to men. Thus,
identity di€usion'' (Erikson, 1980) or an             women's sexuality represents an active and
``identity crisis'' takes place (Jacobson-            threatening power. A man's honor, reputation,
Widding, 1983). Turning to recent research in         ego and masculinity are severely a€ected if he
the North, new data indicate speci®c male             cannot control his wife. The code of honor is
depressions caused by economic marginaliza-           associated with an agency for self-defense
tion and lack of self-esteem. These depressions       against encroachment from the outside, and
are characterized by increased aggressive             men are projected into an active role, the role of
behavior, lack of self-control, overconsumption       controller and aggressor. Faced with the fact
of alcohol and often suicide (Sabo & Gordon,          that they are losing control over their wives, the
666                                  WORLD DEVELOPMENT


men interviewed constantly blamed the               years have not escaped the attention of women
government for interfering in people's internal     and men. According to the Bureau of Statistics,
a€airs by advocating equal rights: ``The state is   Planning Commission (1996), 73% of women
undermining men and turning women against           (7.786) and 87% of men (2.230) said that they
their own husbands; women are like tape             had changed their sexual behavior. The most
recorders; they do whatever they are told by the    common change referred to was restriction of
government.''                                       sex to one partner. Respondents in urban areas
   SexualityÐlike masculinityÐcannot escape         were more likely to have changed their behav-
its cultural connection and can only be under-      ior compared to rural respondents.
stood when contextualized. Thus, patterns of           These numbers are not in agreement with my
sexual behavior, attitudes toward and beliefs       ®ndings. While most men interviewed both in
about sexuality exhibit considerable variation      Kisii and in Dar-es-Salaam almost invariablyÐ
across the African continent and within regio-      and irrespective of religion, educational level
nal ethnic religious and socioeconomic param-       and ethnic backgroundÐsaid that it is better to
eters. Traditionally, African sexual systems        stick to one partner, there was nevertheless
were based on complex sexual norms, values          unanimous agreement among the same men
and moral codes. Restrictions, respect and          that a man cannot be monogamous: ``it is
avoidance were key notions related to sexual        against a man's nature.'' Both men and women
behavior. Thus, today's ``sexual networking''       agreed that men have a much stronger sexual
(the term developed and used by Caldwell,           desire than women. ``Men need a lot of sex;''
Caldwell, & Orubuloye, 1992) and multipart-         therefore, ``it is impossible for men to be
nered relationships/casual sex (the terms that I    monogamous.'' In Kisii it was even argued that
prefer to use), though undeniable phenomena         a man cannot be unfaithful. Only women can
in many African contexts, are not the result of     slip (Silberschmidt, 1999). In fact, 12 out of the
some traditional ``permissiveness'' (as argued      53 men interviewed in Dar-es-Salaam admitted
by Caldwell et al.). They are the result of a       that in their present relationship they had sex
breakdown of traditional norms and regula-          with several partners (one man had 30 partners,
tions surrounding sexual behavior. Christianity     three had 9±10 and the rest between 2 and 5).
clearly contributed to the losening of custom-      Thus, there was a vast discrepancy between
ary controls over sexuality because of its attack   what men said, and what they did. Polygyny by
on indigenous moral systems in conjunction          its very existence has taught not only men but
with colonial administrative and economic           also women to believe that relations with one
changes (Ahlberg, 1994; Standing & Kisekka,         woman have never been part of man's nature.
1989; Heald, 1995).                                 It was an accepted fact (though not appreciated
   The interviews with men indicate that a          by wives), and more so in Dar-es-Salaam than
man's need for sexual/extramarital partners is      in Kisii, that ``married'' men have casual rela-
particularly urgent ``when a man has lost           tionships or more stable nyumba ndogos.
control over his household and is humiliated by     Muslim women in Dar-es-Salaam observed
his wife,'' and ``when a man's ego has been         postpartum periods (after having given birth)
hurt.'' Then ``he needs peace on his mind;'' ``he   surprisingly strictly (from several months up to
needs to be comforted.'' One way to meet these      two years). During such periods of ``unavail-
needs is to go to the barÐocially to socialize     ability,'' women in my sample were fully aware
with peersÐwhere ``money-hungry'' women             that husbands had other partners. Neverthe-
(according to wives) are waiting for a catch. He    less, they underlined that a ``wife'' should never
may also go to the nyumba ndogo (small              let a ``husband'' know that she knew. That
houses ˆ concubines) who will ``serve a beauti-     would undermine the respect that should be
ful meal and give nice comfort.'' Wives do not      attributed to a husband.
have the time, energy or money for that.               With miserable housingÐoften only one
According to men, ``when a man needs to build       room to be shared by husband, wife and chil-
up his self-esteem, he drinks and seeks the         drenÐhusbands are not expected to spend
comfort of other women.'' Both men and              much time at home. Moreover, with women
women interviewed agreed that ``when a              getting up very early in the morning to prepare
woman gives comfort to a man and makes him          food to be sold in the market, many
feel important, he feels like a real man.'' How     complained that ``sex is a tiresome job.'' At the
do such statements correspond to other types of     same time, though, women were very critical of
evidence? Safe sex messages over the recent         men's sexual performance. In Kisii, a general
                                    DISEMPOWERMENT OF MEN                                         667


comment from women was that men did not              sexual performance is one of the crucial arenas
know that a woman's body is like a shamba            in which masculinity is socially constructed and
(®eld): ®rst it has to be prepared, then it should   enacted. Performance failure can challenge the
be watered, and only then is it ready for the        essence of masculinity, and confront men with
seeds. When I participated in weeding the ®elds      the possibility that they are not ``real'' men.
with women working in groups, male sexual            This links up with the observations by Cornell
performances was often discussed. Those men          (1995) that the male gender is constructed
who did not perform well (often because they         round at least two con¯icting characterizations
were drunk) were ridiculed. In Dar-es-Salaam,        of the essence of manhood: ®rst, being a man is
Muslim women (mainly coastal tribes), in             natural, healthy and innate; second, a man
particular, put great emphasis on male sexual        must stay masculine; he should never let his
performance, and their ability to satisfy them       masculinity falter. Masculinity is so valued, so
sexually. During focus group discussions,            prized, and its loss so terrible that one must
women would discuss openly how many                  always guard against losing it. Consequently,
``rounds'' they needed. If a husband did not         also successful menÐmodels for the disem-
perform well sexually, the wife had the right to     poweredÐmust recon®rm their masculinity
complain to her husband's family. One woman          through sexual manifestations.
said that she had been granted a divorce from           In his recent work partly based on his studies
her ®rst husband on the grounds that her             of the Kabyles in Northern Africa, Bourdieu
husband's sexual organ was too small to satisfy      (1998) stresses the link between masculinity,
her needs.                                           sexuality and violence with the erected phallus
   While masculinity almost worldwide has            representing the dynamic vitality fundamental
become constructed from men's income-earn-           to sexuality and procreation. He points out that
ing powers, most notions of masculinity are          men are also prisoners and victims of their role
closely associated with virility, sexuality,         as the dominating sex. Thus, the male privilege
potency, fertility and male ``honor'' (Lindis-       is also a trap. To exercise domination is not
farne, 1994; Lindsey, 1994; Cornell, 1995).          ``inscribed'' in men's nature. It requires long
White's observations (1990) observations of          ``socialization work.'' Just like ``noblesse
colonial attempts to create masculinity are          oblige,'' men are obliged to play their prescri-
relevant here: colonialists had been obsessed        bed roles where ``honor'' is central. Contrary to
with the needs of working men for years, and         women, who can only defend (virginity) or lose
legislated what they would earn and where they       their ``honor'' (in®delity), a ``real'' man must
might reside. White concludes that beneath the       ®ght for itÐuse violence to achieve glory and
rhetoric of social control, these were attempts      public recognition. Women and their sexuality
to create an African masculinity that mirrored       represent an active and threatening power to
a ¯attering vision of the ocials' own maleness.     male identity, social value and ``honor''. From
Patriarchal masculinity was embedded in Brit-        this point of view, women as women, acquire
ish colonial discourse, and the internalization      power over men.
of a masculinity based on war and phallocent-           Summing up, with a man's identity, self-
rism became a part of social reality.                con®dence and social value being closely linked
   Consequently, masculinity impinges on a           to his sexuality, my data indicate that sexual
number of di€erent elements, identities and          activity with ``extramarital,'' often casual
behaviors which are not always coherent. They        partners and sexual control over women seem
may be competing, contradictory and mutually         to compensate for the loss of social roles and
undermining, they may have multiple and              social value. Drawing on norms and values
ambiguous meanings which alter according to          which do give positive connotations to male
context and over time, and they may also vary        sexual activity (contrary to that of women),
across cultures. As such masculinity is always       such activity is a legitimate way for men to
liable to internal contradiction and historical      enhance self-esteem and masculinity. With
disruption (Cornell, 1995). Yet, certain char-       sexual identity being a major element in men's
acteristics have remained constant in spite of       social identity, sexual exploits by disempow-
evidence attesting to their negative conse-          eredÐnot to say emasculatedÐmen in Kisii
quences. Masculinity has to be constantly            and Dar-es-Salaam seem to be a key element in
reasserted in the continuous denial of ``femi-       terms of male self-identi®cation and central to
ninity'' or ``femininine qualities'' (Jung, 1962;    men's self-esteem, social value and masculinity.
Seidler, 1991). According to Kimmel (1987),          With men's control over women being an
668                                  WORLD DEVELOPMENT


important social index for their masculine          men have had to ®nd new ways to manifest
reputation, many seem to have ``chosen the          themselves. With masculinity and sexuality
lifestyle'' (to use the terminology of Giddens,     being closely related, sexual manifestations
1991) of (aggressive) sexual behavior with          and control over womenÐoften acted out in
multiple partners. This behavior seems to have      violence and sexual aggressivenessÐseem to
become a tool to acquire self-esteem, a tool of     have become fundamental to restore male self-
domination and control over women as well as        esteem. This change has extensive theoretical
a legitimate way of manifesting masculinity. As     as well as policy implications.
one man put it, ``if you cannot be a successful        Theoretically, there is a need to revise the
breadwinner you can be a successful seducer.''      generally accepted stereotypes of male domi-
                                                    nation and women's subordination. As my
                                                    research shows, even if the patriarchal ideology
             7. CONCLUSIONS                         may be embodied (and expressed) in the lives of
                                                    socially dominant men (and women), this does
   Comparing the situation of men in Kisii and      not mean that all men are successful patriarchs
Dar-es-Salaam a majority are caught in very         or that all women are passive victims. Stereo-
similar and paradoxical situations. On the one      types are dangerous: they are static, they do not
hand, they are the acknowledged heads of            allow for change, and they mask cultural vari-
households and decision-makers. On the other        ations. Stereotypes may even help to ``natural-
hand, more and more men do not meet the             ize'' inferiority and may end up being
normative standard, and they ®nd themselves         internalized by the subordinates themselves.
in a bind between the culture they expound and         The policy implications of my ®ndings are
the discontent and powerlessness they feel as a     extensive. With the AIDS epidemic sweeping
result of their subordinate economic status.        over East Africa, and with more women than
With di€erent historical and economic devel-        men now being HIV positive, women are
opments and di€erent ethnic backgrounds, my         exposed and victimized in their sexual rela-
research ®ndings from rural Kenya and urban         tionsÐmuch more than in any other relation-
Tanzania necessarily show many di€erences. As       ship. Following the International Conference
demonstrated above, however, there are also so      on Population and Development in Cairo
far overlooked similarities which may even be       (1994) where the concept of Sexual and
applicable to other areas in and even outside       Reproductive Health (and Rights) was laun-
East Africa, in particular in terms of men's        ched there has been an increasing recognition
situation. One should, of course, be doubtful of    among donors and national governments of the
generalizations which claim to ®nd same             need to address and involve men in sexual and
phenomena and behaviors of di€erent individ-        reproductive health approaches and to make
uals situated in very di€erent settings. It would   them responsible partners.
be a mistake, however, not to recognize basic          Most health promotion approachesÐeven if
regularities, di€erences and similarities when      aware of complex sociocultural contextsÐare
they are there.                                     based on the idea that individuals will respond
   Thus, my research strongly indicates that        ``sensibly'' to the information given to them.
socioeconomic change entailed by increasing         This means that health promotion approaches
poverty has perhaps been just as harsh for          focus on individual change and implicitly
men as for womenÐbut in a di€erent and              assume that individuals have personal control
more obscure way. Men seem to have been             over their health (Campbell, 1995). As has been
submitted to a larger extent than women to          shown in this article, such an assumption is an
new obligations and expectations and follow-        illusion in my research areas and most probably
ing this, new systems of social value. While        also in most other contexts. While the need for
there is clear evidence that women's roles have     an investigation of the changing cultural, social
expanded and their burdens increased, similar       and attitudinal context of male sexual behavior
evidence does not exist on men's roles. My          is increasingly stressed (cf. Orubuloye et al.,
data, however, clearly demonstrate that a           1994) my research indicates that this is far from
majority of men are not able to honor their         enough. If such an investigation is to be useful
expected role as head of household and              there is a need to re®ne and develop method-
breadwinner. This has serious consequences          ologies which reveal, on the one hand, the
for men's social value and it is a constant         interaction between men's life situation,
threat to their masculine pride. As a result,       notions of male gender identity and masculin-
                                           DISEMPOWERMENT OF MEN                                                    669


ity, and on the other, how male sexual and also                 e€orts to empower women may have unin-
reproductive behavior is a€ected.                               tended and negative consequences for women,
   With strategies to empower women and                         in particular in terms of their sexual and
women's rights ®guring prominently on the                       reproductive health, unless they are balanced
national and international agenda, and with                     against e€orts to deal with men's increasingly
sexual and reproductive health (and rights)                     marginalized situation.
being advocated, mainly by international                           While there is an increasing interest in men as
agencies, it should be kept in mind that, there                 a gendered constituency and a recognition of
are often problems with translating such                        the need to ``include'' men in development (IDS
empowerment into convictions and action. The                    bulletin, 2000; Chant & Gutman, 2000), there is
promotion of women's empowerment and the                        ®rst of all a need for overall economic
call for women's rights are often based on very                 empowerment of both men and women along
simplistic solutions to very complex socioeco-                  with e€orts to make both genders center on
nomic problems. Moreover, as observed by                        alliance work. More speci®cally, there is a need
Cornell (1995), and in agreement with my                        for real economic opportunities for both men
®ndings, to focus only on dismantling men's                     and women, focused on lower class laborers as
advantages over women through a politics of                     well as peasant farmers. Moreover, there is a
equal rights would be to abandon our knowl-                     need for education to rede®ne gender roles and
edge of how those advantages are produced                       to make men and women aware of the way in
and defended. Ironically, empowering women                      which socioeconomic changes have a€ected
may also free men from taking responsibility, in                their traditional gender roles. These are major
particular in sexual matters. Furthermore,                      development challenges.


                                                         NOTES

1. After independence, Kenya and Tanzania followed              Both countries, however, have encountered serious
di€erent development strategies (Barkan, 1984). Kenya           diculties in their pursuit of development. This is not
de®ned development in terms of the continued growth             only a function of the strategies they have chosenÐ
and elaboration of the political and economic institu-          but also of the impact of adjustment on the respective
tions established in the country during the colonial            economies, reduced prices for raw material, increased
period, and adopted a ``patron-client'' capitalism. In          debt servicing burdens, etc. As a result, today, poverty
contrast, Tanzania attempted a complete break with              both in rural and urban sub-Saharan Africa is deep,
the institutional legacies it inherited at independence,        severe and massive (Ali & Thorbecke, 2000; Fields,
and set out as an example of one-party socialism.               2000).


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