declared not very severe by the World Bank

							Burkina Faso – country report by On the Line

History
Preface
Burkina Faso is one of the poorest countries in the world, ranked 172 out of 174 countries on the
                             i
Human Development Index. Afflicted by drought and limited natural resources, its people demonstrate
considerable resilience in the face of adversity.

Landlocked between six countries, Burkina Faso touches the edge of the Sahel in the North and more
fertile savannah in the South. There are considerable differences between the Sahel area of the North
and the more fertile (but increasingly barren) Mossi plateau in the East and centre of the country. Cash
crops such as cotton thrive in the south and south-western regions.

One ethnic group, the Mossi (52%) dominates Burkina, although there are 71 ethnic groups in total.

1.1 Precolonial era
The area that is now Burkina Faso was occupied in pre-colonial times by small anarchic village
communities, such as the Peuls and Gurunsi in the South and West. The eastern and central areas
were home to a group of Mossi kingdoms, founded in the fifteenth century under the Mogha Naaba in
the area of Ouagadougou. The Mossi kingdoms were highly organised societies which, although
autonomous were focused on the Ouagadougou kingdom.

The Mossi economy was based on subsistence household agriculture. International trade was
managed by Muslim traders, an essential strategic element on a trade route stretching from the
coastal areas through the Mossi kingdoms to the Sahara and beyond. Goods traded included imported
kola nuts and exports of cotton, livestock and slaves.

1.2 French colonial rule
Upper Volta was established as a French territory after a race between France, Germany and Britain
to claim possession of the region. Conquest lasted from 1888-95, and Upper Volta became a full
colony with its own government, budget and economic policy in 1919. Alien concepts were introduced
by the colonial administration as it sought to modernise the region, such as notions of private land
ownership, a money-based economy and a system of taxation to generate government revenue.

Having been colonised, the colony was forced to pay its own way. The heavy and indiscriminate tax
burden placed on the Voltaics led to the transfer of large areas of fertile land and other assets to the
French colonisers. Thousands of men were pressed into forced labour on infrastructure projects in
Upper Volta and neighbouring French colonies. The introduction of cotton in 1900 disrupted traditional
economies and cultures and compounded drought, famine and disease epidemics. By 1933 the
economic failure of the colony was evident and its comparative labour advantage eroded by large-
scale migration to neighbouring states.

In 1933 Upper Volta was divided amongst neighbouring Côte d’Ivoire, Mali and Niger. Partition lasted
until 1947, when demands for the restitution of Upper Volta as a separate territory were successful. In
1958 General de Gaulle founded the Communauté Française, an association of France and its
overseas territories. Colonies enjoyed autonomy in domestic policy while the French administration
retained control of foreign and economic policy and defence. Under a ‘transfer of competence’ facility
colonies were able to gain independence, as most did between April and October 1960. Upper Volta
became an independent state on 5 August 1960.

1.3 Independence 1960-83
Independence for Upper Volta has been characterised by political instability. Since 1960 there have
been five military coups, four constitutions and no single peaceful transfer of power from one regime to
another. Between 1960 and 1983 political rule oscillated between civilian Republics (1960-65; 1970-
74; 1978-80) and military regimes (1965-70; 1975-78; 1980-83). Both civilian and military regimes
struggled to maintain stability and to contain opposition to their regimes. A tendency towards
authoritarian rule was enhanced by fractured opposition. Growth and development failed to materialise
for the majority of the population. In the 1970s agricultural output declined by 13% per person, and
                                                            ii
fewer than 2% of the population had access to electricity. Political independence failed to improve the
harsh reality of the impoverished majority.

1.4 The Sankara revolution, 1983-87
The early 1980s were a period of violent upheaval for Burkina Faso. The cycle of civilian-military rule
was broken with a military seizure of power in November 1980, setting up a military junta that deeply
politicised and fragmented the armed forces. In 1983 an intra-military coup, under the leadership of
two young army captains, Thomas Sankara and Blaise Compaoré, seized power. The revolution was
proclaimed on 4 August 1983, 23 years after independence. A year later Upper Volta was renamed
Burkina Faso, meaning ‘land of the people of integrity’.

Sankara was seen by many as a hero of the people’s liberation. His ideological rhetoric was a curious
mix of anti-imperialist doctrine, a belief in the need of the people to manage their own destiny, a rigid
and often inappropriate class analysis and profound anti-feudalism. Despite the popularity of the
regime and its avowed commitment to democracy, the National Revolutionary Council (CNR), headed
by Sankara, Compaoré and two others, tended toward violence and authoritarianism.

One of its first actions was to establish Councils for the Defence of the Revolution (CDRs) in every
village and town. CDRs supposed to be the local organs by which the people exerted its power.

The CDRs were responsible for the implementation of the People’s Development Programme. In 18
months, 300 schools, 280 dispensaries, 260 dams and 1000 wells and boreholes were built, improving
                            iii
the quality of life for many .

Yet such improvements did not continue. Sankara became increasingly autocratic and isolated and his
policy edicts increasingly confused and contradictory. In 1987 Sankara was assassinated by troops
loyal to his long-time friend and fellow revolutionary, Blaise Compaoré.

1.5 The Fourth Republic: an iron fist in a velvet glove?
Compaoré’s Front Populaire appeared initially to be a continuation of the revolution, albeit it in a period
of ‘rectification’. Compaoré rejected socialism as ideology of the state in favour of ‘state capitalism’. In
1991, under a new constitution, presidential elections were held, won by Compaoré with 86.19% of the
vote on a 25% turnout.

During the late 1980s economic crisis hit Burkina Faso. Falling government revenue and increasing
public expenditure costs forced a spiralling budget deficit. At the same time there was a large increase
in the size of the informal sector. In 1991 Burkina Faso negotiated a Structural Adjustment
Programme (SAP). Austerity measures, declared ‘not very severe’ by the World Bank, resulted in
social tensions in 1992-3 and have hit the very poor hardest.

Foreign debt has also risen dramatically, from US$ 134 million in 1977, to US$ 742 million in 1987 and
a further increase to US$ 1297 million in 1997. Exports, particularly of cotton and gold have increased
                                                                               iv
steadily, but a substantial trade deficit remains, at US$ 390 million in 1997.

The 1991 SAP ignored two major factors in the Burkina economy, firstly the unpaid and unseen
contribution of women to the economy. Secondly, the proportion of government expenditure received
by the military. In 1989 this stood at US$ 75 million, 19% of its resources. This represents nearly six
                                                                                       v
times the expenditure on agriculture and three times the allocation for health (6.2%).

1.6 The future
Although the political system in Burkina Faso is nominally democratic, this is qualified by certain
activities by the Compaoré administration. One commentator has described the regime as ‘less a
                                                                            vi
democracy than a dictatorship, however mild, under the guise of democracy’.

On 13 December 1998 a prominent newspaper editor and vocal critic of the government, Norbert
Zongo, died in a car fire. There is widespread belief that the security forces were involved. A coalition
of opposition trade unions, NGOs and journalists established their own commission of enquiry. The
commission found evidence of involvement by the Presidential Guard. The University of Ouagadougou
and some schools have only recently reopened following closure during recurrent demonstrations
about Norbert’s death.
Opposition critics accuse the government of using the judiciary for its own ends and to offer the
military too high a degree of impunity. Despite democratic elections the parliament is dominated by
                           vii
Compaoré’s CDP coalition.

Economic growth appears to be reasonably stable although the economy remains over-dependent on
agriculture. This leaves the economy vulnerable to the dramatic fluctuations in fortunes brought about
by the weather and recurring drought. Some diversification is occurring, particularly into mining,
although the sparse resources of Burkina Faso limit the options.

Social development looks set to lag behind that of the sub-Saharan average, as the government
struggles to meet its targets for education and health provision. Population growth and internal
migration continue to put great pressure on the land and its productivity, particularly in terms of food
self-sufficiency. Burkina is dependent on large amounts of imported food and food aid, particularly in
times of drought. It is unlikely that Burkina Faso will leap up the Human Development Index in the
foreseeable future.
Successes and challenges to come
    in the 1980s, Burkina Faso achieved growth rates averaging 4.2% each year, per capita growth
    of 1.6%, compared to a decrease of 0.8% in other Sahelian countries
    upgrading the status of women has been a high objective of recent government five-year
    development plans
    the absence of inter-ethnic conflict has prevented the violence and destabilisation that has
    occurred in other African states
    progressive mechanisation in agriculture has increased productivity, particularly in cash crops
    such as cotton
    since 1991 an environmental education programme has been one of the more successful
    attempts in the region to prevent land erosion
    there has been considerable liberalisation of the agricultural and mining sectors, encouraging
    privatisation and deregulation
    following the devaluation of the CFA franc by 100% in 1994, Burkina remained stable, unlike
    other CFA members
    inflation remains low, at 7% per year on average


   there is only 1 doctor for every 32 000 inhabitants
   increased reliance on food aid decreases the price of local produce and thus the incomes of local
    farmers
   deforestation occurs at a rate of 1000km² per year
   continued migration to neighbouring countries depletes Burkina Faso’s most precious asset, its
    labour force
   only 40% of children are vaccinated against measles, and 30 % against diptheria, polio and
    tetanus
   women still do 60-80% of agricultural work, often walking 3-6 miles a day for water and firewood
   only 38% of children are enrolled in primary school, with just 30% of girls attending primary
    school
   45% of children under the age of 5 are estimated to be malnourished (1992)
Poverty and Livelihoods
2.1 Defining poverty
Poverty is often measured in terms of income and expenditure. A person who is ‘poor’ is someone
unable to secure a basic nutritional level without skimping on other essential expenditures such as
clothing, fuel and shelter. The absolute poor are those who, even with dramatic reductions in their
expenditure on such items, are unable to secure a minimum level of nutrition.

The poverty line is a level of income which is sufficient to ensure an adequate minimum amount of
food and other basic necessities. In 1994 a survey in Burkina Faso established a poverty line at CFA
franc 41 099, and found that some 45% of Burkinabè live below this level of income and
             viii
expenditure.

Amongst poor people however, definitions of poverty are often wider than a simple
income/expenditure calculation. Vulnerability is a key aspect of an impoverished life, in terms of
access to social relations which provide a safety net when people fall on hard times.

2.4 Poverty, women and livelihoods
A woman’s life in Burkina Faso is a hard struggle against sickness, social inferiority, natural disasters
and a life expectancy of just 47. Women have a 30% chance of reaching school, and a less than one
                                              ix
per cent chance of reaching secondary school.

Work starts at a young age with women often working twice the hours of men. Women are married
young and have an average 7 children, at least of which one will die in infancy. Poor health and a large
reproduction and childcare burden tie most women to a life of poverty.

Women do up to 80% of agricultural work, tending subsistence crops in family or communal plots.

                                      Batuma, in Ouagadougou
At a young age Batuma was given in marriage to a griot (a traditional story teller), who already had two
wives. She now has three small children. Batuma does not know how old she is, and has never gone
to school. Her husband’s income is irregular, so she and her co-wives have to support themselves and
their children. Batuma earns a little money by frying doughnuts and yams to sell on the street. She
also takes in chores such as laundry from the local hotel.

She has no kitchen and cooks in the yard, buying firewood daily. Sometimes she can manage only
one meal a day, otherwise she will heat up leftovers in the evening. Batuma cannot afford to vary her
children’s diet. Mostly she cooks tô (millet porridge) with a sauce made from okra and leaves.
                                                                                  Oxfam country profile 1990

After this work, they often tend vegetables and maize in their own plots to supplement the family diet.
In towns and cities, women frequently start up sidelines to increase their income. Brewing dôlo (a
traditional beer), selling vegetables or firewood or setting up as a tailor or hairdresser are some
activities. Income diversification schemes such as these are an essential way of combatting poverty
for many Burkinabè.

In many villages women come together to form self-help groups. These run village mills, help secure
drugs for the local dispensary, organise handicraft co-operatives, sell pigs or slow burning cookers.
Aguierra Ouédraogo explains why she became involved in a women’s group in the village of Titao in
Yatenga province:

‘My wish would be to have a bit of power to
change things, to help other members of
my family and people who are ill or
handicapped. In this world it’s men who
have the power and it’s right that they do
because they have the experience and
they travel a lot. If we could do the same
that would be ideal - to go to the big towns
to meetings and so on. But for the time
being we go no further than this market.
We can reach the ideal if men give us the
freedom, meanwhile we can go some way
towards it in meetings like this because
unity is strength.’

Aguierra Ouegraogo’s group hires out the labour of the women and the profits are held by the group to
make grants to members with special needs. But at any given time only 40 out of the 90 members of
                                                                      x
the group may be available to work because of sickness and ill-health.

2.5 Regions: rural and urban poverty
The rural regions of Burkina Faso are some of the poorest in Africa. Subsistence agriculture and
livestock herding are the main activities. Population pressures have damaged the landscape and
intensified the struggle to eke out a meagre existence. Many people from rural regions migrate, either
to towns and cities within Burkina Faso or to neighbouring countries, particularly Cote d’Ivoire.
Remittances that migrants send home are an essential part of many household’s incomes.

Great disparities exist between rural and urban regions. Population density ranges from 100 per
square kilometre in Kadiogo province (where Ouagadougou is located) to less than 15 people per
square kilometre in provinces such as Gourma (east), Soums and Pudalan (north) and Comoe (south-
west).

Access to services such as sanitation, clean water, health provision and education vary greatly (see
graph above). The poverty and lack of opportunities for improvement in rural areas prompts
considerable migration to towns and cities each year.

Urban poverty
Seventeen percent of the total population live in urban areas. Urban settlements in Burkina Faso are
mostly self-built shanty towns with limited sanitation or other services. Pressure for adequate housing
remains acute in the rapidly growing towns and cities. Urban areas grow by about 11% each year and
Ouagadougou is set to pass the one million mark before the end of the century.

Although poverty in Burkina Faso is predominantly a rural phenomenon, people also lead
impoverished lives in towns and cities. Vulnerable groups in urban areas include young men who have
migrated from villages, who pick up odd jobs, or sometimes turn to theft, but who have few social
safety ties to call on.

Street children are not a new phenomenon in Ouagadougou, often abandoned orphans who must fend
for themselves in the city. Unemployed graduates and redundant civil servants are also particularly
            xi
vulnerable.

Life in the cities and towns is more expensive than in rural areas, so money even is more important.
Urban dwellers often have less access to land to grow extra food. Income diversification is probably
easier in cities, where a service economy thrives. People often engage in informal work, selling fast
food and drinks, selling water or firewood and making use of skills such as tailoring, hairdressing or
car repairs. Access to social services is also better in cities and towns.

2.6 Causes of poverty

agriculture
Although 90% of the Burkina population earn a living of sorts from farming, the majority farm only at
the subsistence level.
 most farming is on small family or communal plots which produce just enough food for their
   families.
 nutrition levels from such foods are low and the labour is intensive.
 most agricultural labour is done by women
 as the land loses its fertility through intensive use, so the yield and nutritional value of the food
   decreases
 most farmers use traditional tools and farming methods which limit the crop yield
 use of fertiliser is minimal, keeping crop yields low
 only one third of arable land is cultivated, this may be unsustainable because of environmental
                                                xii
  degradation and traditional farming practices

poor health and education
Statistics on education and health in Burkina Faso demonstrate the vicious circle of poverty, lack of
opportunity and poor health. High infant and child mortality (98 and 158 per 1000 live births) and
extensive malnutrition amongst children limit their chances in life. Education provides one of the most
important opportunities to break the cycle of a life in poverty.

 receiving even the most basic education can lead to a life-long increase in income of between 11-
  16%
 the poor health and diet of many children results in wasting and can damage intellectual and
  physical capacity

terms of trade
The limited resources of Burkina Faso severely constrain its potential for exports. The recent boom in
cotton production has not generated an income boom as the world market price for cotton collapsed.
The country remains dangerously dependent on two and three major exports, all of which are raw
commodities vulnerable to volatile world prices.

The severe lack of manufacturing production for export means that this dependence continues. Terms
of trade are firmly skewed in favour of industrialised countries, leaving producers in underdeveloped
countries like Burkina Faso increasingly marginalised.

Farms producing cotton and other cash crops are predominantly owned by large private companies
and involve less than one third of farmers. Labour on such farms is seasonal, and income from such
crops does not ‘trickle down’ to seasonal labourers.

the debt burden
In a country such as Burkina Faso, government expenditure on debt servicing greatly depletes funds
available for essential social development. Money that Burkina Faso desperately needs to spend on
improving education and health provision is instead used to pay debt servicing. Under HIPC Burkina
Faso will receive $200 million in debt relief, which although not a huge amount, could still be used to
improve education and health-care provision.
Human Development
3.1 Universal education?
Education is widely recognised as key to the social and economic growth of a country. Exclusion from
the opportunities provided by basic education (literacy and numeracy) means marginalisation and
poverty. Conversely, basic education is one of the most effective catalysts for general human
development. This effects the poor most, particularly in rural areas where educational provision is at
best meagre and at worst non-existent.

Women are the group most widely excluded from acquiring basic education. Obstacles to their
participation include social and cultural attitudes about the role of girls and economic reliance on the
unpaid contribution of girls’ work to the household economy.

In Burkina Faso, an average of 32.6% of girls are enrolled in primary school although there are
considerable regional differences. Educating women and girls is essential to the development of a
society. Educated and literate women are better able to care for their children (reading medicine
instructions and nutrition information for example) and to assist in their education. Women who have
received education are more aware of their rights and better able to claim them. They tend to marry
later and have fewer children, meaning that they and their children lead healthier lives.

Educational provision in Burkina Faso is amongst the lowest in the world, in terms of enrolment,
retention rates and eventual qualifications. The Burkina government has committed itself to increasing
primary school enrolment rates to 60% by 2005.

The primary education system currently has a capacity for 775 000 children aged 6-12 years. By 2005
demand will have increased to 2.4 million children, requiring an annual increase in the education
budget of 5-6%, an unfeasible amount given the state of the Burkina economy.

3.2 Barriers to education
There are many obstacles to satisfactory primary education provision:

 buildings and teaching materials are in short supply - in some areas only 25% of students have
  access to a maths textbook
 student-teacher ratios are high, ranging from 58:1 up to 120:1 in some schools
 the standard and quality of teacher training is very low. In 1994 only 700 out of 2600 teachers
  recruited had completed the official 2 year training course at the Ecoles Nationales des
                           xiii
  Enseignants du Primaire
 in 1996 an estimated 66% of primary school teachers were unqualified
                                                                          xiv

 there is a teacher surplus in urban areas where opportunities to supplement a meagre salary
  through informal sector activity are greater
 the average student takes 12 years to complete the 6 years of primary education, greatly
                                             xv
  increasing the cost of education provision
 in 1994 only 383 pupils out of 1000 completed their primary education and of these, 178 had
  repeated one year or more
 pass rates are particularly low: in only 48.4% of students passed the Certificate of Primary
  Education
 in Burkina Faso most children receive just three years or less of primary education
                                                                                      xvi

 only a tiny proportion of pupils transfer to secondary school, an estimated 8% of the 12-18 age
        xvii
  group

3.3 An education deficit?
The greatest inequalities in primary education provision in Burkina Faso are regional and gender-
based.

The gap in primary enrolment rates in urban areas compared to regional areas is considerable. Some
provinces (mainly in the south and south-western region) have already surpassed the government goal
of 60% enrolment and have achieved rates of up to 80%. Although this does not mean that retention
rates match this high level, the degree of education gained by urban children is clearly greater. This is
reflected in literacy rates reaching an average 55% for the urban areas of Ouagadougou and Bobo-
Dioulasso. In the northern provinces, Soum, Oudalan and Seno, only 5.6% of the population are
         xviii
literate.

In the northern Sahel provinces some school enrolment rates are as low as 9%. In these areas the
considerable distance between school and village is often a powerful disincentive. The attitude
towards education, particularly of parents is also a factor.

A nomad-parent explains: ‘when I send my
child away for six months to learn how to
tend the cows, he will return with useful
knowledge that can help our family survive,
and a little cow as a remuneration for the
assistance he has given. With what will my
child return if I send him away to school for
six years?’

Parental attitude is clearly essential. In families where the head of the house earns a salary, 60% of
children receive basic schooling. This drops to 40% with an artisan head of household and to 32% of
families with a farming head of household. The level of education that parents themselves have
received informs their attitudes towards the education of their children.

Cost is also a factor. There are often hidden costs in sending a child to school which are borne by the
family. Apart from the potential loss of income involved in sending a child to school, families often
need to pay for books, uniforms, and pay registration fees at the start of each school year. At present
fees are CFA franc 2500 to enrol a child in Year 1 of primary school, and CFA f1000 each year of
        xix
school. Fees are set nationally, and probably take up a greater proportion of household expenditure
in rural areas where income tends to be less.

For girls, the obstacles to attaining primary education and literacy are a combination of cultural
attitudes, economic factors and problems within the education system. Families often rely on girls’
labour to increase family income. The inflexibility of school hours conflicts with the time needed for
household duties. Girls over the age of seven spend 3.5 hours a day on average on household tasks.
                                                                    xx
Boys spend an average 1.5 hours, leaving them more time to study.

Families can also be unwilling to educate girl children who may then be thought unsuitable for
marriage. Investment in sons may be thought more worthwhile than daughters who are frequently
married at a young age.

3.4 Government approaches
Education has been a top priority of the last two five year plans (1986/90 -1991/95). One of the
conditions that must be met in order to achieve debt relief under the HIPC initiative is the completion of
an ambitious 10-year education plan.
                                                                                         xxi
Government expenditure on basic education has risen in the 1990s to 10.1% in 1997 . However this
is only marginally higher than the proportion of spending on secondary and higher education which
provide for just 8% and 1% of the respective age groups. A secondary school student currently costs
the Burkina government 100 times more than a primary school student. Even though the proportion of
government expenditure on education as a whole has risen, distribution between sectors of the
education system remains unequal.

Funding disparities also occur between regions: urban areas received 34.1% of funding for 19.5% of
                xxii
enrolled pupils. This inequality reinforces the urban/rural differences in enrolment and literacy rates.

The government has attempted to improve the quality of education that children receive in school by
trying to increase the efficiency of the system. The introduction of multigrade teaching in 1992, where
pupils from different grades are taught within one class, has been one approach. But teachers’ skills
have not been upgraded at the same time - in 1994 an evaluation of multigrade teaching found serious
                                                   xxiii
problems in the quality of the education provided.

Since the introduction of a structural adjustment plan for education in 1993, the government has
sought to restrict the wage bill in education. Clearly this conflicts with the urgent need to develop the
education sector. The government has tried to get around this contradiction by recruiting more
teachers at a lower wage and introducing a ‘double shift’ school day to increase attendance levels. Not
surprisingly, this has led to conflict with the teaching unions.

Attempts to reduce drop-out rates included the introduction of automatic promotion. In effect however
this has simply shunted the problem further up the system, with lower repetition rates in grades 1 and
2, but rates of up to 40% in final grade 6 as pupils continually fail to make the grade to transfer to
                  xxiv
secondary school.

A five-year action plan to improve girls’ education was launched in 1994-2000, aiming to reduce the
gender gap in primary education. Incentives such as textbooks and flour were offered to encourage
families to enrol their girl children in school. Although enrolment rates for girls have increased on
average, regional differences are dramatic.

In urban Kadiogo 85.4% of girls attend primary school, compared to just 9.3% in rural Seno in the
north. Girls tend to repeat primary years more frequently than boys. Fewer girls than boys are
                                                                                                 xxv
eventually successful in completing primary education with the Certificate of Primary Education.

An ambitious 10-year education development plan started in 1998 with the following main
          xxvi
objectives :
 to increase primary enrolment rates from 40% in 1996 to 70% by 2007-08 increasing annually by
   2.5%
 to nearly close the gender gap in school enrolments
 to reduce the disparities between regions, in part by initiating construction of new schools in
   provinces with lower enrolments
 40 000 more children each year to start primary school
 efforts to improve adult literacy will be increased, focusing on women’s literacy in particular

These objectives are ambitious considering the parlous state of the countries finances and the current
drive to reduce public expenditure. It seems likely that universal primary education in Burkina Faso
remains a long way off.

3.5 Burkina’s health
As in many other sectors Burkina Faso falls behind most other countries in the health of its people and
the provision of health services.

Mortality rates, particularly of infants and children, provide a good indication of the health of the nation
as a whole. In Burkina Faso, although the infant mortality rate has fallen over the last decade, it is still
high at 98 per 1000 live births. This compares to Ghana’s 71/1000 and Senegal’s 60/1000. The
                                               xxvii
average for sub-Saharan Africa is 91/1000.
                                                                                              xxviii
The mortality rate for children under the age of 5 is still higher, at 169 per 1000 live births. In effect
this means that 16 children out of every 100 do not live beyond their fifth birthday. This is higher than
many other countries in the region and the average for sub-Saharan Africa.

Between a third and 45% of children under the age of 5 are malnourished which leads to moderate-
severe stunting in 29% of under fives. Immunisation rates against childhood killer diseases are low,
                                             xxix
such as measles (33%), TB (46%), DPT (28%).

Under an Expanded Programme of Immunisation, the government set targets to be completed by
1999 for the following vaccinations:
 85% for BCG
 75% for DCT/polio
 80% for measles and yellow fever.

Immunisation programmes will be integrated into routine primary care in the near future. There are no
indications yet whether the programme has been successful. Many children in Burkina are thus
vulnerable to disease and ill-health, affecting their chances of survival, educational attainment and a
productive working life.
3.6 Women’s health
The health of women, just as education for women, is intimately connected to the wider health of the
society. Women do a greater proportion of the workload, look after sick and elderly relatives and
children. In reproductive health, the well-being of women is essential, yet only 47% of pregnant women
                                    xxx
receive any kind of antenatal care.
Pregnancy is the biggest single cause of ill-health in women. Women have an average of 7 children,
starting young, often with pregnancies close together, and squeezed into a life expectancy of just 47
years. Twenty four percent of pregnant women are anaemic, risking damage to their health and their
               xxxi
unborn child.

Complications in pregnancy such as anaemia, haemorrhages, miscarriages and problematic abortions
are often emergencies commonly lead to death during child birth. Rural health services in particular
are frequently unable to cope with emergencies such as these.

In 1997 the UNDP report for Burkina Faso suggested that ‘it appears that the health of mothers has
regressed during the last ten years’. Since 1985 maternal mortality has increased (to 930 per 100 000
live births), while the level of obstetric cover has fallen from 21% in 1991 to 19% in 1995. At present
                                                                                                    xxxii
only 24% of pregnant women can expect to have an assisted birth with trained medical staff.
                                                                                    xxxiii
Contraceptive use is minimal, at 17% in urban areas and just 1.5% in rural regions.

Disease remains a considerable factor in the lives of the Burkinabè.
 in 1996 a meningitis epidemic claimed up to 4000 lives
 malaria is a second big killer, and constitutes 23% of the ‘disease burden’ in Burkina Faso
 tuberculosis is increasing at a rate of 289 new cases per 100 000

The recent scourge of African populations, AIDS, has also reached Burkina Faso. The UNDP
estimates that the figure is high, 3722 cases in 1993 and 5251 cases in 1994. This is a prevalence
                                                       xxxiv
rate of 6-7%, although urban areas are more affected.        For a country of Burkina Faso’s size this is a
considerable proportion. The migration of a large part of the labour force to neighbouring countries has
contributed to the spread of Aids.

The number of HIV positive mothers in a country is a clear indicator of the spread of Aids. In 1996
                                                                    xxxv
12% of urban women attending ante-natal clinics were HIV positive.       Unicef has estimated that by
                                                                                                  xxxvi
1997 there were 200 000 ‘Aids orphans’ in Burkina Faso, mostly in the urban areas of the country.


                River blindness
One success story in Burkina Faso has
been       the     virtual  eradication    of
onchocerciasis, or river blindness.
Caused by a parasite carried by the
blackfly, onchcerciasis results in severe
skin irritation and blindness and led to
large areas of fertile land being
abandoned.          The     World      Health
Organisation’s Onchocerciasis Control
Programme used aerial spraying to
drastically reduce the prevalence of
blackfly in 90% of the OCP area in west
Africa. Since 1974 around 17% of river
blindness-affected land in Burkina Faso
was resettled.


3.7 Health service provision
Desperately inadequate health service provision is a major reason for the poor health of Burkina
Faso’s people. Although provision has improved in the last two decades, access to even basic health
care is minimal for most people.
Part of Sankara’s plan to revolutionise Burkina Faso was the improvement of health service provision,
particularly in rural areas. Under the People’s Development Programme, new dispensaries and
primary health posts (PSPs) were set up in rural areas. However, several years later many of these
are no longer functioning, due to poor back-up resources, lack of adequately trained staff and a lack of
essential medicines.

Government expenditure on health services remains low, at 7% of total expenditure between 1990-
   xxxvii
97.       A comparable level of funding for health comes from donor organisations, particularly the
World Bank, French and German organisations, representing about 6% of total overseas development
aid. Donors tend to concentrate funding on government and ministerial capacity and policy making.
Other major areas of donor spending have been mass vaccination campaigns and the rehabilitation of
Burkina’s primary health care provision.
The most common health facility, providing basic health care, is the Centre de Santé et Promotion
Sociale which is the focus for clusters of village health posts. There are just over 600 such CSPSs,
providing one doctor for 28 000 inhabitants. Distance is a major factor in health provision, patients
travel an average 10km to the nearest health facility, considerably further in rural areas.

Such poor levels of provision impact negatively on the rate at which people use health services. In
                                                                                                       xxxviii
urban areas approximately 45% of people use medical services compared to 38% in rural regions.
Overall, the number of people consulting medical services at least once has declined, from 32% in
                            xxxix
1990 to just 18% in 1995.         Poor utilisation rates reflect in part common perceptions of poor service
quality and insufficient personnel and supplies.

3.8 Decentralising health services
Since 1995, as part of a World Bank funded programme, the Burkina Government has been
decentralising health service provision. It aims to improve the standard of training of those working in
the health service, to support and encourage the private sector in health service provision and to
better combat disease through prevention and education. Essential elements in this programme are
improved provision of essential generic drugs, autonomous local CSPSs and ‘cost recovery’.

The decentralised system is now based on 53 health districts, which will eventually each consist of
autonomous CSPSs with a surgical facility, at least 2 doctors and a nurse experienced in public health.
Budget control will be established at the district level. In order to respond to the specific needs of the
district, health districts are to be given greater control over the supply and distribution of essential
drugs and of the training and allocation of workers.

3.8 ‘Cost recovery’
Since September 1987 Burkina Faso has been part of the Bamako Initiative, sponsored by the World
Health Organisation (WHO) and Unicef. The main principles of the Initiative are to improve the
provision of primary health care by mobilising ‘community resources’ and to increase the availability of
cheap generic drugs.

Charges have been introduced at different levels of the health service. Revenue generated from such
charges is supposed to be used to improve the level and coverage of primary health care and to
secure a better level of essential drugs in hospitals and dispensaries.

Since the late 1980s there have been charges for drugs at the level of health centres, and for both
care and drugs at hospitals. There is no rebate for patients transferred to hospital having already paid
                                                    xl
charges and there is little exemption for the poor.

Since charges were introduced utilisation of health services has declined by 30% and there has been
                                                               xli
little improvement in the quality of the health care provided.

3.9 Drugs
One of the main problems in the health services is the supply of essential drugs. The UNDP estimates
                                                                                         xlii
that only 30% of the population have access to essential drugs, and are charged for them. Very few
essential drugs are produced locally, just 2% of a list of 150 necessary drugs. The vast majority are
imported, particularly from France, at considerable cost.

Most French drugs companies only produce expensive branded versions of drugs. Generic drugs can
cost as little as 20% of the cost of branded drugs. Only 5-10% of drugs on sale in pharmacies in
Burkina are generic versions, meaning that the majority of patients must buy more expensive branded
drugs.

Often people get around this expense by buying a lower dose or taking only a part of the prescribed
course medication. This has clear implications for their recovery from illness and their future health.

In 1996 the government set up a central supply and distribution agency for generic drugs, the Central
d’Achat des Médicaments Essentiels et Génériques (CAMEG). CAMEG sells cheap generic drugs to
ministries for free distribution to health centres and pharmacies, mostly in rural areas.

The devaluation of the CFA franc in 1994 had considerable impact on people’s ability to pay for drugs.
The franc was devalued by 100%, drastically increasing the cost of imported drugs. Since then, it
appears that increasing numbers of people are using traditional plant-medicines.

Plant-medicines have remained popular in rural areas where access to plants is
easier. Most families have their own pharmacopoeia maintained through family knowledge of plants
and their properties, usually through the women of the family.
                                                                                          xliii
Plant medicines have an unusually high degree of official approval and recognition.               Fatimata
Sawadogo talks about her remedies and their uses for children:


“Traditionally we have many uses for our
plants. On the seventh day after the birth
of a child we use various preparations to
ensure that the child develops properly.
We use wolzare to guard against
hereditary diseases and banguedéré if the
child cries a lot. To relieve congestion we
give the child zaaga leaves boiled in
water.”
    At the desert’s edge: oral history from the Sahel
The Economy
Some key facts about the Burkina Faso
economy:

total GDP:               US$2.6 billion
GNP per capita: US$240 (1997)
sectors of the economy: agriculture 32.1%;
                               xliv
industry 26.8%; services 41.0%
total debt:                      US$ 54.2
million
debt per capita:        US$ 540
total imports           US$ 544 million
total exports           US$ 251 million
total ODA                        US$ 418
million (1996)


4.1 Agriculture
Ninety per cent of the population in Burkina Faso is occupied in agricultural work. In 1960 the sector
produced 62% of gross domestic product (GDP) but in 1990 productivity had fallen to just 32%.
Burkina Faso’s dependence on a sector that is constrained by unpredictable weather and harsh
conditions has in turn restricted its potential for development. Until the 1980s output from agriculture
increased below the rate of population growth, meaning that the country had to import food stuffs such
as cereals and rice.

      Diguettes and water-harvesting

Yatenga province in the dry northern region of
Burkina Faso has been blighted by drought.
Deforestation and over-use of the land left
much of the province infertile and unable to
support subsistence agriculture. In 1979
Oxfam began to support a project called
Projet Agro-Forestier. The project aimed to
prevent further soil erosion, and to preserve
as much of the minimal rainfall as possible.

The project encouraged local farmers to build
diguettes, small barriers of rocks along the
contours of the ground. Diguettes prevent
rainwater     from    running    off,   instead
‘harvesting’ the water to increase the fertility
of the ground. Using simple technology and
incorporating the farmers’ concerns and
ideas into the project, it has been a great
success. Crop yields have increased and the
project has enabled Yatenga farmers to be
more self-sufficient for food and less reliant
on food imports and aid. More than 400
villages, covering some 5000 hectares, have
built diguettes. Some areas have increased
their crop yield by between 40-50%. In one
test done by farmers, the soil level in an
unprotected area decreased by 6 inches
while in a diguette area the soil level rose by
7 inches.
 Since the 1980s agricultural production has again increased, however, growth has been in cash crops
 rather than foodstuffs.
One of the main difficulties for farmers large and small is the lack of water and fertile land. There are
few permanent watercourses in Burkina Faso, and as a result the more successful crops are those
that follow the rain cycle. A mere 0.1% of agricultural land has been irrigated and land erosion
compounds the problem of water shortages.

This problem has been addressed by projects on a small scale, such as Projet Agro-Forestier (see
box left) and the large-scale government funded Sourou Valley Rural Integrated Development
Programme. By irrigating land alongside a tributary of the Black Volta an area of 40 000 hectares will
be covered by irrigation.

Ninety five per cent of food crops are produced from subsistence farming on small family or
communally owned plots. Traditional production methods, such as the daba, a kind of hoe, limit the
potential for production beyond immediate household or village needs. Very few subsistence farmers
use any kind of fertiliser to improve the quality of the soil. Inorganic fertilisers are too expensive and
few subsistence farmers have animals to provide manure.

The main food crops grown in Burkina Faso, are sorghum and millet. Red sorghum can be used to
dôlo, while millet and white sorghum are usually cooked into a porridge-like dish called tô, a staple
food.

Cash crops have become a valuable source of income for both farmers and the government. Cotton is
largely grown in the south-western area of Burkina Faso, close to the city of Bolo-Dialousso. Other
less valuable cash crops include groundnuts and the shea nut.

            Damaged earth
Three elderly women explain how their
land has been damaged:

“We have cut down all our trees and as a
result the wind makes us suffer because it
erodes the soil. We have been educated
about this problem and now we build
diguettes to try to reduce the damaging
effects of erosion. We have plans to build
shelter belts. Ravines can also damage
our fields and to stop these enlarging we
put stones in the path where the water
flows. We remember when, to find
firewood, we only had to look behind our
houses; today we have to walk up to 8 or 9
kilometres.”
  At the Desert’s edge: oral histories from the Sahel

Cotton, exported in its raw form, earns 50% of the government’s export revenue, production reached
200 000 tons a year in the 1990s.

Approximately one third of farmers are involved in cotton production, although many of the farms are
large-scale government or privately owned concerns. The growth of the cotton industry has sometimes
been at the expense of food production as land is transferred from food crop use to cotton crops.

As a raw commodity cotton is also vulnerable to the volatility of world markets - the collapse of the
world market price in the 1980s coincided with a boom in production, meaning that the predicted boom
in revenue did not occur.

Livestock is also an important aspect of farming in Burkina. The Peul group in particular is skilled as
nomadic herders and pastoralists in the northern regions. But two factors have contributed to the
decline of livestock farming as a way of life.

Livestock as a share of exports has decreased as exports of cash crops and gold have surged.
Pressures on land and declining income security have prompted the nomadic Peuls to settle down on
the land and to engage in subsistence farming themselves. Traditional patterns of exchange in which
Peuls would herd cattle for the agricultural Mossi are declining. Burkina’s cattle production has also
faced considerable competition from Latin American and subsidised European Union beef producers.

4.2 Industrial underdevelopment
The industrial sector is the smallest contributor to the Burkina economy. The main areas of industrial
production are mining and manufacture, although the informal sector contributes an unquantifiable
amount.

Mining
There is a growing mining sector, both formal and informal. Gold was a major product of exchange
between the eleventh and nineteenth centuries and although gold mining declined in the 1960s, there
has been a revival lately. The Poura mine near Ouagadougou is one of the main production sites. The
mine was reopened in 1984 until it collapsed in 1989 and has recently been opened for production
again. Informal panning for gold takes place in the north and east of the country (see Gold at any
price).

Other minerals mined in Burkina Faso include zinc, manganese and phosphates, although successive
governments have failed to persuade the donor community to invest in mining these materials.
Industrial production is inhibited by Burkina’s energy problem - 95% of energy use is from traditional
sources, predominantly firewood. There are a few thermal power stations running on imported oil, and
two hydroelectric stations, a bit ironic in a country frequently devastated by drought.

            Gold at any price

At Asakan, not far from the eastern city of
Gorom-Gorom, thousands of people pan
and dig for gold. In the dry season, up to
25 000 gold panners cram into the area.
The rush for gold has destroyed the social
fabric    as    crime,   drug-taking    and
prostitution increase rapidly. One estimate
suggests that up to 25% of prostitutes in
Asakane are HIV positive. There have
been epidemics of meningitis and yellow
fever as well as cholera and typhoid. Many
men work all day and night, often taking
drugs to keep themselves going. On a
lucky day a digger will find one or two
grams, but nothing is the usual tally.
                     Oxfam country profile 1990

Manufacturing
Manufacturing production is one of the underdeveloped areas of industry. About 120 manufacturing
companies produce food goods (sugar and beer), textiles, milled flour, and chemical-based goods
such as tyres. Many of these companies are state-owned enterprises and as such have enjoyed
considerable protection through tariffs and quotas. State subsidies have often distorted wages and
prices and hampered efficiency. However, under structural adjustment programmes in force since
1991 many of these enterprises have been privatised or closed. This process will continue as the
Burkina government seeks to fulfil similar requirements to gain debt relief.

The construction industry, although small, has been boosted by government construction projects
such as the Sourou dam, a new central market in Ouagadougou and several urban housing projects.

The informal sector
The informal sector is an unknown quantity in the Burkina economy. Activity in the informal sector
fluctuates according to season, the economic climate and the individual needs of workers. Informal
sector activity occurs in all areas of the economy, from transportation to mining. Manufacturing in the
informal sector includes dôlo brewing, fast food stalls, tailoring and carpentry. Up to two thirds of the
service sector of the economy is provided by informal activity, such as barbers, taxi drivers,
                             xlv
commerce, moped repairs.
                                           Antoinette’s Dôlo
Antoinette Bancé produces dôlo , a home-brewed traditional beer made from sorghum. She followed
her mother and grandmother into dôlo-brewing in Ouagadougou. “Apart from looking after the health
of my family the rest of my time is devoted to the dôlo. That means buying the sorghum, germinating
and drying it, grinding it and preparing the beer, then selling it, washing and rinsing the pots and
calabashes. All this gets done in a day!” Antoinette has a regular clientele and she supplies her dôlo
wholesale other women to sell in the city. Brewing takes place twice a week on an improvised stove in
four huge pots.
                                                                           from Oxfam country profile, 1990
Structural Adjustment and Debt
5.1 ‘self-adjustment’ 1983-89
Between 1983 and 1989 the Sankara regime implemented its own version of structural adjustment
policies which closely resembled those of the World Bank and the IMF. These policies aimed to
contain public expenditure, increase tax revenue to the government, increase food self-sufficiency and
diversify exports.

Measures such as a high rate of tax on richer landowners were used to finance low-middle income
housing projects. The rural population was mobilised to contribute labour and finance to health and
education expansion. Drastic public sector budget cost and wage freezes were introduced and tighter
control of state parastatals aimed to balance their finances. However large budget deficits and high
inflation remained and by 1989 structural adjustment ‘World Bank style’ was unavoidable.

Since 1991 Burkina Faso has been following structural adjustment programmes negotiated with the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). There has been considerable debate about
the impact of structural adjustment policies in poor countries such as Burkina Faso.

A certain degree of adjustment is necessary to promote sounder economic development, which is
usually export-led. For countries such as Burkina Faso however this has often increased their
dependence on a handful of raw commodities that are vulnerable to dramatic price fluctuations.

Structural adjustment policies often have negative social and political impacts. Reducing the size of
the public sector leaves many disgruntled civil servants. Currency devaluation often leads to price
increases in essential food stuffs and consumer goods, while wages rarely increase in compensation.

These two stories illustrate the impact of the devaluation of the CFA franc in 1994:


Head of household, a butcher:

“After the devaluation I buy expensive and sell expensive. Accordingly, even though the customers
don’t come like before my income hasn’t decreased because those who come have to pay a higher
price. The problem for me is that everything has become more expensive, the food, the medicines, the
water. My money isn’t sufficient like it used to be.”

Married woman, selling pancakes:

My husband has been too ill to work the last couple of years. When he fell sick it was his two brothers
who took on the maintenance of the household. They are also bricklayers. But, with the economic
crisis of today, people don’t want to construct any more. If they happen to find work in these days, it’s
                                            xlvi
no big thing they can bring to the family.”


5.2 1991: structural adjustment
In 1989 the new Compoaré government began negotiations with the World Bank and agreed a
Structural Adjustment Loan. This was followed in 1993 by an IMF Enhanced Structural Adjustment
Facility, which was renewed 1996-99. There was a considerable degree of opposition to these
relations with the IMF and World Bank from opposition parties and trade unions.

Adjustment programmes in key sectors such as education and health, agriculture, the environment
and public enterprises accompanied these macro-economic programmes. Funds were loaned to
improve these sectors conditional to certain changes in their operation, as prescribed by the Bank.
This high degree of funding for sectoral adjustment from the start is unusual in sub-Saharan Africa
                                                           xlvii
and indicates the more secure base of the Burkina economy.

5.3 Impact of structural adjustment
Attempts to increase government revenue through reforms of the tax system and improved collection
largely failed. A large wage increase in the public sector in 1991 increased government expenditure
and a large budget deficit developed.
External debt continues to place a heavy burden on the Burkina economy. Total outstanding debt
                                                                       xlviii
almost trebled from 41.3% of GDP in 1981 to 85.6% of GDP in 1994.             Although the Paris Club of
                                                                               xlix
debtors rescheduled some debt in 1991 and 1993, this made little difference.

5.4 important effects of structural adjustment:

      export-led growth failed to materialise as the value of major exports such as cotton and gold
       fell: 27.6 to 22.2 billion F CFA and 11.9 to 8.2 billion F CFA respectively (1992 to 1993)
      budget deficits grew steadily despite reforms,
      agricultural reform have not been enough to prevent some areas from experiencing shortages,
       despite sufficient overall food production. Infrastructure and transport is the main problem
      reforms in the health sector have not increased usage - the increased costs of drugs and fees
       for health care is the most frequently cited reason for not obtaining health care
      reforms in the education sector, particularly those affecting teachers’ pay and hours have been
       unpopular
      the devaluation of the Franc CFA in 1994 has had a drastic impact: consumer prices and
       imports rose by 100%

       the government has implemented important privatisation reforms
       policies to liberalise prices have been successful
       decentralisation of the health service looks set to improve quality and provision
       the government continues to place great emphasis on education and adult literacy
       some of the state monopolies in agriculture, such as rice and sugar mills, have been privatised,
       increasing private sector activity in these areas

5.5 Debt
The high level of external debt incurred by successive Burkina governments to finance development
projects is one of the major obstacles to sustainable growth. The box below shows the how debt levels
have increased.

1991      US$ 956 million                 (Englebert)
1995      US$ 1.26 billion                (WB)
1996      US$ 1.29 billion                (WB)
1997      US$ 1.3billion                  (WB)

The other important measurement of external debt is debt servicing as a percentage of exports, of
GDP and the value of debt in relation to the value of exports. Debt servicing in 1996 was equivalent to
56% of GDP, and 19% of export revenues from goods and services. The present value of Burkina
                                                                              l
Faso’s external debt in 1996 compared to the value of its exports was 254%.

By 1996 the government was also spending up to 19% of its revenue on debt servicing. This is roughly
equivalent to health and education expenditure levels in Burkina Faso. Given the poor provision in
both these sectors this is a considerable misallocation of finance.

5.6 Debt relief
By 1996 the levels of external debt in Burkina Faso had reached unsustainable levels, as measured by
the World Bank and the IMF. As Burkina had successfully implemented three structural adjustment
programmes, the country was recommended for debt relief under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries
scheme (HIPC). Burkina Faso was the third country in Africa to qualify, following Uganda and
Mozambique.

Under HIPC Burkina Faso will receive US$200 million debt relief in April 2000. However this is subject
to certain reforms being implemented between the ‘decision point’ in September 1997 and ‘completion
point’ in April 2000. These include further reforms of the health and education sectors, more
privatisation of certain public enterprises, and continuing fiscal and financial sector reforms.

Debt relief is also based on certain key assumptions about Burkina’s economic performance in years
to come. GDP is expected to increase by 3% annually until 2000 and by 5.7% thereafter. Until 2000
this will continue the GDP growth trend of the 1990s, but seems a little optimistic to expect a rapid
increase in growth in an economy that has been fairly unpredictable in the past.

Exports are also expected to grow at a considerable rate, above recent growth rates in exports. An
increase in volume of 10-11% per year until 2000 followed by annual growth of 8% thereafter again
seems optimistic. The World Bank’s own figures show that exports in recent years have fluctuated
                                            li
wildly, at an average 0.4% per year 1987-97. In 1996 export growth was 1.8% and jumped to 14.2%
         lii
in 1997. Taking this into account, HIPC appears to rest on particularly optimistic assumptions about
future growth in the Burkina economy.

The amount of debt relief that will be awarded in April 2000 is quite small in proportion to the total
external debt of the country. Although the country is not in the same dire straits as other heavily
indebted states in Africa, it will need a greater boost than this to secure sustainable economic and
social development.

5.7 overseas aid
Burkina Faso receives considerable amounts of overseas aid each year, US$418 million (1996). This
                                         liii
represents approximately 17% of its GNP.

Total ODA in 1996 was US$418.2 million, compared to US$423.7 million in 1991. The recent drop is
                                                                                             liv
part of a global decrease in ODA from developed countries, from 0.33% to 0.22% of their GNP.

Multilateral aid (totalling US$98 million) comes from institutions such as the World Bank’s International
Development Agency (IDA), the IMF, the African Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the
               lv
UN agencies. Aid from international financial institutions is in the form of loans and this adds to the
debt burden each year.

Aid from France totalled US$100 million in 1996, almost a quarter of total aid. Together with aid from
other members such as Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark and Japan, Development Assistance
                                                                            lvi
Committee (DAC) assistance to Burkina totalled US$$269.2 million in 1996.

Aid is an important contributor to the government’s coffers, an estimated 17.9% of GDP in 1995 and
                                              lvii
breaks down at US$40 per capita (in 1996). Overseas development aid contributes an important
amount to the Burkina economy, often providing funds for development activities which would not
happen otherwise.

Equally importantly, overseas development aid often pays for social development or poverty alleviation
measures made necessary by the imposition of macro-economic adjustment policies.

5.8 The future
International financial institutions seem reasonably optimistic about the state of the Burkina economy
going into the next millennium. Expecting growth rates above the average for the region and sub-
Saharan Africa as a whole, the prospects are seen as good.

For the average Burkinabè however, the picture may not be as rosy. Export-led growth does not
always trickle down to poor people. The government now has to translate this anticipated growth into
tangible benefits such as improved health, education and living standards for its people. Reallocating
funds from the central government budget to favour health and education would be a step in the right
direction.

There are still considerable weaknesses in the Burkina Faso economy, which may be summarised as:

1.   heavy dependence on agriculture
2.   irregular and low agricultural output
3.   population growth
4.   limited industrial growth
5.   unpredictable weather
6.   45% of people living below the poverty line.

Until Burkina is able to bring economic growth to these people into, it will not greatly improve the lives
of its citizens.
Governance and the political system
6.1 Governance
Burkina Faso has been reasonably lucky in the level of governance that it has received from difference
regimes. The excesses of corruption and patrimonialism seen in other African civil services and
governments have not been experienced in Burkina Faso.

Thomas Sankara came to power vowing not to tolerate corruption or the use of public office for
personal gain by politicians and public employees. To prove his point he put up ministerial Mercedes
                                                                                 lviii
Benz’ as national lottery prizes and replaced them with the humble Renault Five.

The Mercedes’ may be back, but the civil service has remained reasonably free of corruption and
inefficiency. As part of the structural adjustment reforms the government has brought in a merit-based
                                                              lix
system of promotion to replace the automatic promotion. Some sectors of the civil service have been
privatised, although it is not guaranteed that this will increase accountability or transparency.

In order to secure HIPC debt relief the government will need to reform the public sector further,
                                                                                           lx
including a programme of decentralisation to improve accountability at the regional level.

6.2 The political system
In 1991 a new Constitution was approved by referendum. It established a democratic system of
political institutions, which function more or less freely. Elections for the two-chamber National
Assembly are held every five years and presidential elections every seven years.

The seat of power in this system is the President, who appoints a Council of Ministers and is able to
exert considerable influence over the judiciary and legal system. Shadows have been cast over the
democratic credentials of the Compaoré regime in part because of human rights abuses in recent
years, and in part because of its control of parliament.

In elections for the National Assembly in 1997, Blaise Compaoré’s Congrés de la Democratie et
Progrés (CDP) won 101 out of 111 seats. The biggest opposition party, the Partie de la Democratie et
Progrés (PCP) won just 8 seats. The leader of the PCP, Joseph Ki-Zerbo declared the election a ‘
catastrophe for the country’ and a ‘missed opportunity’. Opposition parties in Burkina are highly divided
into small groups and factions, preventing coherent and effective opposition to the regime from
developing.

In January 1997 the Constitution was amended, removing the two-term limitation on holding
presidential office. President Compaoré won elections the following year with 88.7%of the vote. He is
free to run for a third term of office in 2005 if he wishes.

Despite the worrying lack of political opposition, elements of civil society, particularly trade unions,
have been vociferous in their criticism of the government. Demonstrations, strikes and protests have
won concessions from the government where parliamentary opposition has failed.

Women are under-represented in the political life of Burkina Faso, despite being half the population. In
the 1997 parliamentary elections only 8 women were elected. Government efforts to improve the
status of women in society will not be successful until women also play a more active political role. It
appears that there is quite a long way to go.

Democracy at least seems to be fairly well settled in Burkina Faso, even if the quality of democracy on
offer is rather poor. The human rights abuses of the past have lessened and the government appears
committed to decentralisation of the political system to improve the quality of local administration.
Appendix 1: Burkina Faso compared

                                                     Burkina    Sub-      UK        Source

                                                      Faso     Saharan

Human Development Indicator Rank (1-174)              172        n/a      14       UNDP 98


Life expectancy at birth                               46         51       77     UNICEF 99

Population (millions)                                 10.9       592      58.2    UNICEF 99

Population growth rate                                 2.8       2.8       0.2    UNICEF 99

% of population living in urban areas (2000)           38         35       89     UNICEF 99

Per capita GDP US$                                    230        528     19 000   UNICEF 99


Education
position on the Education Performance Index           47.89      n/a      n/a     OXFAM 99

NET primary enrolment – girls (%)                      24        51       100     UNICEF 99

NET primary enrolment – boys (%)                       37        60       100     UNICEF 99

% of girls in primary school                           28        57       n/a     UNICEF 99

pupil-teacher ratio in primary school                  54        45        19     UNESCO 96

Secondary school enrolment (%)                          7        27        92       WB 98

% of girls in secondary school enrolment (%)           34        n/a       49       WB 98

Adult literacy - women (%) (1995)                       9        47       100     UNICEF 99

Adult literacy - men (%) (1995)                        30        66       100     UNICEF 99


Health
Health Expenditure per capita (1995 PPP $)             43        87      1373       WB 98

Maternal mortality (per 100 000 live births)          930       975        9      UNDP/WB 98

% of births attended by trained personnel              42        37       100     UNICEF 99

Infant mortality (per 1000 live births)               110       105        6      UNICEF 99

Under 5 mortality (per 1000 live births)              169       170        7      UNICEF 99

number of doctors per 100 000 inhabitants               3        16       164     UNICEF 99

% of malnourished children under 5                     30        32       n/a      UNDP 97

AIDS cases per 100 000 people                         16.3      22.2      2.6      UNDP 97
                                                                                   UNDP 98
                                                       9.2      11.2      2.1

Water and sanitation
% of population with access to safe water              66        50       100     UNICEF 99

% of population with access to adequate sanitation     37        44        96     UNICEF 99


Government expenditure
education as % of total government spending            17        14         5     UNICEF 99

health as % of total government spending                7         5        14     UNICEF 99

defence as % of total government spending              14        10         8     UNICEF 99

debt service as % of total government spending         18        14       10.2      WB 98

debt service as % of goods & services exports          38        14        n/a    UNICEF 99



Sources
UNICEF The State of the World’s Children 1999
UNDP The Human Development Report 1997, 1998
The World Bank World Development Indicators 1998
Oxfam Education Now 1999
Appendix 2: A typical schoolday
Zenabu lives in Nida village in the Bissa area in the eastern region of the country. She attends year 6
at Lergho primary school. She describes a typical school day:

I wake up and say my morning prayer. If there is some food (wu) left from the evening before I warm
that up, otherwise I cook. I leave the dirty dishes - I don't have time to do any more work before I go to
school. I wash and change into my school clothes. Sometimes it’s a rush.

I usually walk to school with Mariam, a friend, and we often join up with the others going in from Nida.
We always have to hurry.

If we arrive late at school we go straight into the classroom. Otherwise we revise our lessons from our
exercise books. If we’re really early we fetch water from the well.

At 7.30am we start school by doing PE/sport, usually running or gym exercises. The boys might play
football - sometimes the girls play too, with the boys.

In the afternoon we might start with Calculation then French conjugation or grammar, followed by
reading. Because we live a long way from school we are allowed to leave early. The others will stay to
revise.

We have Production, but not every day. Last year we planted cabbages, onions and tomatoes. But this
year we’re only growing papaya to plant in the school grounds o that we have some fruit. We sow
seeds and we’re watering them. Some have come up and are starting to grow quickly. We don’t have
any at home but I’d like to grow them there. Production’s not my favourite subject, but I don’t mind it. I
like Conjugation best - I suppose because I am good at it.

On our way home from school we often run, if it’s getting dark. If it’s light we’ll play. We chase and tag
each other. If it’s the right time of year we can collect mangoes or tugor (a grape like berry).
Sometimes we get into trouble when we are spotted.

Usually the sun has gone down by the time we get home. I get changed. I sweep grandma’s
compound if it hasn’t been done. I’ll wash any dishes that need cleaning and warm some water on the
fire so that I can have a full wash. Then I have my dinner. Usually we eat wu or rice with sauce. Every
now and then we have meat - chicken or guinea fowl, occasionally goat or mutton. We have eggs too.

Then I go to bed. I don’t do any homework in the evenings, just at weekends. There’s no time for it.

I’d like to be a teacher, if I go to secondary school. My parents said they might be able to send me. We
need more schools and teachers so we don’t have to walk so far to school.
Bibliography and sources

Africa Recovery Vol 11:3 February 1998

Cross N & Barker R At the Desert’s Edge: Oral History from the Sahel (SOS Sahel/Panos Institute
1991992)

Economist Intelligence Unit Burkina Faso Country profile 1997-98

Education for all: achieving the goal: statistical document (1996)

Englebert P Burkina Faso Unsteady Statehood in West Africa (Westview Press 1996),

International Monetary Fund/International Development Agency HIPC decision point document on
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Nolan B & Turbat V Cost recovery in public health services in sub Saharan Africa (Economic
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United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report (1997 & 1998)
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Unicef The State of the World’s Children (1999)

Watkins K Education now, Oxfam (1999)

World Bank World Development Indicators, (1998)
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http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/hipc
World Bank, country at-a-glance statistics 1998 online: http://www.worldbank.org
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 Congrès pour la Democratie et Progrès
 Poverty in Burkina Faso, Building Consensus for action Human development Technical Group,Africa Region, World Bank
(1997)
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 Education now Oxfam 1999087
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 Sayer, Report on a visit to Burkina Faso 1999
 Education now Oxfam 1999 p125
 IMF/IDA 1997
 UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997, p68
 Oxfam 1999 p202
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i
     UNDP Human Development Report 1997
ii
     Burkina Faso: new life for the Sahel? (Oxfam country profile 1990, Robin Sharp) p9
iii
     Oxfam country profile 1990 p9
iv
     World Bank World Development Indicators, 1998
v
     Oxfam country profile, p11
vi
     P Englebert, Burkina Faso Unsteady Statehood in West Africa (Westview Press 1996), p171
vii
      Congrès pour la Democratie et Progrès
viii
       Poverty in Burkina Faso, Building Consensus for action Human development Technical Group,Africa Region, World Bank
(1997)
ix
     Oxfam country profile 1990
x
     Oxfam country profile 1990
xi
     World Bank 1997, p11
xii
      World Bank 1997 p3
xiii
       Education now, Oxfam 1999
xiv
       IMF/IDA HIPC decision point document on Burkina Faso 13.08.97
xv
      IMF/IDA 1997
xvi
        Education now Oxfam 1999087
xvii
        World Bank World Development Indicators 1998
xviii
        UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997
xix
       Sayer, Report on a visit to Burkina Faso 1999
xx
      Education now Oxfam 1999 p125
xxi
       IMF/IDA 1997
xxii
        UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997, p68
xxiii
        Oxfam 1999 p202
xxiv
        Oxfam 1999
xxv
        UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997
xxvi
        IMF/IDA 1997 p15
xxvii
         World Bank World Development Indicators, 1998
xxviii
         Unicef State of the World’s Children 1999
xxix
        UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997
xxx
        UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997
xxxi
       UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997
xxxii
         Unicef, State of the world’s children 1999
xxxiii
         Economist Intelligence Unit Country profile 1997-98
xxxiv
         UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997
xxxv
         World Bank World Development Indicators, 1998
xxxvi
         Unicef, State of the world’s children 1999
xxxvii
         Implementation Completion Report, Burkina Faso, Health Services Project, West Central Africa Department, Africa
RegionWorld Bank 1995 (report number 15204)
xxxviii
          UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997
xxxix
         UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997
xl
     B Nolan & V Turbat Cost recovery in public health services in sub-Saharan Africa (Economic Development Institute/World
Bank 1995)
xli
      Nolan & Turbat, 1995
xlii
       UNDP Sustainable Development Report, Burkina Faso 1997
xliii
       M Thylefors, The Effects of the Devaluation of the CFA franc on the poor Households of Ouagadougou (Development
Studies Unit Stockholm University Working Paper no 31 1995)
xliv
        World Bank World Development Indicators 1998
xlv
       Englebert 1996 p100
xlvi
        M Thylefors, ‘The Effects of the Devaluation of the CFA franc on Poor Households in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso’
Development Studies Unit working paper no 13, Stockholm University 1994
xlvii
        M Speirs, Burkina Faso 1983-94 p93
xlviii
        Speirs, Burkina Faso 1983-94
xlix
        Spiers 1994 p105
l
   World Bank, Burkina Faso and HIPC debt relief at a glance, online: http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/hipc
li
    World Bank World development indicators, 1998
lii
     World Bank, country statistics 1998
liii
     Unicef State of the world’s children 1999 table 6
liv
      Africa Recovery Vol 11:3 February 1998 p7
lv
     World Bank World Development Indicators 1998
lvi
      World Bank World Development Indicators 1998 (DAC is the ‘aid agency’ of the OECD)
lvii
       UNDP 1998, table 20
lviii
       Englebert 1996: 56
lix
      IMF/IDA HIPC Decision Point Document 1997
lx
     IMF/IDA HIPC Decision Point Document 1997