Cold War in Latin America
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Cold War in Latin
America
Central America, the Caribbean and South
America become the battleground for a test of
wills between the United States and the
U.S.S.R. -- as the Cold War comes to America's
"backyard."
After World War II, growing
nationalism in Central and
South America led to greater
resentment against the
United States, whose
government and business
interests dominated the
region.
At that time in Guatemala,
the railroad, the main port,
telecommunications and
about 500,000 acres of land
were owned by the United
Fruit Company of Boston.
In 1950, Jacobo Arbenz was
voted Guatemala's president.
Arbenz wanted to modernize
Guatemala's backward
society and started a land
reform program, nationalizing
thousands of acres of land --
some of it owned by United
Fruit.
Officials in Washington were
alarmed and suspected
communist infiltration of the
Arbenz government. Arbenz
wasn't a communist, but
some of his allies were.
The CIA organized an
operation code-named "PB
Success," which mobilized
disaffected Guatemalan exiles
and peasants into action. The
PB Success campaign brought
down Guatemala's government
and drove Arbenz and his wife
into exile. Some 9,000 of his
supporters were arrested.
Among those who fled
Guatemala was a young
Argentine doctor, Che Guevara
-- who went to Mexico, where
he met Cuban rebel leader
Fidel Castro.
CUBA
By the end of the
1950s, Fidel
Castro and Che
Guevara had
triumphed in
Cuba --
establishing a
communist
regime that soon
allied itself with
the Soviet Union.
Bay of Pigs
In 1961, the new U.S.
president, John F.
Kennedy, inherited a CIA
scheme to send an army of
exiles to Cuba to overthrow
Castro -- a plan that had
worked earlier against
Arbenz in Guatemala. But
the CIA-sponsored Bay of
Pigs invasion against
Castro was a disaster.
About 100 Cubans were
killed in the fighting.
The disastrous operation
was a great humiliation
for the Kennedy
administration and
significantly increased
Cold War tensions.
Castro did not return
the surviving Cuban
exiles until the United
States sent millions of
dollars in humanitarian
aid to Cuba.
By the early 1960s, left-wing
groups were fighting the
authorities in Guatemala,
Venezuela, Colombia and Peru.
The United States grew nervous;
in 1965, U.S. Marines were sent
to the Dominican Republic to end
a democratic revolution that
Washington erroneously believed
was backed by the Cubans.
Cuba's real efforts to export
revolution, meanwhile, met with
mixed results.
In 1967, Che Guevara, who had
called for "100 Vietnams," was
captured alive in Bolivia and shot
dead hours later.
CHILE
Chile had been calm in the
1960s. But in 1970 a left-
center coalition sought
electoral victory.
Unidad Popular was led by
a Marxist doctor, Sen.
Salvador Allende.
U.S. businesses and the CIA
tried -- and failed -- to
prevent Allende from being
elected president of Chile.
Allende's first big step was the
nationalization of copper, Chile's
biggest industry, which was still
effectively under U.S. control.
He pressed on with what he
called his "Social Revolution."
Chilean peasants began to seize
land.
The Chilean economy was
increasingly put under state
control -- a move that upset
overseas financiers. The World
Bank in Washington cut off
credits to Chile.
Inflation and economic
problems mounted. CIA
money helped pay for
Chilean truck owners to
bring the country to a
standstill.
On September 11, 1973,
Allende was violently ousted
by the head of his military,
Gen. Augusto Pinochet.
Allende was found dead
after the Moneda, the
presidential palace, had
been set ablaze.
Following the coup, Pinochet
had hundreds of political
suspects rounded up. Many
were never seen again.
Anybody noticing a
trend?
CENTRAL AMERICA
In the 1930s in Nicaragua, U.S. Marines
had helped put dictator Tacho Somoza
into power.
Forty years later, Nicaragua was still
ruled by a Somoza. After years of
fighting, guerrillas who called
themselves Sandinistas, after the name
of a 1930s anti-U.S. rebel, ousted
Somoza in 1979.
The Sandinistas allied themselves with
Cuba and attempted to bring a Marxist
order to their country. But they found
themselves being challenged by a
counter-rebellion -- the Contras.
At the same time, in neighboring El
Salvador, protests had broken out against
right-wing military rule.
Catholic Archbishop Oscar Romero was
among those who spoke out. In March
1980, as he was saying Mass in a private
chapel, the archbishop was assassinated.
At Romero's funeral, mourners were fired
upon -- and many died.
Later in the year three U.S. nuns and a
female lay worker were kidnapped, raped
and killed by men later discovered to be
part of El Salvador's National Guard.
The U.S. briefly, and temporarily,
withdrew aid to the Salvadoran military.
Meanwhile, Salvadoran guerrillas
expanded their campaign against the
government.
Grenada
As the fighting continued in Central
America, Washington was planning another
operation -- on the British-governed
Caribbean island of Grenada.
When Grenada's left-wing prime minister,
Maurice Bishop, was assassinated by
extreme Marxists in 1983, the U.S. military
had an invasion plan ready for Reagan's
approval.
The invasion, weakly opposed by a group of
Cuban advisers on Grenada, was over in a
few days. Within six weeks, their work done
and Reagan's image enhanced, the U.S.
troops left.
The Reagan
administration also was
funding Nicaragua's
Contra rebels.
That undeclared war
upset the U.S. Congress,
which curtailed the
Contras' funds.
To pay for the Contras,
White House officials
secretly sold arms to
Iran, a scandal that,
once discovered, came
back to hinder Reagan's
government.
By 1990, Nicaragua agreed to open
and free elections, and Sandinista
leader Daniel Ortega asked the
Nicaraguan people to elect him
president.
His opponent was Violeta Chamorro,
the widow of Pedro Joaquin
Chamorro, an opposition leader killed
during the Somoza regime.
When the votes were tallied,
Chamorro won a narrow, yet
stunning victory.
The superpower struggle in Central
America had given way to a quiet
revolution at the ballot box.
Did You Know?
The United States suspected
Russia's interests in the
Western Hemisphere long
before the Cold War. In fact,
fears about Russian territorial
ambitions in the Americas
were a primary motivation
for the Monroe Doctrine.
Brinkmanship Game
You are President Reagan's national security adviser. The president,
fearing that a communist Nicaragua threatens all of Central America, has
asked you to find a way to continue helping the "Contras," a Nicaraguan
rebel group fighting the Cuban-supported Sandinista government.
Congress has limited your legal options, however, by passing the Boland
Amendment, which explicitly prohibits any further direct or indirect military
aid to the Contras.
A staffer suggests the Contras could benefit from another White House
endeavor: the sale of missiles to Iran in exchange for the release of U.S.
hostages in the Middle East. The staffer suggests diverting some of the
arms sale proceeds to the Contras. This would accomplish two of Reagan's
objectives -- freeing hostages and funding the Contras -- but it would
directly violate the Boland Amendment.
Do you approve the plan or reject it?
Policy adviser No. 1:
This proposal is a brilliant solution to two
problems. And it will never be uncovered
-- nobody would believe it. Approve the
plan.
Policy adviser No. 2:
This scheme is a clear violation of the
Boland Amendment, and it rewards
terrorists for taking hostages. Reject it.
Intelligence chief:
We have an obligation to support the
Contras. If we don't, Nicaragua could
become a base for communist expansion
throughout the hemisphere. Approve the
plan.
Did you
A) Reject it?
B Approve it?
YES
Reagan's national security adviser, John Poindexter, made the same decision. He
approved the plan. The result was the Iran-Contra scandal.
The scheme had been conceived and directed by Lt. Col. Oliver North, an assistant deputy
director on the National Security Council who already had been guiding extra-legal efforts to fund
the Contras under the direction and approval of CIA Director William Casey.
The first part of the Iran-Contra plan -- selling arms to Iran in exchange for hostages -- had been
approved by Poindexter's predecessor, Robert McFarlane, in early 1985. This exchange directly
contradicted the administration's public policy of refusing to bargain with terrorists. Then, with
Poindexter's approval, North arranged to divert a portion of the proceeds from the arms sales to
the Contras. This was in direction violation of the law -- the Boland Amendment.
The story became public after a Lebanese newspaper uncovered the arms sales. Reagan ordered
an investigation, revealing the diversion of funds to the Contras. Though he had ordered his staff
to find a way to fund the Contras, Reagan denied any knowledge of North's scheme. The
damage, however, was done: Congressional hearings and a special counsel investigation ensued.
Poindexter and North lost their jobs and were prosecuted, while Reagan's approval rating
plummeted. The scandal weakened Reagan's ability to pursue his objectives in Central America or
anywhere else.
The Contras, meanwhile, failed to gain ground in Nicaragua. A diplomatic initiative, led by Costa
Rican President Oscar Arias, was more successful. After years of negotiations, the Sandinistas
agreed to hold free elections. In 1990 Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega was defeated by
opposition leader Violetta Chamorro. The Sandinistas handed over the government, and the
Contras were disarmed.
NO
This was not the decision of Reagan's national security adviser, John Poindexter. He
approved the plan. The result was the Iran-Contra scandal.
The scheme had been conceived and directed by Lt. Col. Oliver North, an assistant deputy
director on the National Security Council who already had been guiding extra-legal efforts to fund
the Contras under the direction and approval of CIA Director William Casey.
The first part of the Iran-Contra plan -- selling arms to Iran in exchange for hostages -- had been
approved by Poindexter's predecessor, Robert McFarlane, in early 1985. This exchange directly
contradicted the administration's public policy of refusing to bargain with terrorists. Then, with
Poindexter's approval, North arranged to divert a portion of the proceeds from the arms sales to
the Contras. This was in direction violation of the law -- the Boland Amendment.
The story became public after a Lebanese newspaper uncovered the arms sales. Reagan ordered
an investigation, revealing the diversion of funds to the Contras. Though he had ordered his staff
to find a way to fund the Contras, Reagan denied any knowledge of North's scheme. The
damage, however, was done: Congressional hearings and a special counsel investigation ensued.
Poindexter and North lost their jobs and were prosecuted, while Reagan's approval rating
plummeted. The scandal weakened Reagan's ability to pursue his objectives in Central America or
anywhere else.
The Contras, meanwhile, failed to gain ground in Nicaragua. A diplomatic initiative, led by Costa
Rican President Oscar Arias, was more successful. After years of negotiations, the Sandinistas
agreed to hold free elections. In 1990 Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega was defeated by
opposition leader Violeta Chamorro. The Sandinistas handed over the government, and the
Contras were disarmed.
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