Report on the Conference How the Churches In Germany and Eng .rtf by wangnuanzg


									             HOW THE CHURCHES IN

            PEACE KEEPING

Conference Report of a
Anglo-German Conference
held at the
Evangelische Sozialakademie Schloss Friedewald

28 - 31 August 2003

PROGRAM                                                        S. 3


CONTEXT                                                        S. 6

THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND ON WAR AND PEACE                         S. 19


A CHURCH OF ENGLAND PERSPECTIVE                                S. 39


OF THE HOLY LAND                                               S. 49


WAR OF TERRORISM                                               S. 51

IN GERMANY (EKD)                                               S. 59

      ANTHEA BETHGE                                            S. 76

                 Program                           06:30 pm     Dinner
                                                   07:30 pm     Evaluation of the Conference
                                                                Consequences for our
 Thursday 28 August 2003                                       Churches' commitment to
before 3:30 pm Arrivals
03:30 pm       Coffee / Tea
04:00 pm       Opening and Introduction             Sunday 31 August 2003
               The Revd Paul Oppenheim,            08:15 am     Breakfast
               Hanover                             09:00 am     Eucharist in the Chapel
04:30 pm       Civil crisis prevention, conflict
               management and the                               End of Conference
               consolidation of peace
               as tasks of foreign policy in
               Germany and the European
               Mr Martin Eberts (VLR),
               Auswärtiges Amt, Berlin
06:30 pm       Dinner

 Friday 29 August 2003
08:15 am       Morning Prayer
08:30 am       Breakfast
09:30 am       Fundamentals of Protestant
               ethics in the German context
               Priv.-Doz. Dr. Michael
               Haspel, Marburg
10:45 am       Coffee/Tea

 Saturday 30 August 2003
08:15 am       Morning Prayer
08.30 am       Breakfast
09.30 am       How does the EKD develop
               its position and statements on
               ethical issues relating to
               The Revd Dr. Eberhard
               Pausch, Hanover
10:45 am       Coffee/ Tea
11:15 am       How does the Church of
               England develop its position
               and statements on ethical
               issues relating to peace?
               Dr. Charles Reed, London
12:30 am       Lunch
02:30 pm       Coffee /Tea
03:00 pm        Peace activities in the Church
                of England and the EKD
               The Rt. Revd Colin Bennetts,
               Dr. Anthea Bethge,
               Ökumenischer Dienst im
               Konziliaren Prozess

                   A SUMMARY OF THE CONFERENCE
                    TO ETHICAL DECISION-MAKING"
organized by the EKD, Church of England and Evangelische Sozialakademie Friedewald
28. - 31. August 2003 in Schloss Friedewald

Paul Oppenheim
German Co-Secretary of the Meissen Commission

                                                   This has led to the creation of a special
                                                   working group for the dialogue with the
With the Meissen Declaration of 1991 the           Islamic world in the aftermath of the terrorist
Evangelical Church in Germany (EKD) and            attacks of September 11th, 2001.
the Church of England (CofE) have committed
themselves "to share a common life and             The ethical contributions of the churches were
mission" and "to take all possible steps to        studied under three aspects:
closer fellowship in as many areas of Christian
life and witness as possible".                     1.      The fundamental ethical statements on
                                                   the issue of war and peace from the
After the four theological conferences in Berlin   perspectives of Protestant and Anglican
(1995), West Wickham (1998), Springe (1999)        theology with reference to their respective
and Cheltenham (2001) which focussed mainly        national context
on ecclesiological issues an Anglo-German          Papers were presented by Professor Nigel
conference on peace ethics took place at the       Biggar, Leeds University and Dr. Michael
request of the Meissen Commission (Joint           Haspel, Marburg University.
sponsoring body of EKD and CofE) in the
Evangelische Sozialakademie Schloss                2.      The EKD's and the Church of
Friedewald on 28 - 31 August 2003.                 England's method for developing policies and
Approximatively 30 participants from               issuing official statements on Public Affairs
Germany and England responded to the EKD's         Issues
invitation to a study on the churches'             Papers were presented by OKR Dr. Eberhard
contribution to ethical decision-making as         Pausch, Secretary of the EKD Commission for
illustrated by the most recent statements of the   Public Responsibility and by Dr. Charles Reed,
EKD and the CofE on military intervention          Public Affairs Unit of the Church of England.
and peace-keeping.
                                                   3.     Examples of peace activities within the
A presentation of the current principles and       churches in England and in Germany
guide-lines for Germany's foreign policy set       Papers were presented by the Bishop of
the frame of reference for a discussion of the     Coventry, The Rt. Revd. Colin Bennetts on the
churches' statements on war and peace. The         Ministry of Reconciliation at Coventry
German diplomat Martin Eberts, theologian          Cathedral and by Dr. Anthea Bethge on the
and historian by training, and a member of the     Ecumenical Peace Service-Shalom-diaconate).
Central Planning Group of the Federal Foreign
Office in Berlin presented policies of crisis
prevention, conflict solution and peace
consolidation as the principal elements of
German foreign policy. He described the
international framework (NATO, UNO, EU) in
which these policies are implemented. Peace-
keeping which includes an active concern for
the respect of human rights was described as
the leading principle of German foreign policy.

                                                     similar considerations in the Anglican

                                                     It was noted that much greater significance
                                                     was attached to the concept of national
                                                     sovereignty in the Church of England's ethical
                                                     thinking than it would ever be in any statement
                                                     by the German churches. The significance of
                                                     international commitments and the trans-
                                                     national frame of reference for any action in
                                                     the field of peace and security needs further
                                                     common reflection.
 The Revd. Frank Dieter Fischbach, the Rt. Revd.
  Colin Bennetts, OKR Paul Oppenheim and Dr.         The discussion on the different ethical
        Anthea Bethge (from left to right)           approaches made apparent a difference in the
                                                     theological appraisal of guilt. While the
Results and Conclusions                              Anglican Anglo-Saxon tradition admits the
                                                     possibility of an ethically responsible action
The conference made evident that very little is      without guilt as in the case of a Just War, the
known in our churches of the other church's          Lutheran approach seems to exclude the
ethical tradition and that there is only a very      possibility of acting without guilt in warfare.
superficial knowledge concerning each others
views on peace ethics in particular.                 The participants recommended that both
Theological conversations between the EKD            churches should engage in further studies
and the Church of England on the subject of          towards a doctrine of Just Peace which should
their different traditions and methods in the        take into consideration the recent Anglo-
field of ethics are therefore just as necessary as   Saxon research on Just War criteria. A
the ongoing discussion on ecclesiological            common ethical statement on the issue of war
themes.                                              and peace could be a valuable contribution
                                                     towards a common position of the European
It became clear that with regard to a concrete       churches on peace ethics in the context of the
political situation the Church of England            Conference of European Churches (CEC).
reached nearly the same conclusions on the
basis of the traditional Just War criteria as the
EKD did with the newer concept of Just
                                                     Hannover, 3 September 2003
It also became clear that the criterion of ultima
ratio which leaves a certain scope for the
possibility of military intervention within the
EKD's concept of peace ethics could be further
developed and specified with the help of


    Michael Haspel
    Lecturer for Social Ethics
    Theological Faculty, University of Marburg
                                                               we will be able to follow the red thread of the
    The reflection on peace ethics in German                   mainstream discourse.
    Protestantism started with the reformation.                The special German context was mainly
    Martin Luther, by drawing on the Just War                  constituted until 1990 by the division of
    criteria, ruled out any other cause as justifying          Germany. Germany was a divided country in a
    the recourse to arms than self-defence or help             divided Europe. At the same time it is a
    in need.2 It seems that this foundational insight          country right in the centre of Europe, a fact
    got more often than not forgotten in the course            which becomes even more important since the
    of history. It would be an interesting and                 destruction of the iron curtain. This special
    challenging task to reconstruct this                       situation provided some context for the
    development which, however, shall not be                   reflection on peace ethics in German
    accomplished here. Given the dramatic hiatus               Protestantism after 1945.
    which rule of National Socialism in Germany,
    the Second World War and the Holocaust                     I. Re-orientation after World War II: War
    constitute for German history and culture it               is Contrary to the Will of God
    seems adequate to concentrate in this paper on
    the period starting 1945.                                  After the catastrophe of World War II the
    However, this is not the only limitation of this           Protestant churches in Germany took
    paper. I will concentrate mainly on official or            fundamentally new positions in the ethical
    semi-official documents on the federal level of            evaluation of the institution of war. For long,
    the Evangelical Church in Germany and the                  war had been seen in the liberal tradition of
    Federation of Evangelical Churches in the                  cultural Protestantism (Kulturprotestantismus)
    German Democratic Republic respectively.                   as well as in neo-Lutheranism as a natural or
    There were and are significantly differing                 even necessary part of the cultural life of a
    concepts in the regional churches, the                     nation.3 Only few German voices were audible
    confessional federations, the Kirchentag,                  between the World Wars taking a pacifist
    associations and groups dealing with the                   stance in the context of the ecumenical
    question of peace on different levels. By                  movement.4 Confronted with the devastation,
    concentrating on the official documents on the             destruction and terror which the German nation
    federal level, we might on the one hand’s side             had brought upon the rest of Europe and
    miss some distinguished positions, on the other            experiencing the consequences of this war in
                                                               the ruins of German cities, in fragmented
                                                               families and traumatised biographies, German
    Parts of this paper were presented at a conference         Protestantism was participating in a broader
    sponsored by the Meissen Commission of the
    Church of England and the Evangelical Church in
    Germany at Schloss Friedewald in August 2003. I        3
                                                               Cf. Herrmann, Wilhelm: Ethik, Tübingen, 3rd ed.
    am grateful for this opportunity and profited              1904, p. 200. For more examples cf. Gollwitzer,
    significantly from the discussion and other                Helmut: Die Christen und die Atomwaffen, (TEH
    presentations. I am indebted to OKR i.R. Uwe-Peter         NF 61), München, 3rd. ed. 1957, p. 14, footnote 15.
    Heidingsfeld and Pfarrer Martin Harold Schindel        4
    for their commentaries on an earlier version of this       Grotefeld, Stefan: Friedrich Siegmund-Schultze.
    paper.                                                     Ein deutscher Ökumeniker und christlicher Pazifist,
                                                               (Heidelberger Untersuchungen zu Widerstand,
                                                               Judenverfolgung und Kirchenkampf im Dritten
    Luther, Martin: Ob Kriegsleute auch in seligem             Reich, Bd. 7), Gütersloh 1995; for Bonhoeffer see
    Stande sein können (1526), in: WA 19, Weimar               Huber,     Wolfgang;      Reuter,     Hans-Richard:
    1897, pp. 616-662.                                         Friedensethik, Stuttgart/Berlin 1990, pp. 123-126.

    societal sentiment which was inclined to                    abolished as legitimate means of politics they
    abolish the idea of war being an acceptable                 significantly disagree on the means how this
    means of politics, and consequently promoted                goal should be achieved. I am repeating these
    the right for conscientious objection of military           positions here not to educate you about
    service.                                                    something of which I assume that you have
    This feeling and view was shared in many                    been familiar with since long, but because this
    other nations. It was given expression at the               constellation of Amsterdam anticipates the
    First General Assembly of the World Council                 structure of the discourse on Protestant peace
    of Churches in Amsterdam in 1948. The                       ethics in Germany from the late 40s up to at
    headline of the report of the forth section was             least the early 90s.
    the famous line: War is contrary to the Will of             The broad anti-war consensus was
    God,5 which became the Leitmotiv of the                     significantly shattered in the discussion about
    foundations of Protestant peace ethics also in              German rearmament under the impression of
    Germany and is since reiterated basically in                the Cold War and of the not so cold war in
    each statement on international conflict like a             Korea. The dividing lines mirroring the
    mantra. However, it is important to note that               positions formulated in Amsterdam were
    this headline was not an expression of radical              cutting through political parties, civil society
    pacifism but the umbrella term under which                  and the Protestant church. The anti-
    the different positions were able to unite.                 rearmament movement and later the anti-
    Already in Amsterdam there was a group                      nuclear weapons movement were significantly
    inclined to what one could call nuclear                     initiated and sustained by the Protestant milieu,
    pacifism. They held the position that even                  though the ruling bodies of the Evangelical
    though for Christians it might not be                       Church in Germany gave up the opposition
    fundamentally prohibited to go to war, the                  against rearmament after the beginning of the
    potential of total destruction of modern warfare            Korean War in 1950.
    would never allow it to be just. Another group              This conflict played a key role for the further
    retained the position that ultimately military              development of the public role of
    means may be the only way to defend justice,                Protestantism as well as the political culture of
    and under such circumstances it would be an                 the Federal Republic of Germany until today.
    obligation of citizens to participate in such               The then Secretary of State for the Home
    defence. The third group however was opposed                Department and later President of the Federal
    to any form of war and expected the church                  Republic of Germany, Gustav Heinemann,
    and individual Christians to object against any             who was at the same time chairperson of the
    form of violence, and to promote peace                      synod of the Evangelical Church in Germany,
    unconditionally. Though all positions agree on              resigned from his cabinet position as protest
    the goal of peace and that war should be                    against the rearmament policy of Chancellor
                                                                Adenauer.6 Heinemann also left the Christian
                                                                Democrat Union and, after failing to establish
    Visser ‘T Hooft, W. A. (ed.): The First Assembly of         a new party, he with his followers joined the
    the World Council of Churches, London: SCM                  Social Democratic Party. Among those who
    Press 1949, p. 89. It is interesting that the German        accompanied him on this wandering was
    translation is somewhat less straight than the
    English. In German it reads: Krieg soll nach Gottes         Johannes Rau, the current German President,
    Willen nicht sein, which would be literally                 who is actually married to the grand-daughter
    translated something like: According to God’s will          of Heinemann.
    there should be no war. Unfortunately I was not             This early debate about peace ethics brought
    able to trace back the origin of the translation. Cf.       parts of German Protestantism, traditionally
    Die erste Vollversammlung des Ökumenischen
    Rates der Kirchen, Tübingen/Stuttgart 1948, p. 118.
    Reprinted as Erste Vollversammlung des
    Ökumenischen Rates der Kirchen: Bericht der                 Cf. Lienemann, Wolfgang: Frieden. Vom
    Vierten     Sektion    (Amsterdam        1948),   in:       ”gerechten Krieg” zum ”gerechten Frieden”,
    Kirchenkanzlei der EKD (ed.): Kirche und Frieden            (Ökumenische Studienhefte, Bd. 10, Bensheimer
    (EKD Texte 3), Hannover 1982, pp. 155-162. See              Hefte, Bd. 92), Göttingen 2000, pp. 89-92. It is
    also Härle, Wilfried: Zum Beispiel Golfkrieg. Der           important to note that opposition against re-
    Dienst der Kirche in Krisensituationen in unserer           armament not necessarily was grounded in
    säkularen Gesellschaft, (Vorlagen, Neue Folge 14),          pacifism, but was sometimes due to the argument,
    Hannover 1991.                                              that re-armament would inhibit German unification.

    near to national liberal parties, closer to the           adopted by a church governing body they
    Social Democrats. I don’t think it is overstated          served as a foundation of Protestant peace
    to say that without this reorganisation of the            ethics in the following decades. It was in the
    political landscape the participation of the              military chaplaincy in the West where they
    Social Democrats in the governments from                  even gained official status.9 Their fundamental
    1966 to 1982 and from 1998 up to date would               presupposition is that in the age of weapons of
    not have been possible. This is not only an               mass destruction peace is the fundamental
    interesting biographical and anecdotal detail, it         necessity for the survival of humankind
    also altered and shaped the framework in                  (Thesis I). Therefore it is the duty of all
    which German Protestantism voiced its                     Christians to work for the abolition of war.
    statements on peace ethics and international              Given the massive destruction which any use
    conflict.                                                 of nuclear weapons would evoke, the
    Thus we can summarise that the reorientation              Heidelberg Theses state that the tradition of the
    of German Protestantism after World War II                Just War theory no longer can be applied to
    resulted in a clear stance against the institution        modern warfare. Any use of weapons of mass
    of war and towards a policy which ultimately              destruction would violate the principle of
    should result in overcoming war as a means of             proportionality (Thesis V). This is a decision
    conflict resolution. However, the question was            which influences the German perception of
    debated whether this goal should be achieved              Just War theory until today. The working party
    through opposing the rearmament of Germany                of the Church of England in their report The
    or through taking part in the military effort in          Church and the Bomb in 1982 and the Catholic
    order to secure peace through credible                    Bishops in the United States in their seminal
    deterrence. The debates about these issues of             pastoral letter the following year, went a
    peace ethics not only affected German                     different way. By applying the Just War
    Protestantism, but also German society as a               criteria to the question of the use of nuclear
    whole, though it was divided in West and East.            weapons they concluded that since such
    In the West it contributed to the reorganisation          weapons violate the principles of Just War
    of the political landscape with lasting effects.          reasoning, at least the use of nuclear weapons
    New challenges were surfacing with the                    can never be ethically justified.10
    Bundeswehr being established in the 50s, and it           The argument of the Heidelberg Theses
    was discussed whether the new German army                 however goes the other way round: not
    should be equipped with nuclear weapons.
    This triggered the debate about the ethical               Kirche in Deutschland, Gütersloh, 3rd ed. 1982
    legitimacy of weapons of mass destruction.7               (1981), pp. 76-87. An English translation is found
                                                              as Appendix A in: Evangelical Church in Germany
    II. The Heidelberg Theses (1959): Weapons                 (ed.): The Preservation, Promotion and Renewal of
                                                              Peace. A Memorandum of the Evangelical Church
    of Mass Destruction call Just War Theory                  in Germany (EKD Bulletin, special issue),
    into Question                                             Frankfurt 1981, pp. 59-69.
                                                              Cf. Howe, Günter (ed.): Atomzeitalter, Krieg und
    Alarmed by the possibility of mutual                      Frieden, (Forschungen und Berichte der Ev.
    destruction through an atomic war a group of              Studiengemeinschaft Nr. 17), Witten/Berlin 1959,
    Protestant scientists and intellectuals, initiated        p. 9f.; Lienemann, Wolfgang: Das Problem des
    by the Chaplain-General Bishop Hermann                    gerechten Krieges im deutschen Protestantismus
    Kunst, published in 1959 the Heidelberg                   nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, in: Steinweg, Reiner
    Theses.8 Though they were never officially                (ed.): Der gerechte Krieg: Christentum, Islam,
                                                              Marxismus, (Friedensanalysen 12), Frankfurt 1980,
                                                              pp. 125-162, here pp. 143-145.
7                                                             Church of England working party: The Church and
    For the historical development of the debate on           the Bomb. Nuclear Weapons and Christian
    peace ethics in both Germanys cf. Silomon, Anke:          Conscience, London et al.: Hodder and Stoughton,
    Verantwortung für den Frieden, in: Nowak, Kurt;           8th ed. 1983 (1982), chapter 5, pp. 82-98; National
    Lepp, Claudia (eds): Evangelische Kirche im               Conference of Catholic Bishops: The Challenge of
    geteilten Deutschland (1945-1989/90), Göttingen           Peace. God’s Promise and Our Response. A
    2001, pp. 135-160.                                        Pastoral Letter on War and Peace by the National
    Heidelberger Thesen (1959) reprinted in:                  Conference of Catholic Bishops, May 3, 1983,
    Kirchenamt der EKD (ed.): Frieden wahren, fördern         Washington D.C.: United States Catholic
    und erneuern. Eine Denkschrift der Evangelischen          Conference 1983.

     because the use of nuclear weapons would                    The understanding of peace as necessary for
     violate criteria of the Just War theory, they are           survival, the abolition of just war reasoning
     never ethically justified, but since the use of             and the thesis of complementarity of military
     weapons of mass destruction never can be                    service and conscientious objection for long
     ethically justified, the theory providing ethical           served as the foundations of Protestant peace
     criteria for such judgement is obsolete.11 This             ethics in Germany and somehow helped to
     position worked well in a situation we had in               pacify the tension between the different camps
     Germany from the early 50s to the early 90s.                in the Evangelical Church. When in 1979
     Any military conflict between the superpowers               NATO decided to dislocate even more cruise
     would have turned Germany into a battle field               missiles with nuclear warheads to counter what
     on which Germans would have fought on both                  was perceived as Soviet dominance, the debate
     sides and against each other. There was a high              surfaced again even with new vigour.
     risk that any use of military force would trigger
     an escalation leading into nuclear                          III. The Preservation, Promotion and
     Armageddon. Thus, even conventional military                Renewal of Peace (1981): Reconciliation and
     force was seen only in its potential to                     Peace Building
     contribute to the rationale of deterrence, it was
     never meant to be used at all. Though                       Pursuant to the NATO Double Resolution of
     functional in this specific theatre, Protestant             1979 and related to the Soviet invasion of
     peace ethics gave up the systematic reflection              Afghanistan the perception was widely shared
     of legitimate use of (conventional) military                that the next steps in the armament race could
     force and abolished the means to do so.                     lead to an acceleration which might be no
     Consonant with the two aspects elaborated so                longer controllable. In Western Germany we
     far, the Heidelberg Theses addressed the                    saw the then biggest protest rallies ever. The
     problem of the individual conscience faced                  debate was hotly carried out also in the
     with the question whether to fulfil mandatory               Evangelical church. It was a situation probably
     military service in an army being incorporated              rather similar to the one in England which
     in a military strategy based on possession of               triggered the work on The Church and the
     and threat with the use of nuclear weapons.                 Bomb.13
     The outcome is a classic example of                         The Commission for Public Responsibility
     compromise ethics. Both options – military                  elaborated in 1981 the memorandum The
     service and its conscientious objection – were              Preservation, Promotion and Renewal of
     seen as complementary (Thesis VI).12 On the                 Peace approved by the governing council of
     one hand conscientious objection of military                the Evangelical Church which still remains not
     service has to be seen as an option for                     only the most extensive but also the most
     Christians (Thesis VII), but on the other, where            thorough theological work on peace ethics in
     military service is seen as the attempt to secure           the Evangelical Church in Germany.14 Peace is
     peace and freedom, it has still to be seen as an
     option consonant with Christian ethics (Thesis         13
                                                                 Since they were dealing with similar questions it
     VIII). This temporal condition still was then               would be interesting to look into the work and
     reiterated and prolonged in basically every                 influence of CCADD, the Conference on Christian
     statement on peace ethics until the end of the              Approaches to Defence and Disarmament, which
     Cold War.                                                   was initiated in the United Kingdom in 1963 and
                                                                 met the first time in Friedewald (Germany) in 1964,
                                                                 in which English and German participants were
                                                                 involved. It would be interesting to find out,
     Cf. Haspel, Michael: Friedensethik und Humanitäre           whether the discussions in this semi-formal group
     Intervention.     Der       Kosovo-Krieg      als           influenced the work on the memoranda in the
     Herausforderung evangelischer Friedensethik,                United Kingdom and Western Germany. Cf.
     Neukirchen-Vluyn 2002, pp. 39-45; Gollwitzer,               Johnstone, Kenneth: The Conference on Christian
     Helmut: Die Christen und die Atomwaffen, (TEH               Approaches to Defence and Disarmament. Its
     NF 61), München, 3rd ed., 1957.                             Origins, Development and some of its Problems, in:
     For the analysis of the not very precise adoption of        Collmer, Paul u.a. (eds): Kirche im Spannungsfeld
     this term see Reuter, Hans-Richard: Zum ethischen           der Politik (FS Hermann Kunst), Göttingen 1977,
     Problem nuklearer Abschreckung heute. Aktuelle              pp. 349-356.
     Re-Lektüre der ”Heidelberger Thesen” von 1959,              Kirchenkanzlei der EKD (ed.): Frieden wahren,
     in: ZEE 44, 2000, pp. 113-122.                              fördern und erneuern., Eine Denkschrift der

     seen as a promise of God (Phil 4, 7-9) resulting             ethics well beyond the framework of the Cold
     from atonement and reconciliation in Jesus                   War.17 Notwithstanding, with the end of the
     Christ (2 Cor 5, 19). Because of their                       confrontation of the two superpowers, the
     experience of reconciliation, and trusting on                frameworks of peace ethics were
     the God’s promise of peace, Christians are                   fundamentally called into question.
     called into responsibility and service for peace
     and reconciliation in the world.15 From this                 IV. Different Emphasis in the East: The
     dogmatic foundation follows that only peace                  Rejection of the Principle of Deterrence
     can be the aim of Christian ethics, never war.
     Thus the commission opts for political                       For the eight regional Churches which united
     instruments securing peace instead of military               1969 as the Federation of Evangelical
     means. Though military armament is still                     Churches in the German Democratic Republic
     accepted (may be not only for the moment but                 questions of peace ethics have been essential.
     for the time being), in the long run the aim is              Cut off definitely from the other churches of
     an international peace order which should be                 the Evangelical Church in Germany after the
     achieved through gradual disarmament and                     erection of the wall in 1961 by the communist
     measures of trust building.                                  government they were confronted with the
     The notion of international peace order                      increasing militarisation of the so-called
     implicates an understanding of peace which                   socialist society. It were the Protestant
     goes beyond the concept of negative peace,                   churches who lobbied for an alternative service
     referring to the mere absence of the use of                  employment for conscientious objectors, which
     open military violence. Rather a concept of                  was not granted by the state. And it were
     positive or comprehensive peace is introduced,               mainly Protestant Christians who refused to
     promoting the idea that peace and justice, one               serve in the combat units of the army and who
     could say the biblical shalom (Ps 85, 10),                   were alternatively employed in paramilitary
     belong together.16 Thus peace can only be                    construction units. Thus the question of peace
     achieved gradually if the use of violence is                 ethics was a very existential one for many
     minimised, individual and social human rights                Protestant Christians. And the Evangelical
     are guaranteed and international justice as well             Church, differing from the view in the West,
     as the preservation of nature are realised. It is            did not judge the two options as
     the church’s duty to engage publicly for this                complementary but saw conscientious
     understanding of peace and to live up to these               objection as a ”more pronounced testimony of
     principles within the ecumenical community.                  the contemporary commandment of peace of
     With the insight into the theological and                    our Lord”.18
     political-ethical relation of peace and justice              The question of peace was also a highly
     the study document laid ground for peace                     politically symbolical field. Peace was one of
                                                                  the major ideals of socialist ideology; and the
     Evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland Gütersloh,               way to peace was seen exclusively in the
     3rd. ed. 1982 (1981); English: Evangelical Church            readiness to militarily defend socialism and
     in Germany (ed.): The Preservation, Promotion and            peace. A paradox formulation which sounds
     Renewal of Peace. A Memorandum of the                        somehow familiar from other contexts. By the
     Evangelical Church in Germany (EKD Bulletin,                 same token those who seemed not to be willing
     special issue), Frankfurt 1981.
                                                                  to defend socialism militarily were seen as
     For the relation of justification, reconciliation and        opposing the work for peace. Many pastors and
     justice see now: Haspel, Michael: Rechtfertigung,            church-leaders experienced that in situations of
     Versöhnung und Gerechtigkeit. Die Globalisierung
     als Herausforderung christlicher Soteriologie,               seemingly unsolvable conflicts the state
     forthcoming in: ÖR, H.4 2003; idem: Justification
     and Justice,     in: Bloomquist, Karen; Greive,
     Wolfgang (eds): The Doctrine of Justification: Its           Though there was also severe critique from the
     Reception and Meaning Today, (LWF Studies                    peace-movement as well as from the Reformed
     02/2003), Geneva 2003, pp. 171-186.                          Federation (Reformierter Bund) which would have
     Cf. inter alia Haspel, Michael: Einführung in die            liked to see an explicit opposition against the
     Friedensethik, in: Imbusch, Peter; Zoll, Ralf (eds):         NATO Double Resolution.
     Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Eine Einführung             My translation of ”das deutlichere Zeugnis des
     mit Quellen, Opladen, 2nd rev. ed. 1999, pp. 423-            gegenwärtigen Friedensgebots unseres Herrn”
     445.                                                         (Kirchliches Jahrbuch 93, 1966, p. 256).

     representatives tried to provide common                    rendered peace ethics from the realm of
     ground by appealing to them: ”But aren’t you               adiaphora of political ethics into a question of
     also for peace?”                                           Christian identity.21
     A certain stiffening occurred when in 1978                 Against this background, it is little surprising
     pre-military training was introduced into the              that the Protestant Churches in East Germany
     curricula of state schools after it had for long           were at the forefront of promoting the
     been part of the activities of the socialist youth         ecumenical process for Justice, Peace and the
     organisations. In turn, the churches started a             Integrity of Creation, coming out of the WCC
     study and work program which not only                      assembly in Vancouver 1983. In the GDR a
     addressed the pre-military training but the                series of preparatory meetings took place in
     strategy of deterrence, including the threat of            1988 and 1989, inviting and receiving
     mutually assured destruction as such.                      grassroots participation. These Ecumenical
     Programmes for peace education were                        Assemblies provided important impulses for
     initiated, and the church provided meeting-                the emerging protest movement in autumn of
     places, publicity and protection for the                   1989. With regard to peace ethics they
     emerging peace movement.19 There were many                 introduced the concept of Just Peace into the
     more initiatives, programmes and activities,               German discussion.22 This included to give up
     but all at least preliminarily culminated in an            Just War doctrine and to replace it by a
     official decision of the federal synod in 1982             concept for peace including the imperative of
     where with high public visibility the church               global justice achieved through civil and
     voiced a ”Rejection of Spirit and Logic of                 peaceful means.23 The transformation in the
     Deterrence”.                                               GDR starting in autumn of 1989 and the
     This was not only a firm stance against the
     socialist regime in East Berlin, but also went
     beyond the equilibrist compromise the West-           21
                                                                Cf. Haspel, Michael: Politischer Protestantismus
     German Protestants were subscribing to.20 In               und     gesellschaftliche   Transformation.    Ein
     the East, the militarisation of civil society, or          Vergleich der Rolle der evangelischen Kirchen in
     what had been left of it, was the symbolic                 der DDR und der schwarzen Kirchen in der
     battlefield on which Christians where                      Bürgerrechtsbewegung in den USA, Tübingen
                                                                1997, pp. 166-172; Demke, Christoph et al. (eds):
     confronted with demands of socialist ideology              Zwischen      Anpassung      und    Verweigerung.
     in their daily lives, and what some, maybe                 Dokumente aus der Arbeit des Bundes der
     many, experienced as a reason for a status                 Evangelischen Kirchen in der DDR, Leipzig 1994;
     confessionis. This existential dimension                   Zander, Helmut: Die Christen und die
                                                                Friedensbewegungen in beiden deutschen Staaten.
                                                                Beiträge zu einem Vergleich für die Jahre 1978-
     Cf. Pollack, Detlef: Politischer Protest. Politisch        1987 (= Beiträge zur politischen Wissenschaft, Bd.
     alternative Gruppen in der DDR, Opladen 2000, pp.          54), Berlin 1989; Silomon, Anke: ”Schwerter zu
     77-96.                                                     Pflugscharen” und die DDR. Die Friedensarbeit der
                                                                evangelischen Kirchen in der DDR im Rahmen der
     In common statements the differences were either           Friedensdekaden 1980 bis 1982, (AKZG Reihe B:
     not addressed (BEK; EKD: Der Bund der                      Darstellungen. 33), Göttingen 1999.
     Evangelischen Kirchen in der DDR und die              22
     Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland zum 40.                 In the German context the ecumenical assembly in
     Jahrestag des Beginns des Zweiten Weltkrieges              the GDR first turned to the concept of just peace, at
     (August 1979), in: Kirchenkanzlei der EKD (ed.):           least on an official level. However, the United
     Kirche und Frieden (EKD Texte 3), Hannover                 Church of Christ in the USA already in 1981
     1982, pp. 9-11) or only vaguely mentioned (BEK;            decided to become a peace church and initiated a
     EKD: Arbeitsbericht über die Konsultationen des            study process which resulted 1986 in the
     Bundes der Evangelischen Kirchen in der DDR und            publication of a study document A Just Peace
     der Evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland zur                Church (Thistlethwaite, Susan (ed.): A Just Peace
     Friedensverantwortung in beiden deutschen Staaten          Church, Cleveland, Ohio: United Church Press
     (August 1982), in: Kirchenkanzlei der EKD (ed.):           1986).
     Kirche und Frieden (EKD Texte 3), Hannover                 Cf. Haspel: Politischer Protestantismus und
     1982, pp. 12-15, here p. 13). This is also true for        gesellschaftliche Transformation, pp. 199-204;
     later statements. See Barth, Hermann; Heidingsfeld,        Aktion      Sühnezeichen/Friedensdienste  (ed.):
     Uwe-Peter ( eds.): Kundgebungen. Worte,                    Ökumenische Versammlung für Gerechtigkeit,
     Erklärungen und Dokumente der EKD, Bd.4: 1981-             Frieden und Bewahrung der Schöpfung. Dresden –
     1991, Hannover 2002, pp. 192-195; 228f.; 319f.;            Magdeburg – Dresden. Eine Dokumentation, Berlin
     445f.                                                      1990.

democratisation of East Germany in the
context of overcoming the old dividing lines of
Cold War fostered the hope that such ideals
could be realised in near future.

The Revd Dr Christa Grengel, EKD Hanover             the compulsory army. This led to an ethical
                                                     debate and difficult discussions between
"The Evangelical Church in Germany, as we            "Bausoldaten" and regular soldiers. The
know it today, has two roots, the West German        "Bausoldaten" therefore insisted that the
EKD and the Federation of Evangelical                Church establish a peace research institute
Churches in the German Democratic Republic           which was created in 1968 following the WCC-
(GDR). Therefore, I think that it is important to    Assembly in Uppsala. I was appointed as one of
add a few remarks concerning developments in         the people who started to work there in 1968/69.
the GDR during the sixties and seventies. You        We worked together with the Roman Catholic
have correctly described the time after 1981, but    Church at the start but this became increasingly
I would like to add some facts about the             difficult. This very small peace institute began
previous period. We had similar beginnings in        with peace education in congregations. We
the East and the West of Germany after World         visited parishes but we had a tough time since
War II, but first differences appeared in the        all our congregations were frustrated and
fifties, around 1956 in the debate about             depressed under the impression of the events in
rearmament in Germany.                               Czechoslovakia where the so-called "Spring of
I remember that as a school-girl I was a             Prague" had been crushed by Soviet
member of a youth delegation which petitioned        intervention. It wasn't an easy time to discuss
church leaders to protest against the armament       peace issues but we went on with our studies
of students in schools. We protested against the     and wrote papers.
militarization of schools and asked church           In 1979 the GDR government introduced
leaders to speak out against these plans. A little   military training in schools. In this situation the
later, as a reaction to the 1956 Hungarian           church leaders in the GDR could make use of
upheaval, weapons were immediately removed           our research and present arguments from our
from schools as it became obvious that it was        papers".
dangerous to let the population be armed.
In 1961 after the Berlin wall had been built the
government demanded that all male students           V. Steps on the Way to Peace (1993): The
commit themselves to military service. Until         Prima Ratio of Just Peace and the Ultima
then, the army of the GDR had been a voluntary       Ratio of Humanitarian Intervention
army without compulsory service. This led to a
difficult situation and many discussions in all      For Germany the transformation in Eastern
our universities. I was a student in Greifswald      Europe not only brought the end of the Cold
at that time. Many of the students at Greifswald     War, but also German unification. With some
university refused to sign up which was very         delay re-unification also became reality for the
dangerous for them at that time. They took the       Evangelical churches, which for decades had
risk of being expelled from university and           been separated from each other: de jure since
Christians were accused of being the instigators     1969, de facto since 1961. The hope for lasting
of the rebellion. This was the beginning of the      peace after the termination of the confrontation
debate on conscientious objection.                   of the superpowers was rather quickly
You mentioned in your paper that conscientious       destroyed. While the war against Iraq in order
objection was considered to be "the more             to liberate Kuwait could be seen as the dawn of
pronounced testimony". The position helped us        an new world order, as it was mandated by the
find a compromise with the government because        United Nations Security Council; and the
we were not radical pacifists. We had always         United Nations were hoped to play an
argued that in the nuclear age it was not            important role for peace building, the wars on
necessary to be trained for conventional             the Balkans and civil strife in African states
warfare and that we would refuse to use nuclear      like Somalia and Rwanda too soon made clear
weapons.                                             that armed conflict – may it be in old clothes or
The government offered the possibility to serve      new disguises – was not eliminated when the
in the army without using weapons as so-called       Berlin wall was pulled down.
"Bausoldaten" (construction soldiers). This was      The Evangelical Church in Germany in the
an interesting compromise which was                  early 90s was thus confronted with a manifold
institutionalised in 1964 to accomodate              task. First, the different approaches in East and
conscientious objectors within the framework of      West had to be reconciled. This necessity was

     not only a theological one, but a very political-          The Commission for Public Responsibility of
     practical one. The system of military                      the Evangelical Church in Germany presented
     chaplaincy, as established in the West, which              in 1993 the study document Steps on the Way
     made the military chaplains part of the military           to Peace. Points of Reference on Peace Ethics
     organisation, was widely rejected in the East              and Peace Policy25, which was officially
     German churches, in which it was unthinkable               endorsed by the governing council of the
     to co-operate with an army which had been                  Evangelical Church. The fundamental concept
     part of the oppressive means of the communist              underlying the whole document is the Doctrine
     government. In the perspective of the West                 of Just Peace which was meant to replace
     German church-leadership an agreement was                  traditional thinking about war and peace in the
     needed in order to preserve the Western                    framework of Just War reasoning (14). Though
     system, which on the one hand was financially              the concept of Just Peace is not
     interesting for the churches, and on the other             comprehensively spelled out, at least the
     hand was seen by some as a paradigmatic test               following elements are identifiable:
     case for church-state-relationships on a more              Peace is understood as inseparable from
     general scale. A compromise in the                         justice. A so called extended notion of peace is
     fundamental theological questions of peace                 employed, which includes international
     ethics was necessary in order to achieve an                distributive justice, protection of human rights,
     agreement in the pragmatic issues.                         democratic structures and the preservation of
     Second, the changing framework of security                 nature. Only if these problems are dealt with
     policy and peace ethics after the end of the               the causes for violent conflicts can be
     bipolar world order had to be addressed. It was            overcome.26 In order to achieve Just Peace an
     no longer the structure of basically two spheres           international legal peace order is required,
     of influence which guaranteed the confinement              which allows for peaceful conflict resolution in
     of open military conflict in each respective               the legal framework of international
     sphere. New instruments were needed to                     institutions and organisations. These elements
     establish a world order which was apt to                   are supplemented by the preferential option for
     regulate emerging conflicts peacefully.                    non-violence27. This principle expresses the
     Third, with the abolition of the bipolar world             underlying orientation towards the
     order new security threats emerged and urged
     to redefine global security policy. Manifold
     conflicts came to the surface and too many of         25
                                                                Kirchenamt der EKD (ed.): Schritte auf dem Weg
     them exploded militarily: the second Gulf War,             des Friedens. Orientierungspunkte für Friedensethik
     the civil wars in former Yugoslavia, the ethnic            und Friedenspolitik. Ein Beitrag des Rates der EKD
     wars for example in Rwanda and civil strife in             (1993), (EKD Texte 48), Hannover, 3 rd with an
     Somalia. On the one hand, the regulating                   actualisation added ed., 2001 (1993/1994). It is
                                                                interesting to note that the synod passed a statement
     superpowers no longer were able to confine                 on peace ethics in the same year with slightly
     those conflicts, on the other not all use of               different emphasis. Though the rhetoric seems to be
     military force threatened – as it had been in the          more inclined towards pacifist views the differences
     years ago – to escalate to a nuclear war. Thus,            are not substantial (op. cit., pp. 38-48).
     the United Nations seemed to be the chosen            26
                                                                Cf. the study document Kirchenamt der EKD (ed.):
     instrument to regulate these conflicts, in the             Richte unsre Füße auf den Weg des Friedens.
     worst case with all means necessary. The                   Gewaltsame Konflikte und zivile Interventionen an
     concept of Humanitarian Intervention was re-               Beispielen aus Afrika – Herausforderungen auch
     discovered and gained some popularity and                  für kirchliches Handeln, Eine Studie der Kammer
                                                                der EKD für Entwicklung und Umwelt, (EKD
     international acceptance as an instrument to               Texte 72), Hannover 2002, which provides striking
     protect human rights in states whose                       evidence of the economic reasons for civil conflict
     governments were either not willing or not                 in African states. It is also available in English:
     able to guarantee at least the most fundamental  
     human rights.24                                       27
                                                                The official English translation formulates this term
                                                                as ”prior option of freedom from violence” which
                                                                seems to be rather awkward. In the formulation
     Cf. Haspel, Michael: Die neuen Kriege und der              ”preferential option” one might hear some
     gerechte Friede. Aktuelle Herausforderungen und            resemblance of the earlier formula of the ”more
     Perspektiven evangelischer Friedensethik, erscheint        pronounced      testimony”      with    regard      to
     in: Lernort Gemeinde 21, H. 3, 2003.                       conscientious objection.

     minimisation of violence especially through                Peace address the widely discussed issue of
     peaceful means of conflict resolution. This                so-called Humanitarian Intervention, that
     does not exclude the use of military force as              means military intervention on humanitarian
     ultima ratio entirely, but focuses on the                  grounds. After unification, the document
     preferential development and employment of                 argues, there is no longer any reason for a
     the entire spectrum of peaceful means of                   special role of Germany. Germany can or even
     conflict resolution and of civil peace services            should participate in Humanitarian
     (15f.).28 This concept until today seems to be             Interventions if they are mandated by the
     striking though it still is to be spelled out in           United Nations and meet the requirements of
     more detail.29                                             international law.
     The changing framework of international                    However, in order to formulate more concrete
     security policy is in the document pre-                    criteria for the legitimate use of military force
     dominantly interpreted as an opportunity to                the Steps on the Way to Peace are confronted
     strengthen an international peace order which              with a systematic dilemma. On the one hand,
     establishes the rule of law trans-nationally.              Just War theory has been declared obsolete
     Though structural problems of the United                   (18-21), on the other, it is exactly Just War
     Nations are mentioned, they and their regional             thinking that deals with the question of
     organisations are seen as the focal point of               formulating criteria for the legitimate and
     such an international peace order. Though                  limited use of military force.
     normatively still a convincing model, with the             This dilemma is addressed in Protestant peace
     privilege of now having the chance for an ex               ethics by a theorem called ”ethics of bona fide
     post analysis one must say that empirically it             observance of positive law”.31 This concept
     probably was already wrong at the time of its              which was used by different authors follows
     formulation. But this flaw the document shares             roughly the following argument: Since there
     with most of German, maybe Central European                are no wars which can be called morally just in
     political analysis, in which the end of the block          a substantial sense, Just War doctrine can be
     confrontation and the United Nations Security              no longer used. Instead, international law is
     Council mandate for the second Gulf War was                supposed to provide the norms for the use of
     interpreted as the opening of a window for a               force as exceptions of the fundamental
     leading role of the United Nations in world                prohibition of the use of force (Charter of the
     politics. Yet, in fact it already then was merely          United Nations, Art. 2 (4) and Chapter VII).
     the camouflage for the regained ability of the             However, on the operational level of this
     United States for unilateral military action30 –           approach exactly those criteria which had been
     for better or worse.                                       developed in the Just War tradition are
     In the changing framework of international                 employed, without relying on the Just War
     security structures in German perspective the              theory as such.32
     focus was on those conflicts in which
     fundamental human rights were violated                31
                                                                Delbrück, Jost; Dicke, Klaus: The Christian Peace
     systematically and extensively. Especially the             Ethic and the Doctrine of Just War from the Point
     cruelties of the Bosnian War stirred up a public           of View of International Law, in: German
     discussion about the new challenges and                    Yearbook of International Law 28, Berlin 1985, pp.
     responsibilities Germany has to meet after                 194-208, here p. 208. Cf. Huber/Reuter:
     unification. Therefore, the Steps on the Way to            Friedensethik, pp. 293-300.
                                                                Cf. inter alia Huber, Wolfgang: Frieden nach dem
                                                                Ende der Blockkonfrontation. Erwägungen im
     Cf. the often overlooked study document in                 Anschluß an die Barmer Theologische Erklärung,
     preparation of the synod of 1995: Kirchenamt der           in: Dimpker, Susanne (Hg.): Freiräume leben –
     EKD (ed.): Europa zusammenführen und                       Ethik gestalten. Studien zu Sozialethik und
     versöhnen, Frankfurt a.M. 1996, pp. 52-64.                 Sozialpolitik (FS Siegfried Keil), Stuttgart 1994,
29                                                              pp. 196-208; Reuter, Hans-Richard: Friedensethik
     There is a lot of consensus with the last statement        nach dem Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts, in: ZEE
     on peace ethics of the Roman Catholic bishops in           38, 1994, pp. 81-99; Reuter, Hans-Richard: Die
     Germany:        Sekretariat    der       Deutschen         ”humanitäre Intervention” zwischen Recht und
     Bischofskonferenz (ed.): Gerechter Friede, (Die            Moral: Rechtsethische Anmerkungen aus Anlaß des
     deutschen Bischöfe 66), Bonn, 2nd ed., 2000                Kosovo-Krieges, in: Ratsch, Ulrich u.a. (ed.):
     Cf. Münkler, Herfried: Der neue Golfkrieg,                 Friedensgutachten          2000,          Münster/
     Reinbek bei Hamburg 2003, pp. 130f.                        Hamburg/London 2000, pp. 74-85. See my more

     The Steps on the Way to Peace basically               ecumenical context that has history, some of
     proceed along this line; not without                  which has been described, but increasingly
     problematic results. The criteria listed in the       religious people both Christian, Islamic, Hindu
     document as necessary prerequisites for the           and others are not where we are. The increase
     legitimate use of military force in general (16-      of religious fundamentalism suggestively means
     18) and with special regard to Humanitarian           that the churches represented by the Vatican
     Intervention (28) are only some selected              and the World Council of Churches put together
     criteria of the Just War theory, and being one        are only a segment of world Christian thinking
     by one torn out of their systematic framework         and if you add to Islam the very strong
     they now lack their logical and systematic            appearance of Hindu fundamentalism there are
     interrelation they originally had. It does not        many people who in the name of God believe the
     seem clear whether it is necessary that all of        kind of analysis we believe in, is totally
     the criteria are met or only some or maybe a          irrelevant. In other words the thesis of the
     majority.33 Since the criteria are incomplete,        Crusade which we reject totally, as a
     unsystematic and too general it is not                theologically indefensible position, has once
     surprising that severe problems of application        again become normative for many Christians
     occurred, which will be addressed soon.               and for many other religious people around the
     With the privilege of looking back ten years          world. And if we think that our finely tuned
     after the formulation of the Steps on the Way to      ecumenical theology needs to be even more
     Peace it seems obvious that the analysis of           finely tuned to make peace a little more credible
     new security problems in the new framework            then we are leaving out of account this
     after the end of Cold War was rather selective.       terrifying fact that once again, allegedly in the
     Exclusively the problems of Humanitarian              name of God or in the name of what people
     Intervention were addressed. The problem of           passionately believe, violence is not only a
     proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,         possibility but a command. We need to face that
     which were already at this time in the focus of       reality as part of what we are up against
     the security community in the United States, is       globally. But I think, too, in the Christian
     mentioned in the document, but not seriously          context it is statistically seen that the
     addressed (11; 35). The threat of international       fundamentalist parts of the Christian family - we
     terrorism and the potential danger of terrorists      still see ourselves in that way - are gaining
     gaining access to weapons of mass destruction         strength and the ecumenical consensus we talk
     are not even mentioned, though 1993 was the           about is loosing strength particularly in the
     year of the first terrorist attack on the World       influence for example of the World Council of
     Trade Centre in New York.34 Also the impact           Churches that is now minimal compared with
     of the so-called Revolution in Military Affairs       what is used to be. This faces us with the
     on security policy and the global political           necessity of a kind of reassessment and realism
     system is not dealt with.                             that - I am sorry it sounds very pessimistic- but
                                                           we are realising that as part of the background
     The Revd Canon Paul Oestreicher, Coventry             against which we operate we are living perhaps
     "I would like to throw into that discourse what I     in cloud-cuckoo-land.
     see to be the fundamental religious problem we
     are faced with. Our churches both in Britain
     and here in Germany are operating within an           Summing up, it may be said, that the Steps on
                                                           the Way to Peace were rather successful in re-
                                                           uniting the different traditions of Protestant
     detailed discussion of this argument Haspel:          peace ethics in East and West Germany. With
     Friedensethik und Humantiäre Intervention, pp. 45-    their introduction of the concept of Just Peace
     60.                                                   and the preferential option for non-violence
     I have discussed this in more detail in: Haspel,      important steps were taken towards a
     Michael: Evangelische Friedensethik nach dem          comprehensive theological concept of peace
     Irakkrieg. 10 Jahre Orientierungspunkte für
     Friedensethik und Friedenspolitik der EKD, in:
                                                           based on the theologumenon of reconciliation.
     ZEE 47, 2003, pp. 264-279.                            However, the analysis of the changes in the
34                                                         global security system were not adequately
     Cf. Litwak, Robert S.: The New Calculus of Pre-
     emption, in: Survival 44, no 4, Winter 2002-03, pp.   perceived and conceptualised. The factual role
     53-79.                                                of the United Nations was overestimated,

     major security threats were not seen and the                use of military force in the Steps on the Way to
     development of criteria for the legitimate use              Peace.37 Today, I won’t discuss my first two
     of force as ultima ratio proved to be                       points, but I want to concentrate on the third;
     dysfunctional.                                              however, it is important for the understanding
                                                                 of fundamental problems of current peace
     VI. Peace Ethics Put to the Proof (2001):                   ethics discussion in Germany, to follow how
     Kosovo and the Aftermath                                    this problem since has been addressed.
                                                                 In difference from the official interpretation I
     The war of NATO against the Federal                         do not see that the evaluation of the efficacy of
     Republic of Yugoslavia because of the Kosovo                Protestant peace ethics which was finalised
     conflict became the first case when the criteria            only days before September 11, 2001, and
     developed in the Steps on the Way to Peace                  published at the end of that month, did
     were seriously put to the proof. Most authors               contribute anything substantially new to the
     agree that if the Evangelical Church had                    discourse on peace ethics. That the official
     judged this war in accordance with the self-                English translation of the document reads
     defined criteria of 1993 it would have had to               Peace Ethics on Probation38 might indicate
     oppose it as unjustified and illegitimate.35                that somebody had the feeling that something
     However, at the beginning of the war most                   went definitely wrong. The document was
     church-leaders shared the public perception                 elaborated because the synod of the
     that something must be done against the                     Evangelical Church had asked for a new
     violation of human rights and they thought,                 memorandum on peace ethics which should
     having the impression civil means were                      include the experiences made with the Steps on
     exhausted bombing mainly Serbian cities and                 the Way to Peace in evaluating the Kosovo
     infrastructure would bring a solution.36 During             War. However, neither the church-leadership
     the campaign more and more doubts were                      nor the commission actually wanted to deal
     voiced whether the great air-war was actually a             with this issue. The church-leadership being
     sufficient means to protect the Kosovo                      afraid of the political impact of the outcome,
     Albanian civilians on the ground.                           the commission because its members were
     In my analysis there are three reasons for                  mainly selected due to their competence in the
     failure. First, inadequate analysis of the nature           field of bio-ethics.
     of the conflict in Kosovo, second insufficient              Not surprisingly, the text highly resembles the
     comprehension of the implications of military               attempt to say something without actually
     strategy and third the above mentioned flaws                dealing with the complicated questions. Thus it
     of the set of ethical criteria for the legitimate
                                                                 One might add as a fourth point the special political
     Cf. Engelke, Matthias: Europa im Krieg – die                situation after the Federal elections. The German
     Evangelische Kirche und ihre Orientierungspunkte            decision to participate in the threat of the use of
     (3. Juni 1999), in: epd-Dokumentation 26a, 1999,            force against the FRY in autumn 1998 had to be
     pp. 1-7; Pausch, Eberhard Martin: Brauchen wir              taken within days after the elections, which had
     eine neue Friedensethik? Der Kosovo-Krieg und               brought the Social Democrat Party in a coalition
     seine Auswirkung auf die friedensethische                   with the Green Party back to power after 16 years
     Diskussion in der Evangelischen Kirche in                   of opposition. Thus, the above mentioned
     Deutschland (EKD), in: ZEE 45, 2001, pp. 17-28;             inclination of a section of Protestantism towards the
     Haspel: Friedensethik und Humanitäre Intervention,          Social Democrat Party might have played a role.
     pp. 146-216.                                           38
                                                                 Kirchenamt der EKD (ed.): Friedensethik in der
     Cf. Arnold, Gerhard: Die evangelischen Kirchen              Bewährung. Eine Zwischenbilanz (2001), in: idem.
     und der Kosovo-Krieg, Kirchliches Jahrbuch 126,             (ed.): Schritte auf dem Weg des Friedens.
     1999, Lieferung 2, Gütersloh 2001. It is important          Orientierungspunkte     für    Friedensethik    und
     to remember that the German decision to participate         Friedenspolitik, (EKD Texte 48), Hannover, 3rd
     in the threat of the use of force against the FRY in        with an actualisation added ed., 2001, pp. 57-92.
     October 1998 had to be taken within days after the          The English text is available on the website of the
     elections which brought the Social Democrat Party           EKD with the title Peace Ethics on Probation.
     in a coalition with the Green Party back to power           (
     after 16 years of opposition. Thus, the above               _peace_ethics_on_probation.html) It seems to me
     mentioned inclination of a section of Protestanism          that Peace Ethics Put to the Proof would be more
     to the Social Democrat Party might have played a            adequate. Cf. for the working process on this paper
     role.                                                       Kirchliches Jahrbuch 128, 2001, pp. 133-182.

     is an assemblage of citations of the Steps on            outside Kabul outnumbering the ISAF
     the Way to Peace and commentaries which                  contingent by far still operates without
     basically are truisms adding nothing significant         international legitimisation, the situation in
     to peace ethics , with a few exceptions. With            Afghanistan is until today no good example for
     regard to peace ethics the importance of the             strengthening a multilateral security system
     criteria of the Just War tradition is                    and the rule of law. Additionally, the conduct
     acknowledged. This has two implications. On              of war in Afghanistan seemed to hardly be
     one side the systematic origin of the criteria           within the framework of the Geneva
     used already in Steps on the Way of Peace is             conventions.40
     affirmed; on the other, the importance of Just           Against this background it is surprising what a
     War reasoning for the further development of             firm stand the Evangelical Church in concert
     criteria for the legitimate use of military force        with many other churches took against the use
     is for the first time explicitly accepted. With          of force against Iraq in 2003. To make this
     regard to peace policy there are very helpful            clear, I do also think that the Third Gulf War at
     analyses of the new NATO strategy from 1999,             this time and under these circumstances was
     the European Security Policy, the structure of           unnecessary, unjustified, illegitimate and
     German armed forces and last but not least of            violating international law. However, I also
     civil peace services.39 While these single               think that there was definitely more reason to
     aspects deserve recognition and respect the text         threat with the use of military force in this
     in general is systematically disappointing.              case, which implies willingness and ability to
     Thus, the necessary re-conceptualisation of              use it, in order to resume weapon inspections,
     peace ethics in the changed framework still              than intervening in the civil war in Kosovo.
     waits to be formulated.                                  For all who argue that strengthening the United
                                                              Nations is a prerequisite for fostering an
     VII. Current Challenges and Perspectives:                international political peace order it must have
     From Afghanistan to Iraq and Beyond                      been unsatisfying that after the rather one-
                                                              sided termination of weapons inspections in
     There was surprisingly little heated debate              1998 the United Nations were not able to
     about the Afghanistan War and the German                 enforce the obligations resulting from Security
     participation in it on the official level of the         Council resolutions against Iraq. This is
     Evangelical Church. The synod did not pass a             especially true since the United Nations bore
     resolution explicitly opposing the US-lead               special responsibility for the situation in Iraq,
     military operations in Afghanistan. This is              more than in other cases in which Security
     interesting since these operations of special            Council resolutions were or are not enforced:
     forces, in which German troops participated,             The United Nations mandated the war against
     were conducted without a mandate of the                  Iraq in order to liberate Kuwait, the UN
     Security Council. Even admitting that it is              dictated the cease-fire conditions and took it
     legitimate to react militarily against                   upon itself to enforce them through weapons
     international terrorism being organised and              inspections.41 Thus forcing Iraq even with the
     operating militarily – which without doubt was           threat of force to allow for the resumption of
     the case for Al-Qaida and the Taliban in                 weapons inspections was in my point of view a
     Afghanistan –, one still has to recognise that it        good idea.42 And it is crystal clear that
     definitely not strengthened neither the United           resolution 1441 would never have happened
     Nations nor NATO that the so-called anti-                and Iraq never would have submitted to the
     terror coalition operated without Security               requests without the credible threat of force.
     Council approval and outside the NATO
     command structure. And since it is only ISAF
     in Kabul which is backed by a Security                   Cf. Müller, Harald: Amerika schlägt zurück. Die
     Council mandate, and the special forces                  Weltordnung nach dem 11. September, Frankfurt
                                                              a.M. 2003, pp. 122-135.
                                                              For the history of the Gulf Wars see Münkler: Der
     Cf. Arnold, Gerhard: ”Friedensethik in der               neue Golfkrieg, a.a.O.
     Bewährung. Eine Zwischenbilanz” Das neue            42
                                                              It is clear that already the threat of force requires a
     Positionspapier der Evangelischen Kirche in              mandate of the security council according to
     Deutschland, in: Deutsches Pfarrerblatt 12, 2001,        chapter VII in relation with art. 2 (4) of the Charter
     pp. 636-639.                                             of the United Nations.

     Yet, it would have been a better option to base             institutionalisation of peaceful conflict
     the whole endeavour from the very beginning                 resolution in international organisations and
     on a Security Council mandate and to deploy a               international law, which provide the
     really multilateral force. However, this way                framework for minimising violence and
     was blocked by the fundamental refusal of                   realising the preferential option for non-
     some governments, including the German, to                  violence. This must be combined with a
     take action at all.43                                       (cosmopolitan) theory of international
     Thus the statements of representatives of                   distributive justice47, in order to allow for
     German Protestantism44 against the war –                    development and decent living for the poor of
     though right in the immediate situation – were              the world. This will, in the long run, also
     somehow disappointing. They were basically                  reduce the causes for violent conflicts and
     supporting government politics and surfing on               foster the establishment of Just Peace, and it
     the wave of public sentiment against war. They              will turn the eyes to the suffering taking place
     did not address the broader policy                          every day, often not less severe than harm
     implications, did not offer any alternative and             done by wars, which get special media
     did not make clear that at the end of the road, if          attention. In addition, a comprehensive theory
     weapon inspections were continued but Iraq                  of human rights must be part of such an ethics
     would not co-operate sufficiently, the use of               of international relations which comprises the
     force might be necessary and justified.45                   basic rights in all dimensions of human rights,
     What can we conclude from this? First, that                 political, civil, social, economic, cultural, and
     Protestant peace ethics in Germany has not yet              developmental.48 Last but not least, within this
     adequately reacted to the changing                          framework, ethical criteria for the legitimate
     international security framework since 1990.                use of military force have to be spelled out
     Neither is the preferential option for non-                 systematically, consistently and concretely.49
     violence and the regulative idea of Just Peace              Third and last but not least: The churches have
     sufficiently translated into strategies, as how             a special calling to bring reconciliation to the
     they politically can be implemented or at least             world, since they themselves have experienced
     addressed in the political discourse. Nor are the           reconciliation in Christ. One of the very
     ethical criteria for the legitimate use of force            positive effects of the churches’ actions with
     sufficiently developed. However, both is                    regard to the Iraq War was that they
     needed in a systematically integrated way.                  established themselves as an international actor
     Second, peace ethics have to be developed in                in the media and also in the international
     an increasingly globalised context as                       political public. This is a decisive step ahead
     comprehensive ethics of international relations.            compared to the situation at the time of the
     Such ethics of international relations must                 Kosovo War, when churches basically were
     include an institutionalist concept46 for the               oriented to national theatres while the game
                                                                 was played by international players. This was
                                                                 different in the Iraq crises. Churches acted co-
     Cf. Müller: Amerika schlägt zurück, pp. 169-174.            ordinated in the international arena. They
     Funamental is the puclic declaration of the council         should now use this progress and try to
     of the Evangelical Church in Germany from 24                develop peace ethics on a trans-national,
     January 2003: Erklärung des Rates der EKD vom               maybe European level. The European security
     24.01.2003     (EKD-Pressmitteilung       17/2003).
                                                                 policy will have an important impact on the
     Statements of church-leaders and church governing
     bodies are to be found in: epd-Dokumentation
     13/2003; 15/2003; 16/2003. More texts were/are
     provided on the websites and                     Ein Handbuch, Stuttgart 1996, pp. 154-198.
                                                            47                                                 Cf. Beitz, Charles R.: Political Theory and
     Wolfgang Huber refers to the necessity of the threat        International Relations, Princeton: Princeton
     of force in order to resume inspections: Huber,             University Press, revised ed. 1999 (1979).
     Wolfgang: Auf Rechtsbruch mit Rechtsbruch                   Cf. Shue, Henry: Basic Rights: Subsistence,
     antworten, ist kein Weg zum Frieden, in: epd-               Affluence, and U.S. Foreign Policy, Princeton:
     Dokumentation 15/2003, pp. 9-11, hier p. 10.                Princeton University Press, 2nd ed. 1996 (1980).
46                                                          49
     Cf. Chwaszcza, Christine: Politische Ethik II: Ethik        Cf. Haspel, Michael: Ethics of International
     der Internationalen Beziehungen, in: Nida-Rümelin,          Relations and the Legitimacy of the Use of Military
     Julian     (ed.):    Angewandte      Ethik.     Die         Force, in: Sutrop, Margit (ed.). Yearbook Ethics
     Bereichsethiken und ihre theoretische Fundierung.           Centre University Tartu, forthcoming 2003.

shape of the world in the years to come:            Peace which is able to be translated into public
Therefore it has to be addressed on a European      discourse. Maybe this conference is a good
level. Peace ethics are needed, which on the        starting point for this process. And maybe
analytical level realistically take into account    Psalm 85 provides a vision for this endeavour:
the problems and the options in the changed         ”justice and peace will kiss each other”.
world, and which on the normative level
develop a strategy for the promotion of Just


Nigel Biggar
Professor of Theology and Ethics
School of Theology and Religious Studies
University of Leeds
                                                    revelation. Accordingly, it has been more
One of the Church of England’s Protestant           ready to accredit sources of moral wisdom
features is that it lacks a Magisterium. This       other than Scripture. This is evident, for
makes the task of describing what the Church        example, in the respect with which William
has to say about war and peace less than            Temple (1881-1944), Archbishop of
straightforward, since it is host to many voices,   Canterbury, regarded the contributions to
each commanding a different degree of               ethical debate of experts in the social and
authority. There are the statements of              natural sciences, and also by the Church of
individual bishops and individual theologians.      England’s proclivity since the late-1950s for
There are the pronouncements of the House of        multi-disciplinary working parties on ethical
Bishops all together. There are the ‘briefing       issues, involving philosophers, scientists, and
papers’ of the Board for Social Responsibility      practitioners, as well as theologians. One of the
(now the Public Affairs Unit), and the ‘reports’    most impressive fruits of these working parties
of working parties. And there are the motions       was the report, The Church and the Bomb
of General Synod, some of which simply              (1982), about which we shall have more to say
endorse the reports presented to it, and some of    shortly.
which do not. In what follows, I will               A second Anglican inheritance from Thomist
endeavour to present some of the more               moral theology is an appreciation for casuistry.
authoritative voices, and to pick out some          Casuistry presupposes that perplexing cases
common themes and judgements.                       should be decided by reasoning in the light of a
                                                    set of moral principles and rules rather than,
The Church of England’s style of moral              for example, by direct appeal to the text of
theology                                            Scripture, or by hearing a concrete command
                                                    of God in some immediate fashion, or by
Before we embark on our exploration of what         inscrutable moral intution. In other words, it
the Church of England has had to say about          presupposes an important deliberative role for
war and peace, it will be helpful to take note of   moral law. Initially, the Reformation was
two of the characteristic features of the           unfavourable to casuistry. In Luther’s opinion,
Church’s general approach to moral matters.         the late medieval penitential system-which
In Book I of his Treatise of the Laws of            casuistry served as a means of determining the
Ecclesiastical Polity (1594), Richard Hooker        gravity of sins-had become moralistic in its
established Anglican moral theology on              focus upon acts of sin and penance, and in its
foundations that owe much more to Thomas            neglect of sin as a spiritual orientation and of
Aquinas than to Martin Luther. As a                 repentance as its conversion. Moreover, in his
consequence, the Anglican tradition of ethical      reaction against Scholasticism, Luther
thought has tended to esteem more highly than       entertained a strong suspicion of reason.
its Lutheran, Reformed, or Anabaptist               However, in the late 16th and early 17th
counterparts the power of natural reason to         centuries English Puritans such as William
discern elements of what is good and right          Perkins (1558-1602) and William Ames (1576-
without the aid of the grace of special             1633) became convinced of the pastoral need

       for the provision of fine moral guidance,                         authority, right intention-together with one
       formally along the lines of Roman summae                          condition for ius in bello-a just mode of acting
       casuum conscientiae, but based on evangelical                     (Q.2). He then develops the conditions by
       theological presuppositions. Perkins and Ames                     discussing (very briefly) such questions as
       pioneered an Anglican tradition of casuistry,                     these: Should Christian princes call on infidel
       which flourished in the hands of divines such                     aid? (Q.3); To what extent ought those who
       as Jeremy Taylor (1613-1667), and which                           wage war agree with the justice of its cause?
       Kenneth Kirk (1886-1954) sought to revive in                      (Q.4); How much of a sin is it to wage war
       the 1920s.50 Unlike its traditional Roman                         with a wrong intention-say, out of hatred or
       counterpart, Anglican casuistry was set loose                     jealousy or zeal for honour? (Q.5); What harms
       from the confessional, aiming to reach a                          may one inflict in war and to what extent?
       judgement, not retrospectively about the                          (Q.6); and, Is it just to use plots and tricks in
       gravity of sins confessed, but prospectively                      war? (Q.8).
       about the right course of action to be taken.                     Another Anglican contribution to the
                                                                         development of just war doctrine was made by
                                                                         William Whewell (1794-1866), who has the
       The Church of England on war and peace                            rather rare distinction of having moved from a
       before 1945                                                       chair of minerology at Cambridge to one of
       The development of just war doctrine                              moral theology. Whewell translated Grotius’
       In addition to a high esteem for natural reason                   De Iura Belli et Pacis (1625) into English; and
       and an appreciation of casuistry, the doctrine                    he devoted eight pages of his six-hundred-page
       of just war was adopted by the Church of                          Elements of Morality, including Polity (1855)
       England from Thomist moral theology; and                          to “The Rights of War”. Here, he argues that
       over the course of time some Anglicans have                       the recognition that war is subject to
       made modest contributions to its development.                     international law is a recognition that it is
       Right at the beginning of the Anglican ethical                    properly limited by certain moral conditions.52
       tradition, in his De conscientia et eius jure vel                 There is a right to make war on condition that
       casibus libri quinque (1630),51 William Ames                      it is fought between states (otherwise it is an
       presents the three conditions for ius ad bellum                   act of piracy); and that a state that would make
       that we find in Aquinas-just cause, proper                        war has some claim to justice.53 Not only the
                                                                         launching of war, but the process of waging it,
                                                                         is governed by certain rights and obligations.
         The Protestant tradition of casuistry—which                     Take combatants first. Since the point of a war
       included some Lutheran contributions before the                   is to destroy a state’s “public force”, a
       end of the 17th century (from, e.g., J.A. Osiander,               combatant who has surrendered and become a
       1622-97)—came to an abrupt end early in the 18th                  prisoner is no longer “an object of active
       century. This can be attributed to: the influence of              hostility”. While Whewell acknowledges the
       Lutheran Pietism and its reaction against the                     reasonableness of killing prisoners as
       theological and ethical rationalism of Protestant                 punishment for putting up hopeless (and
       scholasticism in favour of spiritual and devotional               therefore wasteful) resistance and for breaking
       concerns; the widespread influence of Pascal’s                    faith (and so undermining the authority of
       withering exposé in his Lettres Provinciales (1656-
                                                                         treaties), and even to paralyse other resistance
       57) of the moral permissiveness of the
       ‘probabilistic’ casuistry practised at that time by the           with terror in order to bring war to an early
       Jesuits; the emergence of a certain complacency                   end,54 he makes it clear that he would welcome
       about moral decision-making, resulting from a new-                their legal prohibition.55 Since the force that
       found confidence in the self-sufficiency of the                   should be used in war is public, “assassins,
       individual's moral sense or reason or conscience;                 poisoners, secret incendiaries” are prohibited,
       and the preoccupation of late 17th and 18th century
       moralists with meta-ethical controversies about the
       nature and foundations of morality and moral              52
                                                                      William Whewell, The Elements of Morality, including
       epistemology. See Nigel Biggar, “A Case for                      Polity, 4th ed. (Cambridge: Deighton, Bell & Co.,
       Casuistry in the Church”, Modern Theology, 6/1                   1864), s. 1056.
       (1989).                                                   53
                                                                      Ibid., s. 1058.
     William Ames, De conscientia et eius jure vel casibus       54
       libri quinque (Amstelodami: J. Janssonium, 1630),              Ibid., s. 1061.
       Book V, chapter xxxiii.                                        Ibid., s. 1066.

        but not military ambushes or mines.56 Good
        faith requires that mutually recognised modes
        of communication-e.g., a truce-be respected;
        but it does not exclude the use of deception in
        general.57 Moving on to the treatment of non-
        combatants, Whewell opines that the invading
        army “supersedes the higher functions of the
        State in the invaded country” and so may
        exercise the right of taxation and levy a
        ‘contribution’. Private property is to be
        respected-except at sea, where such respect is
        not practicable58-as is the right of non-
        combatants to go about their daily work.59 The
        inhabitants of an invaded country who
        prosecute guerrilla warfare do not deserve
        treatment “according to the more humane
        Laws of War”, since they subvert the very
        foundation of those laws, namely, the
        distinction between combatants and non-
        combatants.60 Finally, neutrals have no right to
                                                                                     Professor Nigel Biggar
        carry munitions to belligerents once war has
        been declared; nor do they have a right to carry
                                                                       National identity versus imperialist
        any goods to a place that has been declared in a
        state of blockade.61
        A third example-and not a very impressive                      From the mid-19th to the mid-20th century
        one-of the Church of England’s development                     much Anglican discussion of the justice of war
        of just war doctrine is provided by William
                                                                       has focussed on the right and duty of a nation
        Temple, who was Archbishop of Canterbury                       to defend its own peculiar way of life. So, for
        for most of the Second World War. On the                       example, F. D. Maurice (1805-72), Professor
        controversial matter of the use of incendiary                  of Casuistry and Moral Philosophy at
        and other conventional bombs in the ‘strategic’                Cambridge, affirmed “the sanctity of national
        or ‘area’ bombing of German cities, Temple
                                                                       life”;63 distinguished a nation’s reverence for
        initially held that civilian deaths were                       its own language, laws, and government from a
        permissible, provided simply that they were                    contempt for foreigners;64 envisaged Christ’s
        not intended. Later, however, he argued that                   kingdom as “a kingdom for all nations” and
        non-combatants may be intentionally targeted,                  not a “world-empire”;65 and argued that war is
        not out of vengeance, but because the citizens                 lawful only as “a struggle for Law against
        of any modern state bear responsibility for its                Force; for the life of a people as expressed in
        actions and, besides, the ‘total’ nature of                    their laws, their language, their government,
        modern war virtually erases the distinction                    against any effort to impose on them a law, a
        between combatants and civilians anyway.62                     language, a government which is not theirs”.66
                                                                       Such views survived the First World War. In
56                                                                     his 1928 Henry Scott Holland Memorial
     Ibid., s. 1062.
                                                                       Lectures, William Temple affirms the variety
     Ibid., s. 1063.                                                   of nations against a non-national
     Ibid., s. 1068.                                                   cosmopolitanism; and argues that a state has
     Ibid., s. 1067.                                                   not only the right, but a duty, to defend itself
     Ibid., s. 1071.                                                   against annihilation, because “each national
     Ibid., s. 1073.
62                                                             63
     For my account of Temple, I rely entirely on Stephen           F.D. Maurice, Social Morality (London: Macmillan,
        E. Lammers’ research in the archives of Lambeth                1893), p. 183.
        Palace, as presented in his article, “William Temple   64
                                                                    Ibid., p. 191.
        and the Bombing of Germany: An Exploration of          65
        the Just War Tradition”, Journal of Religious               Ibid., p. 180.
        Ethics, 19/1 (Spring 1991), pp. 71-92.                      Ibid., p. 179.

        community is a trustee for the world-wide                  pacifist movement of the inter-war years were
        community, to which it should bring treasures              Anglican: Charles Raven (1885-1964; Regius
        of its own; and to submit to political                     Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, 1932-50)
        annihilation may be to defraud mankind of                  and ‘Dick’ Sheppard (1880-1937). Both were
        what it alone could have contributed to the                theologically liberal in the strict sense that they
        general wealth of human experience.”67 A little            took a sunny view of human nature, a
        later in his 1935-36 Gifford Lectures, Hensley             progressivist stance on human history, and
        Henson (1863-1947), Bishop of Durham,                      fierce exception to the anthropological
        draws a sharp distinction between genuine                  pessimism of Karl Barth and Reinhold
        patriotism, which is an extension of                       Niebuhr. In his 1935 book, Is War Obsolete?,
        neighbourly love, and “self-centred,                       Raven looks forward to the eventual abolition
        vainglorious nationalism”: “Patriotism pictures            of anachronistic war, but accepts the
        humanity as a composite of many distinctive                internationalising of armed force as an interim
        national types, enriched with the various                  stage. Neither Raven nor Sheppard were at
        achievements of history. Nationalism dreams                their strongest when it came to matters of
        of a subject world, an empire of its own                   British imperial or international policy.71
        wherein all men serve its interests and minister           Pacifism, however, was never more than a
        to its magnificence”.68                                    minority sport in the Church of England. Much
        (It is noteworthy that this affirmation of                 more popular was the view that, even though
        distinctive national life against global                   war might be just in certain circumstances,
        imperialism or cosmopolitanism has resurfaced              Christians are nevertheless bound to endeavour
        recently in the thought of Oliver O’Donovan,               to create a world in which those circumstances
        the current incumbent of the Regius Chair of               do not arise. As Temple wrote in 1928: “…
        Moral and Pastoral Theology at Oxford. In his              [T]hough it would be again our duty to go to
        The Desire of the Nations: Rediscovering the               war if the same conditions were repeated, it is
        Roots of Political Theology (1986),                        still more obviously our duty to see that those
        O’Donovan invokes biblical authority in                    conditions are never repeated”.72 Specifically
        favour of an international order that is unified           what Temple had in mind was the duty to
        by universal law rather than by universal,                 support efforts to promote an international
        imperial government, and which is constituted              state or federation-that is, the League of
        by a plurality of nations, each with their own             Nations-which will uphold international law
        cultural integrity.69 Unlike empire, “[l]aw                and arbitrate international conflicts.73 Indeed,
        holds equal and independent subjects together              the League was the focus of many Anglican
        without allowing one to master the other”.70)              hopes until the Abyssinian crisis of 1935-38
                                                                   exposed its impotence74-something that Raven
        The duty to build peace                                    himself admitted was probably due to the wave
        A pronounced feature of Anglican thinking in               of anti-militarism in Britain that prevented the
        the aftermath of the First World War is its                Government from giving the League its full
        assertion of the duty to build peace. For some             support.75
        this entailed various forms of pacifism, and               Not everyone identified the task of peace-
        during this period was founded the Anglican                building with the creation and support of
        Pacifist Fellowship (1937), which persists to              international institutions. Vigo Demant (1893-
        this day. Two key figures in the Christian                 1983), for one, was concerned with its spiritual
                                                                   and cultural dimensions. In God, Man, and
                                                                   Society (1933), Demant deems the first step to
     William Temple, Christianity and the State, Henry             be the repudiation of the notion-propagated by
       Scott Holland Memorial Lectures 1928 (London:
       Macmillan, 1928), pp. 172, 156.
      Hensley Henson, Christian Morality: Natural,         71
                                                                See Alan Wilkinson, Dissent or Conform? War,
       Developing, Final, Gifford Lectures 1935-36                Peace, and the English Churches, 1900-1945
       (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936), p. 269.                   (London: SCM, 1986), pp. 105-25.
      Oliver O’Donovan, The Desire of the Nations:         72
                                                                Temple, Christianity and the State, p. 174.
        Rediscovering the Roots of Political Theology      73
        (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986),          Ibid., pp. 165-72.
        pp. 70-73.                                              Wilkinson, Dissent or Conform?, pp. 87-90.
70                                                         75
     Ibid., p. 236.                                             Ibid., p. 110.

        Hobbes, Von Treitschke, Gumplowicz, and                        of the most impressive fruits of this tradition-
        Von Moltke, among others-that war is a natural                 and one of the most substantial Anglican
        feature of human life.76 On the contrary, war is               treatments of war and peace ever written-is the
        the fruit of nationalism and its expansive                     Board for Social Responsibility’s 1982 report,
        version, imperialism, and these are driven by                  The Church and the Bomb. This shares with
        the distorted, fearful, aggressive forms of                    the 1983 U.S. Catholic Bishops’ Pastoral
        natural passions. Radical peace-building, then,                Letter, “The Challenge of Peace”, extreme
        must seek to transform the affective roots of                  scepticism about the possibility in practice of
        war. 77 How? By dissolving the passion for                     maintaining a ‘firebreak’ between different
        domination, replacing fear with faith, and,                    levels of weapon (conventional, tactical
        most concretely, solving the problem of                        nuclear, theatre nuclear, strategic nuclear),80
        unemployment which “to a great extent is the                   and therefore of preventing escalation and
        cause of much international rivalry for                        keeping war ‘limited’ and proportionate.81 The
        markets”.78                                                    report is explicit in its use of a ‘thick’ concept
        (This is perhaps the most appropriate place at                 of right intention, which integrates it with the
        which to observe that the failure of the highly                choice of proportionate means: if one’s
        popular internationalist and pacific                           declared intention not to kill non-combatants is
        Government policies of the 1930s79-including                   genuine, it will find objective expression in
        disarmament and the acceptance of German                       measures taken to minimise collateral damage-
        efforts to reverse the vengeful effects of the                 “One must be prepared to go to great lengths to
        Treaty of Versailles by re/incorporating the                   avoid harming [civilians] and make great
        Rhineland, Austria, and the Sudetenland-to                     sacrifices to that end”.82 Unlike “The
        prevent the outbreak of war in 1939, continues                 Challenge of Peace”, however, The Church
        to have an impact on English common sense                      and the Bomb judges that the high risk of
        today. The lessons that English people, and                    escalation and so of disproportion between
        with them many Anglicans, commonly draw                        destructive effects and peaceful goals renders
        from the 1930s is that not all malevolence in                  immoral even the defensive use of nuclear
        the world can be tamed by redressing justified                 weapons.83
        grievances, and that naïve appeasement of                      Accordingly, it takes a harder (and more
        malevolence is almost as straight a road to war                consistent) line on nuclear deterrence. Since
        as outright aggression.)                                       this involves a conditional threat to do
                                                                       something that is in itself immoral, it involves
        The Cold War, nuclear deterrence, and                          sinful consent to act immorally: “sin is
        nuclear disarmament                                            completed in act but begins in consent, and the
                                                                       consent to act immorally, even though the act
        After 1945 and in the early years of the Cold                  never be performed, is already sinful”.84 But
        War, the Church of England began to develop                    what if this intention is only pretended-that is,
        a tradition of commissioning multi-disciplinary                a bluff? In order to work, a policy of bluff
        working parties to address ethical issues. One                 would have to prevent the enemy from
                                                                       discovering its real intention never to realise
      V. A. Demant, God, Man, and Society: An
                                                                       the threat. That is, knowledge of the truth
       Introduction to Christian Sociology (London: SCM                would have to be kept secret to the highest
       Press, 1933), p. 135.                                           echelons of the political and military
     Ibid., pp. 131-32, 123, 126-27.                                   leadership. This raises two problems, one
     Ibid., pp. 127, 133.
     Of the 11.5 million people who voted in the Peace         80
       Ballot of 1934, which had been organised by the              The Church and the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons and
                                                                      Christian Conscience, the Report of a working
       League of Nations Union, 11 million voted for
                                                                      party of the Board for Social Responsibility of the
       Britain to remain a member of the League; 10.5
       million for an all-round reduction in armaments; 9.5           General Synod of the Church of England (London:
                                                                      Hodder & Stoughton, 1982), pp. 30, 55.
       million for an all-round reduction in the numbers of
       war-planes; almost 10.5 million for the                      Ibid., pp. 18, 30, 49, 95-6.
       international prohibition of the manufacture and        82
                                                                    Ibid., p. 97.
       sale of arms for private profit; and only 6.5 million   83
       for military sanctions against an aggressor (ibid.,          Ibid.
       pp. 120-21).                                                 Ibid., p. 98.

        practical and one moral. The first is that of              risk that this would lead to full-scale nuclear
        how the policy’s maintenance and secrecy                   warfare”.88
        could be ensured across changes of                         Writing just before the end of the Cold War,
        government and general staff. The second is                Oliver O’Donovan aligns himself more with
        that, while the intentions of those party to the           the Board for Social Responsibility than with
        secret would be upright, those of personnel in             the mind of General Synod. In Peace and
        lower echelons would not be: theirs would be a             Certainty: A Theological Essay on Deterrence
        sinful intention to use immoral means, when                (1989), he judges the strategy of nuclear
        commanded to do so. And indeed, insofar as                 deterrence to be morally indefensible; but the
        these would be required by their superiors to              reasons he gives reach beyond the criteria of
        consent to such an intention, culpability for              just war theory to draw on an acute theological
        encouraging their moral corruption could                   critique of modernity. O’Donovan identifies
        ultimately be traced to the highest echelons.85            nuclear deterrence as the mature expression of
        On the matter of disarmament, the report                   a modern project of pursuing absolute peace by
        judges that, at the level of the opposing                  deliberately enhancing the disproportion
        military alliances, this must be multilateral,             between the costs of war and its rewards.89
        since anything else would be dangerously                   “Disproportion is not an accident of modern
        destabilising.86 Nevertheless, it sees scope for           deterrence;” he claims, “it is the principle on
        unilateral action within an overall multilateral           which it is thought”.90 The story he tells of the
        approach. In particular, what it has in mind is            birth and growth of this project is coherent and
        Britain’s renunciation of its independent                  seems plausible, although the historical
        nuclear deterrent, partly to reinvigorate the              connections between its various elements are
        Non-Proliferation Treaty “by showing that at               more asserted than demonstrated. It begins
        least one of the nuclear powers is prepared to             with war-weariness in the late 18th and early
        take its obligations under this instrument                 19th centuries, becomes articulate in the
        seriously”, and partly to eliminate the                    philosophy of Kant and the theology of
        destabilising effect of yet another centre of              Schleiermacher, gains expression in the
        decision-making about the use of nuclear                   theories of war espoused by von Clausewitz,
        weapons.87                                                 Francis Lieber, and Tolstoy’s Prince Andrei,
        The Church and the Bomb was the subject of a               and finds its first 20th century military
        widely reported debate by General Synod in                 incarnation in the concept of the strategic air-
        February 1983, at the end of which a more                  strike.91 To O’Donovan, the deliberate
        conservative motion was carried. Instead of                throwing off of moral constraints upon the
        following the report and condemning nuclear
        deterrence as immoral, Synod affirmed “that it
        is the duty of HM [Her Majesty’s] Government       88
                                                                “The Church of England’s view on International and
        and her allies to maintain adequate forces to             Development                              Affairs”,
        guard against nuclear blackmail and to deter    , p. 4
        nuclear and non-nuclear aggressors”. And                  (22/07/2003).
        instead of pressing for unilateral disarmament,         O’Donovan, Peace and Certainty: A Theological
        it merely called on the Government “to take               Essay on Deterrence (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
        immediate steps in conjunction with her allies            1989), pp. 6-7.
        to … reduce progressively NATO’s                        Ibid., p. 25n.13.
        dependence on nuclear weapons and to                    Ibid., Chapter II. An element of the modern project of
        decrease nuclear arsenals throughout the                   pursuing absolute peace by totalising war,
        world”. It did, however, judge “that even a                according to O’Donovan, is the doctrine that war is
        small-scale first use of nuclear weapons could             ‘essentially’ without moral constraint. One root of
                                                                   this notion, he speculates, lies in the Old
        never be morally justified in view of the high
                                                                   Testament’s concept of Holy War, at whose heart is
                                                                   the idea that war is theophany—that is, the
                                                                   manifestation of the providence of God in human
                                                                   activity. This O’Donovan judges to be heretical
                                                                   from the viewpoint of New Testament faith, since
     Ibid., p. 99, 153.                                            there the theophanic expectations built around war
86                                                                 in the conquest narratives of the Old Testament
     The Church and the Bomb, p. 134.                              have been transferred to the suffering of Jesus and
     Ibid., p. 160.                                                its vindication in his resurrection. (pp. 45-7).

        conduct of war is the result of a greedy                     (all) war;97 it has stymied attempts to remedy
        impatience with the pursuit of proximate                     injustice-and the seeds of strife-by
        justice and a titanic aspiration “for the seat of            proportionate means;98 it has created stability
        divinity and the exercise of omnipotence”-in                 in Europe at the nuclear level at the price of
        other words, a manifestation of original sin.92              instability elsewhere at the sub-nuclear one;99
        Human pretence to superhuman control vitiates                it has exacerbated the arms race;100 and it has
        the strategy of nuclear deterrence at two points.            subverted liberal values by according Western
        First, adopting a Hobbesian reduction of                     civilisation the status of an ultimate value,
        human motivation to the single point of the                  thereby embracing a form of political
        fear of extinction, it supposes a quasi-                     totalitarianism.101 As for vulnerability to
        mechanical predictability about human actions                nuclear blackmail, O’Donovan argues that that
        and reactions that is quite unrealistic.93 Second,           would be no greater without a nuclear deterrent
        drawing on the technological bent of the                     than with one. First of all, it would make no
        modern mentality, it claims that the deterrent               sense for an expansionist enemy to use nuclear
        state’s pacific intent can transcend its                     weapons against territories that he intended to
        disproportionate threat as a master transcends               occupy: “Badly contaminated territories are
        his tool.94 Such transcendence is sometimes                  not controllable”.102 Second, the threat of a
        made to take the form of a bluff. O’Donovan                  strategic nuclear strike in response to a
        denies, however, that a state is capable of                  conventional or tactical nuclear attack already
        practising mental reservation, arguing                       obtains with the deterrent. All that would be
        (opaquely) that the secret resolutions of an                 different without one would be the capacity to
        inner cabinet of government comprise a                       wreak nuclear revenge-to no political, and
        conspiracy rather than state policy, and                     therefore moral, purpose.103 Third, a strategic
        implying (more clearly) that such private plans              strike might be threatened to prevent
        are unlikely to be able to withstand the                     opposition to limited expansion-for example,
        juggernaut of “the enormous programmed                       by the Warsaw Pact into West Berlin. But
        machinery of national and international crisis-              there is good reason to doubt the effectiveness
        management in circumstances of great public                  of the nuclear deterrent in fending this off,
        panic”.95 Alternatively, the state is supposed to            since NATO would be unlikely to risk full
        transcend its disproportionate threat, not by                nuclear exchange to stop such an incursion.104
        bluffing, but by postponing a decision about                 So, according to O’Donovan, the West has
        whether it will or will not actualise its                    nothing to lose by being without its nuclear
        hypothetical plan of nuclear attack. Come the                deterrent. It does, however, have something to
        day of crisis, however, the absence of any                   lose, if it disarms without at the same time
        decisive plan of action will constitute a                    bolstering its conventional and battlefield
        vacuum into which the hypothetical plan is                   nuclear weapons. This is because dangerous
        inevitably drawn. “By degrees,” O’Donovan                    instability would arise if it were to be bereft of
        shrewdly predicts, “the hypothetical intention               its capacity to retaliate against an enemy
        becomes the actual intention”.96                             attack; and one way of doing that without
        O’Donovan agrees with The Church and the                     launching strategic nuclear weapons, would be
        Bomb that the nuclear deterrent is immoral and               to mount an invasion of the enemy’s own
        should be dismantled, and he also reckons                    territory-an invasion that he could not counter
        sheer unilateral disarmament to be imprudent.                with nuclear force except by contaminating his
        On the one hand, the West has nothing good to                own land. However, any move to bolster
        lose by letting go of its nuclear deterrent. In
        O’Donovan’s eyes, it has failed on all counts:
        it has not persuaded the world of the folly of            Ibid., pp. 63-4.
                                                                  Ibid., 65, 74, 87-8.
                                                                  Ibid., pp. 66-7.
92                                                           100
     Ibid., pp. 26, 28, 61, 92, 121.                               Ibid., pp. 69-70.
93                                                           101
     Ibid., 21, 33, 36, 58, 65.                                    Ibid., pp. 93-5.
94                                                           102
     Ibid., pp. 20-1, 83-4.                                        Ibid., 106-7.
95                                                           103
     Ibid., pp. 81-5.                                              Ibid., p. 107.
96                                                           104
     Ibid., p. 68.                                                 Ibid..

        conventional forces would itself be                         in the BBC television comedy, Blackadder
        destabilising, unless the enemy understood its              Goes Forth (1989). The unspoken-and
        rationale and trusted its motivation. For this              unexamined-assumption seems to have been
        reason O’Donovan holds that disarmament                     that no good cause could possibly have
        should be attempted first on a bilateral basis,             justified such terrible carnage (even though the
        and only if that fails, on a unilateral one.105             Second World War was far more bloody).108
                                                                    There are current stirrings, however, of a
                                                                    reversion to pre-Vietnam views. A new
        The contemporary cultural hinterland: the                   orthodoxy now prevails among historians that,
        English and war                                             following Fritz Fischer, sees the Great War as
                                                                    morally justified and, in its latter stages,
        While it is to be hoped that the Church of                  militarily successful. As Gary Sheffield, a
        England is not simply a mirror of English                   leading revisionist, writes: “The First World
        culture, it would be very surprising indeed if it           War was a tragic conflict, but it was neither
        did not reflect that culture at all. There is               futile nor meaningless. Just as in the struggles
        reason to suppose, therefore, that some                     against Napoleon and, later, Hitler, it was a
        attention to the cultural hinterland will throw             war that Britain had to fight and had to win”.109
        light on the Church’s own views. Before we                  In time, this prevailing academic view will no
        examine English Anglican responses to recent                doubt seep down into public consciousness.
        conflicts, then, let us consider attitudes toward           What does all this tell us about how the
        war that are common in contemporary English                 English tend to view war today? Not, I think,
        culture.                                                    that English culture is militaristic: the horrors
        It is remarkable that, according to an opinion              of the Western Front still haunt-and chasten-
        poll referred to in the Financial Times in July             the national imagination. It does suggest,
        2003, the Army is the most trusted institution              however, that the English are disposed to
        in Britain.106 It is also remarkable-and I have             entertain the possibility that war might be just
        heard at least one German friend remark on it-              and necessary.
        that almost every English shop that sells books
        has a well-stocked section on military history,             The contemporary cultural hinterland: the
        heavily weighted toward the two World Wars.                 English and American power
        In part, this reflects a widespread nostalgia for
        the Second World War, almost universally                    Since the USA possesses a global
        recognised as a ‘good’ war, notwithstanding                 predominance of military power and is
        debates over the morality of tactics such as the            currently showing a readiness to exercise it,
        ‘carpet-bombing’ of German cities.                          contemporary English attitudes toward war are
        On the other hand, it also reflects a more                  bound up with their views of the USA. These
        sobering fascination with Deluge that was First             are very ambivalent-as any American who
        World War: “The Western Front smoulders                     lives in England quickly finds out. On one
        darkly in the middle of Britain’s national                  hand, there is a lingering and widespread, if
        consciousness, like some exhausted volcano                  not overt, resentment at being (deliberately)
        whose once-deadly lava still marks our                      supplanted on the world stage by a former
        landscape”.107 Since the late 1960s and the                 colony. In some quarters this is intensified by a
        anti-Vietnam movement, the English have                     left-wing hatred of American capitalism, often
        tended to regard the First World War as a futile            combined with a moral-aesthetic loathing of
        waste of human life brought about by criminal
        political and military incompetence-as can be       108
                                                                  Cp. the more robust inter-war views of Hensley
        seen, for example, in films such as Oh What a              Henson: “The rightness of military service cannot
        Lovely War (1969) and The Trench (1999) and                really turn on the measure of the misery and havoc
                                                                   which modern war inflicts. Indeed a concentration
                                                                   of the mind on the incidental horrors of warfare
105                                                                may confuse the judgement by disturbing the
      Ibid., pp. 109-12.                                           imagination. If we would judge the moral quality of
      Financial Times, 26-27 July 2003, p. 11.                     human action, we must ignore its physical or
      Richard Holmes, “Foreward”, in Gary Sheffield,               material consequences” (Christian Morality, p.
       Forgotten Victory. The First World War: Myths and           259).
       Realities (London: Review, 2001), p. xiii.                 Gary Sheffield in Forgotten Victory, p, xvii

        American consumerism. In John Le Carré’s                    inclines some English commentators to
        famous novel, Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Spy, we              appreciate the need for a global policeman;
        are told that after he had been exposed as a                and, given the evident impotence of the United
        Soviet spy in the British intelligence service,             Nations, to urge the United States to take up
        Bill Haydon “spoke not of the decline of the                today’s imperial task with both hands.114
        West, but of its death by greed and
        constipation. He hated America very deeply                  Kosovo and humanitarian intervention
        …”.110 Similar sentiment is evident in the more
        recent statement by the real-life playwright,               Nevertheless, the Church of England’s
        Harold Pinter, who explained NATO’s                         response to the Kosovo war generally fell a
        intervention in Kosovo as follows: “The truth               long way short of enthusiasm for neo-
        is that neither Clinton nor Blair gives a damn              imperialist intervention. One of its major
        about the Kosovar Albanians. This action has                spokesmen on military matters, Richard
        been yet another blatant and brutal assertion of            Harries, the Bishop of Oxford, issued a rather
        U.S. power using NATO as its missile. It sets               equivocal statement in March 1999 criticising
        out to consolidate one thing-American                       Nato’s decision to launch air strikes by appeal
        domination of Europe”.111 In addition to post-              to just war criteria, and implying that other,
        imperial resentment and (in some cases)                     non-military options should have been tried
        ideological hatred, English attitudes toward                first; that the military action lacked legal
        America are also coloured by a natural                      authority; and that it underestimated the
        diffidence and scepticism that finds the                    complexity of the effects that it would have.115
        tendency of American public rhetoric toward                 None of these objections were argued. The
        self-congratulation and quasi-religious                     following July, after the war had ended, the
        messianism deeply distasteful. Very recently,               bishop presented a report from the Board for
        this distaste has found active expression-for the           Social Responsibility to General Synod, Inside
        first time, as far as I am aware-in a number of             Out-The Balkans Conflict,116 posing the
        English deconstructions, both televisual and                question: “Should we have intervened earlier
        literary, of the American Foundation Myth.112               …? If … we should have done, how much
        On the other hand, the English share with                   responsibility do the Churches bear for failing
        Americans similar views of the Second World                 to face up to evil and support the necessary
        War, and therefore also an assumption that                  stern measures?”.117 The report itself raised
        sometimes the use of military force is                      questions about Nato’s unwillingness to risk
        necessary to fend off great injustice. In                   ground troop casualties and claimed that “it is
        addition, Britain’s not so distant imperial                 difficult to ascertain” the alliance’s success in
        experience, now enjoying a more positive                    securing its objectives of containing the
        press than at any time since the 1960s,113                  conflict, countering aggressive nationalism,
                                                                    and halting a humanitarian crisis. Indeed,
                                                                    “[t]he scale of the human tragedy has created
      John Le Carré, Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Spy (New              the perception that Nato’s actions precipitated
        York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974), p. 342.
      A reported in The Guardian, 7 June 1999.                      of a Channel 4 documentary series.
      For example, the BBC TV series, “Rebels and           114
                                                                  E.g., Robert Cooper, “The next empire”, Prospect,
       Redcoats” (2003) and its accompanying book by                October 2001; Martin Wolf, “The pitfalls in the
       Hugh Bicheno (Rebels and Redcoats: The                       path of the world’s lonely imperial power”,
       American      Revolutionary    War     [London:              Financial Times, 27 November 2002; Max
       HarperCollins, 2003]); Robert Harvey, A Few                  Hastings, “We stayed to rule. They want to conquer
       Bloody Noses: The American War of Independence               and go”, Sunday Telegraph, 22 June 2003.
       (London: John Murray, 2001); and Jonathan Clark,     115
       Our      Shadowed       Present:    Modernism,             Richard Harries, “Kosova—a statement”, 24 March
       Postmodernism, and History (London: Atlantic                 1999,
       Books, 2003).                                                bin/news/, 13/08/2003.
      See John Crace, “The Empire Strikes Back”, The              Church of England’s Board for Social Responsibility
       Guardian, Education section, 14 January 2003, pp.            [BSR], Inside Out—The Balkans Conflict, GS Misc
       14-15. Prime evidence of this reappraisal, at once           576 (London: General Synod, May 1999).
       academic and popular, is Niall Fergusson’s Empire:   117
                                                                  General Synod: Report of Proceedings 1999, July
       How Britain Made the Modern World (London:                  Group of Sessions, 30/1 (London: Church House
       Allen Lane, 2003), which also appeared in the form          Publishing, 1999), p. 313.

        rather than prevented the human                                   of water-purification plants? What are the
        catastrophe”.118 The report concluded with a                      long-term effects of the use of uranium-
        review of the Church’s efforts to maintain                        depleted munitions; and if these include an
        “constructive dialogue” with the Serbian                          unusually high incidence of birth defects, how
        Orthodox Church before and during the crisis,                     can that use be morally justified?123
        and with the suggestion that “an inter-religious
        approach to conflict resolution and peace                         Afghanistan and the war against terrorism
        building might present a particularly
        imaginative and creative response to those                        A little over a month after the terrorist attacks
        intra-state conflicts, like Kosovo, where                         on New York and Washington, General Synod
        religion has played an important role in                          gathered for its November 2001 sessions. An
        determining the structure of the conflict”.119                    important part of its agenda was to debate the
        Not all Anglicans were so dubious about the                       international situation, and in order to inform
        morality of Nato’s intervention. For example,                     this the Board for Social Responsibility
        in a lengthy article published in the Church                      published a briefing paper entitled, “Al-Qaida
        Times, Nigel Biggar, then Chaplain and Fellow                     and Afghanistan-a Just War?”.124 The paper
        of Oriel College, Oxford, made an apologia for                    made two basic points: that a terrorist act such
        Nato’s action.120 Among his points were the                       as 9/11 warrants a counter-terrorist response,
        following. The action had been a last resort,                     and that the methods of counter-terrorism are
        since there was no reason to suppose that                         not the same as those of war-the former
        further negotiation with Milosevic would have                     operates through a broader range of modes,
        been fruitful. Pace Pinter, an intervention                       including those of civil law, diplomacy,
        involving nineteen countries, including France,                   intelligence gathering, public education, and
        could not fairly be characterised simply as a                     co-operation among police and military
        gratuitous flexing of American military                           personnel.125 These two points then formed the
        muscle. The fact that the West hadn’t                             basis upon which a critical question was raised
        intervened in Rwanda or Chechnya does not                         against the response of Western governments
        mean that it should not have intervened in                        to Al-Qaida’s atrocity: Is the waging of war in
        Kosovo-better to be inconsistently responsible                    Afghanistan an appropriate way to respond?
        than consistently irresponsible.121 As for the                    Although General Synod declined to give this
        question of legality, the article concluded that                  question an affirmative answer, it also
        “it is arguable that Nato’s intervention was                      withheld a negative one, implying that it
        sufficiently backed by some parts of the letter                   harboured considerable doubts about the war.
        of international law, and by its moral spirit, to                 In the end, it carried a pointedly non-committal
        warrant its transgression of other parts”.122                     motion was carried that condemned terrorism,
        Notwithstanding his support for Nato’s                            recognised “that it may legitimately be
        decision to intervene, Biggar closed by raising                   opposed in the last resort by the use of
        three critical questions about ius in bello: Did                  proportionate armed force”, and affirmed that
        the refusal to contemplate a ground invasion,                     the peace of the world “requires not only a just
        together with the insistence on bombing only                      settlement of long-standing concerns in Israel-
        from invulnerable heights, result in the taking                   Palestine and Iraq but also the commitment of
        of intolerable risks with civilian lives? What                    governments to work for a peaceful and
        was the military justification for the bombing                    equitable world order under the auspices of the
                                                                          United Nations”.126

      BSR, Inside-Out, ss. 17-18.
119                                                               123
      Ibid., s. 31.                                                     Ibid., p. 14.
120                                                               124
      Nigel Biggar, “Kosovo: taking stock”, Church Times,               Church of England’s Board for Social Responsibility,
        18 June 1999, pp. 12-14.                                          “Al-Qaida and Afghanistan—a Just War?”, GS
      Ibid., p. 12.                                                       Misc 662 (London: General Synod, November
      Ibid., p. 13. Biggar later argued this point at length in   125
        “Giving the Devil the Benefit of Law in Kosovo”,                Ibid., s. 14.
        in William Joseph Buckley, Kosovo: Contending                    General Synod: Report of Proceedings 2001,
        Voices on Balkan Interventions (Grand Rapids:                     November Group of Sessions, 32/2 (London:
        Eerdmans, 2000), pp. 409-18.                                      Church House Publishing, 2002), p. 153.

        In a recently published piece Nigel Biggar                    threat to be “growing” rather than
        takes a slightly more robust position.127 While               “imminent”,131 and concluded that “to
        sharing the view that an appropriate response                 undertake preventive war against Iraq at this
        to Al-Qaida should be much more than just                     juncture would be to lower the threshold for
        military-including a serious commitment to                    war unacceptably”.132 Moreover, it argued,
        building a lasting peace between Israel and the               unilateral action “risks further undermining the
        Palestinians-he argues that waging war against                credibility and authority of the UN”.133 This
        the Taliban regime was a legitimate part of a                 last point was confirmed by the new
        response. After all, the regime was playing                   Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams,
        host to the leadership of the terrorist group                 who, in a statement made conjointly with the
        responsible for 9/11 and, in spite of two years               head of England’s Roman Catholics, appealed
        of negotiations designed to persuade it to stop               for all sides to engage “through the United
        doing so, it had refused. The war against the                 Nations”.134
        Taliban regime was part-and-parcel of an act                  Whereas the Bishops’ submission appears to
        of self-defence against Al-Qaida, whom the                    rule out pre-emptive war altogether, a
        United States had every reason to suppose                     subsequent submission in June 2003 by the
        would attack again as soon as it could.                       Church’s Public Affairs Unit135 to the House of
                                                                      Commons Foreign Affairs Select Committee’s
        Iraq and pre-emptive war                                      Inquiry into the Decision to go to War in Iraq
                                                                      appears to contemplate the possibility that
        In the cases of both Kosovo and Afghanistan                   “pre-emptive defence” might be justified under
        the Church of England’s criticism was                         certain circumstances, since it says that “[i]f
        uncertain and muted. In the case of Iraq it was               governments intend to use pre-emptive defence
        unequivocal. In October 2002, the House of                    as justification for military action then further
        Bishops made a submission to the House of                     thought needs to be given to developing clear
        Commons Foreign Affairs Select Committee’s                    and transparent rules underpinning its use”.136
        ongoing inquiry into the Foreign Policy                       One criterion that the submission itself
        Aspects of the War against Terrorism, which                   suggests is that there be “demonstrable and
        comprised an evaluation of the threat of                      compelling evidence of the hostile intent and
        military action against Iraq that had been                    capability of a perceived aggressor”.137
        prepared by the Board for Social
        Responsibility.128 The submission made an                     Conclusion: an Agenda
        important distinction between pre-emptive war
        or anticipatory self-defence on the one hand,                 Let me bring to a close my survey of the
        and preventive war on the other, arguing that                 Church of England’s views of war and peace
        the first has long been permitted by just war                 by drawing out and gathering together into an
        doctrine, whereas the second would
        “undermine the need for war to be used as a
        last resort and would prejudice alternative                   Government (London: UK Government, September
        efforts at conflict prevention and resolution”.129            2002).
        In light of the UK Government’s own dossier           131
                                                                    Iraq: Would Military Action be Justified?, s. 46.
        on the threat posed by Iraq’s weapons of mass         132
                                                                    Ibid., s. 1.
        destruction,130 the submission reckoned that          133
                                                                    “Full text of Archbishops' statement on Iraq”, The
      Nigel Biggar, “Burying the Past after September 11”,            Guardian, 20 February 2003.
        in Burying the Past after Civil Conflict, ed. Nigel         The Public Affairs Unit comprises the residue of the
        Biggar, rev. ed. (Washington, DC: Georgetown                  secretariat of the Board for Social Responsibility
        University Press, 2003), pp. 325-30.                          after the latter was abolished in 2002.
128                                                           136
      Church of England’s Board for Social Responsibility,           Church of England’s Public Affairs Unit, “A
        Iraq: Would Military Action be Justified? The                 Submission to the House of Commons Foreign
        Church’s Contribution to the Debate, GS 1475                  Affairs Select Committee’s Inquiry into the
        (London: General Synod, 2002).                                Decision to go to War in Iraq” (London: Church
      Ibid., s. 54.                                                   House, 9 June 2003), s. 3.
       UK Government,        Iraq’s Weapons of Mass                 Ibid., s. 4.
       Destruction: The      Assessment of the British

agenda some of the more important questions          Why? Because Moscow didn’t want to set any
that these have raised.                              legal precedent that might tie its ruthless hands
1. The Bishop of Oxford has challenged the           in Chechnya. The problem, then, is that the
Church to consider whether it was responsible        next time a Hitler decides upon a Final
for a failure to face up to the evil nature of the   Solution for a minority group within the
Milosevic regime and to support the taking of        borders of his own state, and is not dissuaded
stern measures long before 1999. This                from this policy by diplomatic or economic
challenge raises the general question of when a      pressure, and restrains himself from invading a
proper Christian reluctance to sanction going        neighbour and constituting a threat to regional
to war degenerates into a timorous refusal to        stability, the letter of international law will
face the truth about evil. Can we tell the           require us to stand by and watch, should the
difference between peacemaking and                   politics of the Security Council preclude
appeasement? Do we have more to learn from           sufficient unanimity to authorise armed
the 1930s and the 1990s?                             intervention.
2. Clearly, there is a need to develop just war      4. Following the suggestion of Inside Out, the
doctrine in relation to military intervention for    Church should identify and develop the
humanitarian purposes, in relation to counter-       peculiar, religious resources that it can bring to
terrorism, and in relation to ‘pre-emptive’ war.     the largely secularist industry of the theory and
The Church might do well to commission               practice of conflict prevention and resolution,
someone to keep abreast of work in this area,        and post-conflict reconciliation, where religion
much of it being done in the U.S.A. by Roman         is instinctively regarded as the source of
Catholic moral theologians and by moral              problems, not solutions.
3. There is also a need to develop the
doctrine’s ius ad bellum criterion of legal
authority in the light of the realities of
international politics. In line with the Church’s
support for the internationalisation of the
management of conflict and for the League of
Nations in the 1920s and 1930s, the
contemporary Church is inclined to appeal to
the letter of international law, which reserves
the right to authorise military action, except in
cases of self-defence, to the Security Council.
This interpretation of ‘legal authority’ needs to
take into account, however, the fact that the
U.N.’s authority is undermined, not only by the
taking of unilateral military action by
individual nations, but also by the U.N.’s own
failure to enforce international law. Indeed, the
latter could well be a major cause of the
Therefore, it also needs to take into account
that fact that the U.N.’s actual capacity to
uphold the law is severely compromised by the
politics of the Security Council, where a single
veto cast to protect the dubious interests of a
member state can paralyse the UN as an
effective global policeman. This is what
happened in 1999 over Kosovo. Nato did not
seek Security Council authorisation for
military intervention to stop Milosevic’s
‘ethnic cleansing’ and prevent civil war in
Macedonia and further Balkan meltdown, since
it was clear that Russia would have vetoed it.

       SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY                   Conscience. London: Hodder & Stoughton,
Biggar, Nigel. “Burying the Past after
September 11”. In Burying the Past after     ________. Inside Out—The Balkans
Civil Conflict. Ed. Nigel Biggar. Revised    Conflict. GS Misc 576. London: General
edition. Washington, DC: Georgetown          Synod, May 1999.
University Press, 2003.
                                             ________. Iraq: Would Military Action be
________. “Giving the Devil the Benefit of   Justified? The Church’s Contribution to
Law in Kosovo”. In Kosovo: Contending        the Debate. GS 1475. London: General
Voices on Balkan Interventions. Ed.          Synod, 2002.
William Joseph Buckley. Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 2000.                              O’Donovan, Oliver. The Just War
                                             Revisited. Cambridge: Cambridge
________. “Kosovo: taking stock”. In         University Press, October 2003.
Church Times, 18 June 1999.
                                             ________. Peace and Certainty: A
Church of England’s Board for Social         Theological Essay on Deterrence. Oxford:
Responsibility. “Al-Qaida and                Clarendon Press, 1989.
Afghanistan—a Just War?”. GS Misc 662.
London: General Synod, November 2001.        Wilkinson, Alan. Dissent or Conform?
                                             War, Peace, and the English Churches,
________. The Church and the Bomb:           1900-1945. London: SCM, 1986.
Nuclear Weapons and Christian

                             ON THE PATH OF PEACE

        Eberhard Martin Pausch
        Secretary of the Advisory Commission of the EKD for Social Responsibility

                                                                        on the ethics of peace on the part of the EKD
        Baghdad may be a long way off. But the third                    come about?
        Gulf War, which began on 20 March 2003 and
        ended in mid-April, still affected many of us                   In order to make this easier to grasp, and to
        directly. I myself, for example, can still see Ali              demonstrate how the pluralistic structure of the
        Ismail Abbas, a 12-year-old Iraqi boy – he had                  EKD can reach unanimous judgements on
        lost almost everyone in his family and both his                 peace ethics, I shall use the image of a
        arms in a bomb attack. Is the suffering of this                 workshop. As I describe the term ‘workshop’ I
        child, who stands as a symbol of the suffering                  shall distinguish five aspects and divide my
        of many other innocent civilians, really just a                 text into five corresponding sections.
        piece of “collateral damage”?
                                                                        A workshop is a place of practical work (1),
        The Evangelical Church in Germany (EKD)138                      where various persons work together (2), so
        had taken up a very clear position on the                       that, with the available tools (3), starting with
        approaching war at a very early stage, drawing                  particular materials (4), a finished product (5)
        applause from some quarters and attacks from                    is produced.
        others. As early as September 2002, the
        Council of the EKD said “No!” to the threat of                  1. A workshop is a place of practical work. For
        war. In November 2002 the Synod confirmed                       this reason there is some practical work
        this ‘no,’ and on 24 January 2003 the Council                   occurring in the peace ethics workshop of the
        issued another statement giving reasons for its                 EKD that helps to give the church leadership.
        position based on ethics and international law.
        In this statement the Council also emphasised,                  In this case I understand practice to be the
        however, that the main cause of the conflict                    opposite of “theory.”141 In a workshop things
        had been the inhuman regime of Saddam                           operate differently from the way they do in
        Hussein.139 Although the EKD did not doubt                      lecture halls or seminar rooms. A workshop is
        his guilt, it stuck to the belief that it must have             not a place for theory, such as the universities
        been possible to find a political solution (such                are. Here we are not interested in high-brow,
        as one brought about by a limited extension of                  deep or “clever” intellectual questions that can
        the inspections and a clear definition of                       gradually be resolved in long, possibly
        verification criteria).140 How did this position                unlimited discourses not subject to any form of

      The EKD is a community of 24 Lutheran, Reformed            141
        and United churches in Germany. The Protestant                 Practice could also be defined in opposition to
        church structures are based on federal principles at            “poiesis,” meaning the free, creative, production of
        all levels. Taken as a whole, the EKD is anything               an object almost out of nothing. But in the strict
        but a standardised, rigid block, being much more a              sense, human beings are not able to do this; in the
        living and highly complex pluralistic structure. In             final analysis, only God can create something out of
        fact I regard it as a lively mixture of religious life          nothing. Even in a weaker sense, by analogy to a
        and as pure pluralism.                                          free and creative artist, we could hardly say of
139                                                                     churches that they are capable of poiesis. For they
      Since the end of the war, more and more mass graves               are institutions that have grown up over the course
        have been found in Iraq, which bear irrefutable                 of history, built upon a historical foundation and a
        witness to the tyrant Hussein’s reign of terror.                growing body of material that has been passed
      All the important statements on peace ethics by the               down. This is also true of the EKD. It works on the
        EKD and its member churches can be found on the                 basis of existing material, for example the doctrines
        Internet                                       at:              of the church. It interprets these doctrines carefully                 and continues to develop them, in the hope of
        nflikt_stellungnahmen.html.                                     orientation and better quality.

        rule. Instead, in our workshop we are trying to        the members of the three decision-making
        answer existentially important questions within        bodies in the EKD, that is the members of the
        a clearly defined time frame. This does not            Council, the members of the Synod and the
        mean that the EKD acts “without theories.” On          leading clergy and lawyers who make up what
        the contrary: in the formation of its judgements       we call the “Church Conference.” In addition,
        it uses the expertise of numerous experts well         they include the members of the committees,
        versed in theory, from theology and from               advisory commissions and chambers, as well
        numerous other areas of study. This means that         as the “College” and the heads of the
        the EKD’s ability to reach judgements is               departments in the Church Office. The latter
        thoroughly based on theory and study. But as a         are like “messengers” who continually act as
        church it does not produce any theories itself.        intermediaries between the most varied groups
                                                               of people and levels of the hierarchy. Then
        But its goal is therefore not to present the           there is the grass roots church with its
        result of a debate for an expert public in a           suggestions, initiatives and demands. And
        manner which is differentiated in any old way.         finally there are also the media and the secular
        In presenting its results it is much more              public who have a role to play. Good co-
        concerned with elementary statements, clear            ordination, precise flow of information and
        priorities and continuity with its own history.        open, results-oriented debates are essential to
        That is, with breaking down into elements,             the communication processes within the EKD.
        prioritising and continuing.142 The EKD must
        make clear what the point of faith really is - for     When we have discussed a subject for long
        example, in relation to peace. It has to explain       enough, positions on peace ethics can emerge.
        this in simple language, for the benefit of            These can have various forms: either as topical
        everyday, practical church life. Pastors at grass      products, in which case they are short, concise
        roots level, church officers and church                and pithy. Otherwise they may be extensive
        employees at all levels of church life should          papers on matters of basic principle, in which
        normally be able to understand the essence of a        case they are somewhat longer, more balanced
        statement about the position of the EKD                and more differentiated. In the best case the
        without needing a dictionary or further                latter can be referred to as “peace
        research. But - and this is important too –            memoranda.”
        breaking things down into elements does not
        mean making them trivial or banal.                     The memorandum on the subject of “peace”
        Differentiations are necessary. People who             valid within the EKD is still the one dating
        speak out against the war in Iraq are not              from the Cold War: “Frieden wahren, fördern
        necessarily in favour of Saddam Hussein’s              und erneuern” (“Keeping, promoting and
        regime. And those who are critical of the              renewing peace”), which was published during
        current unilateralism of the USA do not have           the heyday of the peace movement in the year
        to be anti-American.                                   1981. After the historic sea-changes of
                                                               1989/1990, there followed EKD Text 48
        2. In a workshop there are generally different         “Schritte auf dem Weg des Friedens:
        people working together in various functions.          Orientierungspunkte für Friedensethik und
        This is also the case in the peace ethics              Friedenspolitik” (“Steps on the path of peace:
        workshop of the EKD.                                   orientation points for peace ethics and peace
                                                               policy”) (Hanover 1994), as a contextual
        Because the EKD is a lively mixture of                 contribution to the doctrine of a just peace in
        religious life and pluralism, it includes a large      the age of globalisation. Finally, in October
        number of individuals and groups of people             2001, there appeared “Friedensethik in der
        who co-operate at different levels in the peace        Bewährung: Eine Zwischenbilanz zu Schritte
        ethics workshop. These are first and foremost          auf dem Weg des Friedens:
                                                               Orientierungspunkte für Friedensethik und
                                                               Friedenspolitik”. (“Peace ethics on probation:
      These are the three characteristics of “church-related   taking stock of Steps on the path of peace:
        theology” after Stephen Sykes. Cf. Ingolf Ulrich       orientation points for peace ethics and peace
        Dalferth: Kombinatorische Theologie: Probleme          policy”). At a strict formal level this is a third
        theologischer      Rationalität,      QD        130,
        Freiburg/Basle/Vienna 1991, 53f.                       order text, since its content follows both the

orientation points of 1994 and the valid EKD               appear as a publication of the EKD alone, or it
memorandum. However, in Protestant                         can be a joint declaration by the EKD and the
understanding, the significance of a publication           Conference of German Catholic Bishops,143 or
is based primarily on the quality of its                   be published jointly with other Christian
argumentation.                                             churches.144 In each case it will have a
                                                           different character.

                                                           A memorandum is always one part of a
                                                           process of dialogue, and it may occur either at
                                                           the beginning of this process (as an impulse
                                                           paper for a regulated consultation process with
                                                           many stages) or in the middle. It never
                                                           indicates the end of a discussion. It always
                                                           intends to encourage and invite dialogue anew,
                                                           and is made to be received and to be
                                                           continually and productively developed. In
                                                           those cases in which the production of
  Professor em. Martin Honecker (left) und OKR             memoranda forms a participatory
               Dr.Eberhard Pausch
                                                           consultation process, their dialogic nature
                                                           becomes even more obvious. The EKD
Now, how does a peace memorandum come                      workshop is thus to be generally viewed as
into being? At the beginning there is usually a            open for communication. People enter and
commission, or request. The Council requests               leave, more than a few are involved in the
the Chamber of Public Responsibility, which is             work, and there are “Open Days.”
traditionally responsible for such issues, to
draft a text on current issues of peace ethics             3. The most common tools used in the EKD
and peace policy. Then the Chamber begins to               workshop are hermeneutics and critical
discuss the issue from all sides and starts to             reasoning.
draft a text. The composition of Chambers and
Commissions of the EKD is always                           When Martin Luther had to justify himself
interdisciplinary and pluralistic. For this                before Emperor Charles V the at Diet of
reason, it is normally anything but easy to                Worms in 1521, he ended his reply with these
reach a result which everyone supports. But                words:
this is the aim. A comprehensive consensus is
a valuable commodity and the ideal goal, but               "Unless I am convinced by scripture and plain
generally rather rare. It is more often the case           reason - I do not accept the authority of the
that workable compromises are the result. But              popes and councils, for they have frequently
the discussion can also lead to unbridgeable               erred and contradicted each other – so by the
dissent. In a situation such as this, one can              passages of the holy scriptures that I have
make progress in these ethical discussions by              cited, my conscience is captive to the Word of
drawing up a meta-consensus about                          God. Therefore I cannot and I will not recant
consensus and dissent and marking                          anything for to go against conscience is
controversial or open questions as such.                   neither right nor safe. God help me. Amen!"
Finally, the bodies of the EKD (usually the
Council) have the right to either accept or                Luther was referring to two sources of
reject the proposals submitted to them by the              Protestant recognition of the truth: the Holy
Chambers and Commissions. In the case of
acceptance, they can also determine the degree
of identification. A paper can be published as a   143
                                                         The best example of this is still the joint “Word” on
“Word of the Council” or just as a vote by the             the economic and social situation in Germany: “Für
Chamber; it can be called a “memorandum,” a                eine Zukunft in Solidarität und Gerechtigkeit”
“word” or a “declaration,” or it may be                    (1997).
identified as a discussion contribution, an aid    144
                                                         Recently: “Räume der Begegnung: Religion und
to argumentation, a working paper, or a                   Kultur in evangelischer Perspektive. Eine
collection of “orientation points.” It may                Denkschrift der EKD und der Vereinigung
                                                          Evangelischer Freikirchen (VEF)”, Gütersloh 2002.

        Scripture and clear reasoning. Protestantism           the method followed by the Chambers and
        always (not only in the year of the Bible)             Commissions of the EKD when elaborating
        attaches importance to considering the                 their texts. Experts in theology and other fields
        question of truth with reference to the Bible.         work at all levels of the communication
        Protestant searching for truth is based on the         process in order to achieve both of these
        criterion of “compatibility with the Scripture.”       requirements. They may be peace researchers,
        However, the Scripture requires conscientious          lawyers, active politicians of all democratic
        interpretation. This necessitates the                  political persuasions, etc. Competence in a
        hermeneutic problem, i.e. the question of a            specific field requires critical documentation.
        suitable and supportable method of                     The statements made in memoranda must stand
        interpretation. Compatibility with the Scripture       up to critical questioning. For this reason they
        includes a hermeneutically reflected way of            must be convincing by being based on
        approaching the Bible which is overall                 profound knowledge and owing to the weight
        historical and critical.                               of their arguments. According to Protestant
                                                               understanding the significance of a public
        From this it follows that something may not            statement, such as a memorandum, never
        necessarily be compatible with the Scripture,          depends on the personal or institutional
        just because it occurs somewhere or other in           authority of its authors or publishers, but solely
        the Bible.145 That would be too simple. For            on the weight of the arguments it uses to
        Bible verses always occur within a particular          support a particular position. Therefore all the
        context, and this context must also be taken           EKD’s statements on peace ethics have to
        into consideration for us to be able to                stand up to scrutiny on whether they are
        understand the text. Additionally, each context        compatible with the Scripture and are also
        of a Bible passage also occurs, in its turn,           appropriate. That is, have they come into being
        within the context of the Scriptures as a whole,       under the conditions of hermeneutic and
        and therefore the context of the context must          critical reflection? Hermeneutic and critical
        also be considered. It is only seeing the text         reason are therefore essential tools, without
        (such as the Sermon on the Mount) in its               which the EKD cannot make any workable
        specific context (i.e. in the context of               statements on peace ethics.
        Matthew’s Gospel), in the context of the whole
        Bible, and in the light of the “canon within a         4. A workshop is about working on a certain,
        canon,” i.e. the message of justification, that        given, starting material and if appropriate, to
        enables compatibility with the Scripture.146           make something out of it. The material which
                                                               is processed in the peace ethics workshop by
        Compatibility with the Scripture is essential,         the EKD is the doctrines of war and peace
        but in no way is it sufficient on its own.             which have been passed down within the
        Appropriateness is also necessary. As the              church.
        “Memoranda Memorandum” of 1970
        (“Aufgaben und Grenzen kirchlicher                     The starting material used in this peace ethics
        Äußerungen zu gesellschaftlichen Fragen” –             workshop is, following on from the Biblical
        “Tasks and limits of church statements on              testament, the church doctrines about war and
        social issues”) emphasises, “compatibility with        peace which have been passed down to us.
        the Scripture” and “appropriateness” are               There are three main ones: the doctrine of the
        always the deciding regulatory principles of           holy war, the doctrine of the just war, and the
                                                               doctrine of radical Christian pacifism. These
      For example, it would be nonsensical to tear the         three doctrines form the raw material for a new
       sentence “Let the dead bury their dead!” (Mt 8:22)      product which is to be developed.
       out of its context and to use it to demand the
       abolition of church burials. Or, to move into the       a) The doctrine of the holy war is of great
       field of peace ethics, it would be difficult to apply   historical importance. It states that it is good
       the sentence “I have not come to bring peace, but to    work pleasing to God to wage a certain war
       bring the sword” (Mt 10:34) without considering its
                                                               and in doing so to kill people displeasing to
       specific context.
                                                               God. "Banishing" the enemy is regarded as a
      This is very important, for example in relation to the   sacrifice, a sort of religious act. One telling
        debate about the position of the Bible on
        homosexuality.                                         text about the Old Testament is “...that the

        violent self-assertion of the chosen people of        there is no need for a discussion about criteria
        God against enemies from without is                   for legitimising wars. War can have no
        legitimised in many places in the religious           rationale nor legitimation. It can only be
        traditions and texts of the Old Testament.”147        rejected. Pacifist doctrine has a strict logic and
        The mediaeval Crusades were regarded at the           very clear ethics. Two things can be said about
        time as holy wars; the motto “God wills it”           it: firstly, radical pacifism, in the form of the
        (Deus lo volt) at the Synod of Clermont (1095)        ethical maxim which has formed in the
        is a clear indication of this. Islam has the word     decisions of conscience of individual
        “Jihad,” which primarily means a religiously          Christians, is not only a legitimate position, but
        motivated, holistic effort by Muslims, but            also an ethically highly respectable one.
        secondly, can also mean the fight against those       Secondly, pacifism must be the path taken by
        of other faiths, and thirdly even allows this         the Christian church in history. This means that
        fight in the form of war under certain                the Church as an institution is not allowed to
        conditions. Thank God there is virtually              use violence to achieve its goals. Its task is to
        nobody in Christendom today who stands for            spread the Gospel without any form of
        or supports the doctrine of the Holy War.             violence, but through the Word alone. In both
        Almost all Christian churches and                     of these respects, pacifism has its place in
        denominations reject this doctrine. On this           Christianity. Whether it has to provide the
        point Christendom has learnt from its bloody          general socio-ethical baseline for the Christian
        history and hopefully will never relapse into its     faith is, by contrast, disputed. In the
        previous state.                                       mainstream Christian churches – as in the
                                                              other major religions - pacifists represent
        Here we also find the reason that the Chairman        significant minorities.
        of the Council of the EKD, Manfred Kock, has
        more than once severely criticised the tendency       A judgement on the war in Iraq from the
        of the US president to justify his own wars on        standpoint of pacifism does not need any more
        religious grounds. The EKD disagrees with all         explanation. But accusing the EKD of thinking
        religious statements propagating the                  along the lines of pacifism or fundamental
        justification or legitimation of violence. It is      ethics, because it rejected the war in Iraq,
        inappropriate to speak of a “crusade” when            would be to fail to see the real situation. This is
        talking about the fight against terrorism. Of         demonstrated by the criticism of the EKD
        course this also applies to the proclamation of       which comes from the pacifist camp itself.
        the “Jihad” by Islamic militants ready to use
        violence, or calling suicide bombers “martyrs.”       c) The content of the doctrine of the just war
        This point must be contradicted in inter-faith        comes between the doctrine of the holy war
        dialogue.                                             and that of radical pacifism. It does not stand
                                                              for religiously motivated support for war. But
        b) Radical pacifism is often found amongst            neither does it say “no” to every conceivable
        committed Christians. This doctrine states that       war. Thomas Aquinas systematised the
        all wars are to be condemned and cannot be            doctrine in his “Summa Theologica.” At its
        justified under any circumstances. The                core is this: wars are not holy, but they can be
        possibility of a war, even as “a last resort,” that   just under certain circumstances, and inasmuch
        is, as the very last possible course of action, is    can also be justified. For this the following six
        rejected. The motto of pacifism is, “The will of      major criteria must be fulfilled:
        God is that there shall be no war.” Its maxim
        is: Christians may never, in any circumstances,       I. Ius ad bellum (the law on going to war)
        go to war.
                                                              I.1     Waging war requires a legitimate
        Pacifism finds support from important parts of        authority (legitima auctoritas)
        the New Testament, first and foremost from
        relevant passages in the Sermon on the Mount          Thomas Aquinas: no private person may wage
        (Mt 5:9 and 5:38 ff.). In the logic of pacifism       war. War may only be waged by the rulers who
                                                              are authorised to do so.
      Wolfgang Lienemann: Frieden, Bensheimer Hefte 92,
       Ökumenische Studienhefte 10, Göttingen 2000, 28.

I.2     Waging war requires a just reason            can also be used well, correctly and usefully.
(causa iusta).                                       In this connection it is remarkable that the US
                                                     Catholic bishops, just like, for example, the
Thomas Aquinas: this includes such things as         American philosopher Michael Walzer,
revenge for wrong suffered, but not the              rejected the war in Iraq based on the doctrine
intention of personal gain.                          of the just war. Their argument says that the
                                                     war in Iraq is not a just war, because it
I.3      Waging war requires a good intention        contradicts a series of criteria for both ius ad
(recta intentio).                                    bellum and ius in bello so blatantly that it
                                                     cannot be justified.
Thomas Aquinas: that which is good should be
promoted, that which is evil prevented. The
objective of waging war must be to create            5. Every workshop should produce something.
peace.                                               The EKD’s peace ethics workshop aims to
                                                     draft a doctrine of a just peace that is helpful in
I.4     The war must be unavoidable, and all         practice for action for peace in the church and
other possibilities must be exhausted (ultima        society.
                                                     Following the disastrous wars of the 20th
         Here we have to distinguish between         century, considerable doubt has been voiced in
the temporal and the qualitative interpretation      the Christian churches about the doctrine of the
of the term “last resort.” Sometimes very rapid      just war. It is directed not so much at its
action is required to save human lives. In such      theoretical soundness, but rather at its practical
cases we cannot wait for ever.                       value in peace-making. The vote of the
                                                     Ecumenical Council of Churches in
I.5    There must be a realistic prospect of         Amsterdam in 1948 therefore marks a turning
success; from the very beginning an objective        point and a new beginning in peace ethics: “It
assessment must include a successful end to          is the will of God that there should be no
the war.                                             war.” NB: this does not say that “there must
                                                     be no war,” but that there “should be no war.”
II. Ius in bello (the law concerning war itself)     So this does not propound a general form of
                                                     pacifism. But – it does give an impulse to re-
Wars must be fought in an appropriate                work the doctrine passed down of the just war
manner (debitus modus) and not use                   to and to take up some elements from the
excessive violence (proportionalitas).               church’s pacifist tradition (for example the
                                                     idea of civil peace services) and to form
Civilians must be spared as far as possible, and     something new from these two inputs. And
prisoners of war must be treated humanely.           even today this impulse motivates the work in
Also, it would be inappropriate, for example,        the EKD’s peace ethics workshop. I will
to eliminate a whole nation in order to save         describe three aspects of the product we are
just a few human lives.                              aiming for:

Only a war that fulfils all these criteria           (a) The EKD wishes to elaborate and present
completely, or almost completely, can be             some necessary conditions which must be
regarded as just. Even Martin Luther and the         fulfilled for peace to be able to arise, grow and
other Reformers largely accepted the concept         be maintained. According to Christian
of the just war, even if they only spoke of “iure    conviction, the law and righteousness are
bellare” and not “bellum iustum” in the              conditions for peace. The law and
Augsburg Confession (Article XVI). What is           righteousness are bound up with peace in a
important is that the intention of the doctrine of   close, constitutive interdependency. In Psalm
the just war was, right from the start, to           85:11 there is a well-known passage stating
prevent and to limit wars. However, in fact it       that peace and righteousness kiss each other.
has been abused often enough for legitimising        Therefore the Christian churches in Germany,
war. Now, the fact that a doctrine can be            in notable ecumenical agreement, speak of a
abused does not exclude the possibility that it

          “just peace.” This is the model for current           Against the background of the doctrine of a
          Christian peace ethics.                               just peace, it is perhaps understandable that the
                                                                EKD sometimes criticises the most recent
          (b) The doctrine of a just peace aims to              political actions of the USA on the world
          emphasise those political, economic and other         stage. The notion of the rule of law within an
          societal factors that make it possible to make        international legal order which applies to all
          peace and to avoid the use of military force.         nations and states sits uneasily alongside the
          This means that in this case the (one) important      actual current unilateralism of the only
          thing is the following points of view which are       remaining super power. As early as 1994, the
          beneficial to life and peace:                         EKD spoke of the looming “danger of a world-
          -        “political influence and preventive          wide ‘gunboat-policy’” of individual states. In
          diplomacy,                                            2001 it reinforced its criticism of the USA’s
          -        efforts towards fairer global economic       refusal to recognise the International Criminal
          conditions and protection of the natural bases        Court and warned that the new NATO doctrine
          of life,                                              could undermine existing international law.
          -        economic, social and cultural co-
          operation,                                            So the EKD is working on the development of
          -        establishing civilian forms of working       a doctrine of a just peace. For politics it should
          through and regulating conflict, aiming               provide inspiration, orientation and guidance
          towards a constitutionally guaranteed co-             for action. Two things follow from this: firstly,
          existence,                                            the EKD is on the way towards such a doctrine.
          -        setting up and using peace services to       It does not already have it - the doctrine is, so
          complement and continue the peace-keeping             to speak, just being developed.149 Secondly, the
          activities beyond the role played by the              end product is a doctrine of peace, not peace
          military,                                             itself. It would be wrong to expect that the
          -        progress in disarmament and restricting      EKD could create peace. It cannot. As a church
          the arms trade,                                       it is not a political body and does not exist
          -        imposing sanctions and embargoes that        within the social sub-system of politics.
          are compatible with and conducive to peace            However, it can certainly contribute something
          [so-called ‘intelligent sanctions’].”148              to peace-making. And that is necessary. In the
                                                                globalised world, Baghdad only seems to be a
          -       and in addition: setting up a globally        long way off, while in reality it is oppressively
          valid legal order based on the United Nations         close.
          and the regional systems for collective security
          (e.g. OSCE),                                          The Rt Revd Michael Bourke, Bishop of
          -     and finally, the organisation of
          humanitarian aid and disaster relief.                 Dr. Pausch, we are very grateful to you for
                                                                both your talk and your answers to our
          (c) Within the framework of the doctrine of a         questions. On the issue of the "just peace": I
          just peace, war can only be considered as the         believe that we perhaps within the Meissen-
          last resort (“ultima ratio”). This point comes        Commission should give some thought to the
          close to the doctrine of a just war. Here the         celebration of the European Union as an
          criteria of this doctrine also play a role. The       expression of "just peace" - without confusing
          two paradigms (the doctrines of a just war and        it with the Kingdom of God! Nevertheless, the
          of a just peace) are in criteriological               construction of the European Union itself was
          continuity. And this is certainly not surprising      a deliberate and conscious attempt to bring
          if my thesis is correct that the doctrine of a just
          war is part of the starting material on which the
          doctrine of a just peace feeds.                       149
                                                                   In this context it is remarkable that the current
                                                                “Word” of the German Catholic bishops to their
                                                                flock bears the following title: “Gerechter Friede”
                                                                (“Just Peace”) (Bonn 2000), and agrees with the
                                                                position of the EKD in all fundamental aspects of
      “Schritte auf dem Weg des Friedens” (EKD-Texte 48),       peace ethics. This is without doubt ecumenically
          3rd ed. Hanover 2001, 69f.                            very welcome.

peace out of the ruins of war, and to establish     which involved a radical restructuring of the
and secure it on a basis of human rights and        political landscape.
shared sovereignty

                  ENGLAND PERSPECTIVE

Charles Reed
International Policy Advisor
Public Affairs Unit
                                                    diminished by globalisation and
                                                    democratisation. Foreign policy is seen as both
Introduction                                        a complement and as an extension of world
This paper examines how the Church of
England, as an institutional actor, develops        In an international environment which contains
policy at times of international crisis. In doing   an ever-increasing number of participants and
so, it is not sufficient merely to describe the     in which issues are becoming more complex,
internal decision-making process or the various     decision-making units are under constant
constellations of power that impacts upon the       pressure to form policies aimed at satisfying a
decision making process. The Church does not        broader audience under the scrutiny of public
act in a vacuum isolated from world events.         opinion. Foreign policy has become a
The Church both seeks to shape the                  demanding multi-tier process where it has
environment in which it acts but is at the time     become increasingly difficult to make good
shaped by it. The growth of networks of             judgements.
interdependence and the subsequent shrinkage
of time and space has led all organisations to      The erosion of the Westphalian state system
examine their decision making processes and         and the relaxation of boundaries between
their organisation structures. Only by mapping      domestic and foreign policy provides an
the inter-linkage between the two is it possible    increasing space for non-state actors, like
to draw conclusions as to how the Church            NGOs and Churches, to influence the
develops policy in times of war. To facilitate      formation of and delivery of state policy. The
this process, I will use Iraq August 1990 - July    ability of non-state actors to manage this new
2003 as a case study. Not only is this an           risk environment depends on their ability both
accessible issue, but since Iraq has always been    to understand the complexity of the changing
a microcosym of wider international issues, it      face of international politics and to develop an
provides an insight into how the Church has         organisational structure that facilitates rather
tackled those issues that have emerged since        than hinders an effective contribution to wider
the end of the Cold War.                            policy debates.

                                                    The immediacy of events and the public's
The Changing Face of Foreign Policy                 appetite for instant political reactions means
                                                    the window of opportunity available to non-
The face of international relations, and thus of    state actors to influence the political debate has
foreign policy, has changed fundamentally           paradoxically both expanded and shrunk. The
with the transformation of the nation-state.        media and the public appear less interested in
From being nearly the sole actor in world           an exploration and reflection on grey areas
affairs it has become one of many that compete      than they are in creating polarised debates,
in the process of globalisation that affects the    which frames the debate in either or terms.
future of the state itself and the character of
international politics. Civil society, the state    These problems pose their own unique
and the values, which they serve are shapers of     problems for the Church. The Church after all
a foreign policy and may be shaped by it in         is not a homogenous actor. It is itself a multi-
turn. This process has been intensified, not        tier actor where power is diffuse rather than

centralised. The Church's culture favours            media and through conversations with
accommodation through consultation. The              Government. Over the last three years, the
diffuse set of networks and relationships that       Church of England's Board for Social
comprise the Church means that like                  Responsibility, to which I belong, facilitated
Government the Church's decision making              four submissions to Parliamentary inquiries on
process and the need to satisfy a broad              issues ranging from sanctions, the
constituency makes bridging the divide               humanitarian consequences of war and the post
between Church and World a precarious affair.        conflict settlement. Yesterday's Study Group
                                                     examined one such submission by the House
Institutionally the Church is made up the            of Bishops on the justness of any war against
Archbishops' Council and its various Boards          Iraq. All this activity is in addition to the spate
and Councils, the General Synod, the House of        of ecumenical and inter-faith statements that
Bishops and Lambeth Palace. There are also           usually accompany the outbreak of war.
the parishes and the dioceses, which through
the growth of diocesan companion links, have         In short Iraq 1990-2003 generated an
developed their own international expertise.         unprecedented amount of Church activity. One
There are numerous voluntary agencies such as        of the first points to make therefore is that the
the mission or development agencies that make        Church's response to the Second Gulf war did
an important contribution to the life of the         not take part in a vacuum. The Church's policy
Church's world mission. A plethora of                in 2003 built on and developed previous policy
associations and movements such as the               statements on Iraq. At a time when grand
Anglican Pacifist Fellowship lobby the               narratives are questioned it is perhaps
national church to speak prophetically on war        reassuring that the church retains an
and peace issues. At the same time the Church        institutional memory. The Church's policy on
of England is part of a wider Anglican               an issue is as much determined by past
Communion, comprising 70 million members             statements as it is by the immediacy of events.
in some 164 countries.                               There is a degree of continuity in the way the
                                                     Church approaches public policy issues.
How then does the church, given this
complexity of relations, discern the mind of         One constant worth commenting on is the role
Christ in times of international crisis. Does this   that the Church seeks to adopt at times of war.
complexity lead to institutional paralysis?          In 1990, 1998 and 2003 the Church sought to
                                                     make a contribution to the debate, to ensure
The Role of the Church                               that a Christian ethic was not lost in the wider
                                                     political calculus. Throughout the 1990s the
Over the last thirteen years no other                national Church sought to respond to the
international issue has so vexed the Church of       perceived humanitarian crisis in Iraq by
England as Iraq. It has been on the agenda of        making suggestions as to how the UN
the Church's Parliament, the General Synod,          sanctions regime could be refined. In 2003 as
no less than five times: November 1990,              in 1991 the national Church adopted an
February 1998, November 2000, November               advisory role, raising those questions which
2002 and February 2003. These debates                needed to be answered before recourse to
covered Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, Operation         military action.
Desert Fox, UN Sanctions and events leading
to the Second Gulf War Given the wider crisis        This advisory role distinguished the Church of
in the region it is perhaps surprising that the      England from its ecumenical colleagues.
Middle East Peace Process was debated only           Whereas most of our ecumenical colleagues
once during this period, in July 2001.               adopted a Chirac style opposition to
                                                     Government policy towards the Second Gulf
Iraq has featured on the policy radar of three       War, the Church of England and the Catholic
Archbishops of Canterbury: Robert Runcie,            Bishops Conference of England and Wales
George Carey and Rowan Williams. Each                adopted a Blairite style approach where we
through their own style of ministry have             sought to influence Government by being in
contributed to the Iraq debate through speeches      dialogue.
in the House of Lords, written articles in the

Our ecumenical colleagues directed their
energies to mobilising their own constituency
against war or sanctions, by engaging in mass
demonstrations or lobbying the Government or
Parliament. In contrast the Church of England
used its position as part of the establishment to
good effect by making contributions to debates
in the House of Lords, meeting with
Government ministers and Civil Servants to
raise ethical concerns at the direction of
Government policy.
                                                         The Rt. Revd. Michael Bourke (left) and Dr.
While our position as the national Church gave
                                                                       Charles Reed
us comparative advantage, in that we had
access to Government denied to other church
                                                      A Knowledge Based Church
organisations, establishment was not the sole
reason for this strategy. Throughout the crisis
                                                      The combination of being the established
the Church used the just war tradition to frame
                                                      church and the use of the just war theory meant
its analysis. It is hardly surprising that in using
                                                      that the Church has generally approached war
a tradition which is itself the result of twelve
                                                      and peace issues with a streak of Neibuhrian
centuries of dialogue between diverse and
                                                      realism. As any theologian knows this requires
competing actors, that the Church adopted a
                                                      taking all factors into consideration when
policy of dialogue over and above
                                                      making policy. What then was the basis on
                                                      which the Church issued the countless
                                                      statements on Iraq? There were three main
The just war tradition requires a continual
                                                      sources: the Church's own links with the
process of evaluation and re-evaluation of
                                                      region, the use of outside experts, and the
positions in light of new developments. While
                                                      harnessing of new information technology.
just war theory encourages a process of
dialogue and the use of persuasion to argue
                                                      The Church has developed an extensive set of
one's case, campaigning requires a position of
                                                      networks with the Middle East in general and
moral certitude that one's position is right
                                                      Iraq in particular. The Anglican Bishop of
regardless of policy developments.
                                                      Cyprus and the Gulf and the Director of
Campaigners have a tendency to reduce the
                                                      Coventry's Centre for International Ministry
political message to slogans such as No War or
                                                      both visited Iraq countless times over the last
Not in My Name, which more often than not
                                                      four years and provided raw data as to the
are bereft of any theological reasoning, other
                                                      situation there. In addition we received reports
than pacifism, which can commend itself to
                                                      from Christian Aid who worked in the North of
Government in terms of practical policy
                                                      Iraq as well as from Mission Agencies like
recommendations. In contrast the Church by
                                                      CMS, USPG and CCJ who are present in the
using the just war theory recognised that the
                                                      wider region. In 2000 I was seconded to the
moral calculus could not be reduced to a
                                                      United Nations Development Programme in
mathematical equation and that politics is a
                                                      Iraq for two and half months to evaluate
rather messy affair. It is hardly surprising
                                                      further the situation with a view to devising an
therefore that throughout this period
                                                      advocacy strategy on sanctions. Over a
ecumenical co-operation was a limited affair.
                                                      thirteen-year period the Church developed a
                                                      degree of expertise on Iraq. This meant it was
                                                      taken seriously by the Government as an actor
                                                      capable of making contributions to the debate
                                                      based not on prejudice but on experience. The
                                                      British Foreign and Commonwealth Office is
                                                      willing to work though the Church as
                                                      illustrated by its funding of the Coventry based
                                                      Alexandria Process. Similarly my own

experiences in Iraq meant I was invited to join    able to compile weekly and sometimes daily
a UN Working party on Smart Sanctions, the         reports on the crisis which where then emailed
Bonn-Berlin Process, which reported in             to all Bishops and other religious contacts.
November 2001.
                                                   The Decision Making Process
Raw information from the region means
nothing unless one has the expertise to analyse    What then was the decision making process
it and draw relevant conclusions. To help          behind all of these statements and reports? Let
facilitate this process the Church has             me take the October 2002 House of Bishops
consistently drawn on outside experts. In mid      submission to the House of Commons Foreign
February 2003 a meeting was arranged               Affairs Committee's inquiry on Iraq as an
between the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr           example.
Rowan Williams and the Prime Minister, Tony
Blair. Iraq was to be key issue on the agenda.     The October 2002 House of Bishops
To ensure that the Archbishop was properly         submission started life originally as a Church
briefed, a half-day seminar was organised for      Briefing Paper issued in March 2002. This was
the Archbishop one week prior to this meeting.     written following a conversation between three
The seminar drew in experts from around the        Bishops at a Mission Conference in mid
country. In addition to two competing              January 2002. The Briefing Paper sought to
theological presentations the seminar brought      provide a wider political and theological
together a former top ranking civil servant        context to developments in UK and US foreign
from the Ministry of Defence, and two former       policy to Iraq. In doing so the Briefing Paper
legal advisors to the Foreign and                  sought to map past Church contributions to the
Commonwealth office and the United Nations.        Iraq debate over the last twelve years and to
A range of academics from think tanks and          suggest ways in which the Church could
Universities from across the UK also attended.     respond to the crisis, but in a way which was
The aim was to highlight those key pressure        consistent with past contributions. It was an
points where the Government might be               attempt to stimulate reflection within the
susceptible to political pressure. Recognising     Church before the issue became politicised to
that politics is the art of the possible we        the extent that it prevented such reflection. By
adopted a strategy, which it was hoped, would      setting out in advance our thinking on Iraq the
pay greater dividends than if we allowed           Church was in a better position to influence the
ourselves to fall into wishful idealism.           political debate than if we had sought to
                                                   develop a position in the immediacy of the
The complexity of international politics and       crisis.
the immediacy of events can often produce
knee jerk reactions based on insufficient          Organisational changes within the Church of
information. In January of this year the           England and the desire to move away from
Church's Public Affairs Unit employed the          decision-making by committees meant that no
services of DeHavilland, a public affairs          Church Board or Council ever formally
company. This company provided us with a           considered the Briefing Paper. It was
news management service. Their computer            authorised instead by the Chairman of the
software package enabled us to receive up to       Board for Social Responsibility following
the minute news on developments in Iraq as         conversations with the Archbishops' Public
well as public and political reactions to these    Affairs Secretary and the General Synod's
developments. We were able to track and            Secretary General. The key considerations in
measure not only our own media and public          these discussions was whether it was consistent
profile but also those of other NGOs and           with what the Church had said in the past and
politicians. This meant that staff time could be   whether it would stand the test of public
more effectively employed by developing and        scrutiny. In this respect the input provided by
maintaining the Church's profile than merely       various academics, theologians and think tanks
trying to stay abreast of political                was decisive. The Church does not have a pre-
developments. The ability to manage political      ordained right to be heard in public policy
developments enabled the Church to play a          debates, it has to earn that right. One way of
proactive rather than a reactive role. We were     doing that is by providing well researched and

argued documents of a similar standard and         Church could reconcile its prophetic role with
quality as those reports produced by other         its pastoral responsibilities. To this effect
think tanks and other policy organisations.        considerable time and energy was put into
                                                   drafting "Diocesan Guidelines for Pastoral
The decision to turn the Briefing Paper into a     Care in the Event of War". Other issues
Parliamentary submission reflected the timing      discussed by this group included: the
of the House of Bishops' meeting coinciding as     Archbishops' public profile, interfaith and
it did with the Parliamentary inquiry. If the      ecumenical relations, and relations with
House of Bishops had not met at this time the      Government.
Church would still have made a submission.
The question facing many of us is how in a         Conclusion - Future Agenda
secular age where talk of God has been pushed
to the margins can the Church ensure its           The Cold War is a fading memory, despite the
message is heard. One way is to ensure that the    fact that the fall of the Berlin Wall and the
Church has something distinctive to say.           collapse of the USSR occurred little over a
Another is to give greater thought as to who is    decade and a half ago. These events brought to
the target audience. In this respect it was        a close the short and violent twentieth century
decided that a submission to a Parliamentary       and promised in its place a golden age of peace
inquiry would be an appropriate mechanism          and stability where history, through the
through which the Church could make a              triumph of liberal democracy and capitalism,
structured contribution to the wider political     had run its course. And yet looking back over
debate. It reflected the prior decision that the   the turbulent events of the last fifteen years it
Church wanted to influence the political           is possible to conclude that old certainties have
process by being in dialogue with relevant         given rise to new uncertainties that challenge
political actors.                                  orthodox understandings of state sovereignty.
To assist the House of Bishops in deliberating     A major feature throughout this period has
the ethics of the Government's policy towards      been the changing nature of the state and of
Iraq, the House of Bishops enlisted the help of    state sovereignty in the conduct of
Sir Michael Quinlan. Sir Michael is a Former       international affairs. If the old rules governing
Permanent under Secretary of State at the          state behaviour no longer seem particularly
Ministry of Defence, and is now a visiting         relevant, it is far from clear what the new rules
professor at the Centre for Defence Studies at     are, or even who should draft them.
King's College London. It is interesting that a
former prominent civil servant, who                There is a role here for the churches. How they
understands the machinery of Government,           contribute to this debate will depend as much
was invited to do this presentation than say a     on whether they can escape the positivism
theologian. Once again the key was to identify     contained within their own theological
key pressure points and to adapt the Bishops'      thinking as it will on their ability to take
submission accordingly.                            seriously the international shifts and schisms
                                                   which are currently unfolding. In earning the
From an institutional perspective the key          right to be heard, churches will need to
people were the Secretary General, the Head of     recognise that despite the benefits of the
the Communications Unit, the Archbishops'          European experiment, the realisation of the
Public Affairs Spokesmen and myself. From          Kingdom of God remains, as Neihbur has
July 2002 this group met on a monthly basis to     suggested an "impossible possibility". In order
assess the situation and to devise strategies as   to make a contribution to the unfolding of the
how best to take the issue forward. In between     new international order churches must make
meetings we used email to keep each other          use of existing traditions, however imperfect,
informed of developments. The Group's aim          in the knowledge that unprecedented
was to develop a coherent and consistent           circumstances require not just moral courage
Church policy. The focus was not just how          but also versatile and creative ethical
should the Church respond to developments,         discussions. This is a discussion and a process,
but where should the Church be on the eve of       which the Church of England wants to be part
war and what was the best way of getting           of. By reflecting ethically in peacetime on
there? Central to this question was how the        these developments it is to be hoped that the

Church will be better placed to provide wise    times of war, but how does it develop its policy
moral consul to the Government and the nation   and thinking on war in times of peace.
at times of war. The question then is not so
much how does the Church make policy in


Colin Bennetts
Bishop of Coventry
                                                     In 1962 the new cathedral was dedicated, or,
                                                     more properly, the new part of the cathedral,
This paper is written very much from a               since there is, strictly speaking only one
personal perspective. As such it is more             cathedral not two. The new, which arises from
narrative in style than didactic. It offers a case   the old is one with the old, a powerful sign of
study of how one particular diocese operates         life from death. To walk from the ruins of the
rather than attempting to analyse the                old into the splendour of the new is to walk
peacemaking activities of the whole Church of        from Good Friday to Easter, from the ravages
England. I shall seek to describe the context        of human self-destruction to the glorious hope
from which I write, the methodology with             of resurrection.
which we work, and some tentative                    And so from the Coventry narrative two clear
conclusions that may be of interest to the wider     themes emerge, reconciliation and resurrection.
church.                                              These themes more than any other have
The particular context is that of the Diocese of     provided a powerful paradigm for the last sixty
Coventry where it is my privilege to serve as        years. They offer a focus which is both clear
bishop. When the present diocese was set up in       and Christocentric.
1918, (it had existed in various forms as long       The outworking of this vision in terms of
ago as l121), it took as its cathedral the 14th      practical peacemaking has been remarkably
century church of St. Michael. On the night of       varied. Much of it, because of its sensitive
14th November 1940 that medieval building,           nature, has been out of the spotlight; some is in
along with most of the city centre, was              the public arena. Most will know, or know of,
destroyed in an action that gave rise to a new       Canon Paul Oestreicher and his work during
verb in the German language, the verb                the Cold War period, particularly in Eastern
'coventrieren'.                                      Europe and the former East Germany. Many
The next day, in an act of remarkable faith and      will have heard of his successor as Director of
courage, the Provost declared that the cathedral     International Ministry, Canon Andrew White,
would be rebuilt, not as an act of defiance, but     who is deeply involved in the Middle East
as a sign of hope for the future of the world.       peace process, notably through the Alexandria
'Our enemies,' he said, 'will become our             Declaration in which nearly all the senior
friends'. As if to underline this hope three         religious leaders, Muslim, Jew and Christian,
things occurred very shortly afterwards which        have condemned the use of violence in the
were to prove prophetic. A local stonemason          name of religion. Much of what follows
found two charred roof timbers on the                springs directly from the ministry of three two
cathedral floor, bound them roughly together         remarkably men.
in the shape of a cross and stuck them upright       That is the context. Now something about the
in a dustbin by the stone altar. A local priest      methodology that we seek to follow in the
gathered up some of the large 14th century nails     work we undertake. Put simply, we recognise
that had held the roof beams in place and            three distinct but interconnected strands,
created what was to become the cross of nails.       namely, research, relief and then
Someone else, possibly the Provost himself,          reconciliation.
made a rough inscription in the wall behind the      Good quality research is vital if the work of
altar: 'Father, Forgive' - no direct object, a       peacemaking and reconciliation is to be
deliberately inclusive prayer. The Coventry          anything more than well-intentioned
Litany of Reconciliation takes up this theme in      philanthropy. Almost by definition,
its opening words when it begins with St.            reconciliation implies a pre-existing
Paul's reminder that '...all have sinned and fall    relationship that has gone wrong. Repairing a
short of the glory of God'.                          fracture is nearly always harder than beginning
                                                     a new relationship ab initio. And so the task of

reconciliation requires an understanding of the     brothers in the faith. If that ancient church is to
past as well as a determination not to be           play any significant part in bringing about
enslaved by it. Conflict does not spring from       healing within its own context it must
nowhere. Not infrequently ancient enmities          obviously be enabled first to survive. The need
remain very much alive in the folk memory.          for basic humanitarian aid is often a
The recent history of the Balkans is a salutary     prerequisite for any longer-term task.
reminder of how deep and strong some
historical antipathies lie. Ethnic, cultural,
political and economic factors all play a part in
determining whether religion may be a force
for peace or a cause of strife.
At present we have a fairly major project in
Northern Nigeria which is funded in large part
by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.
The task, at its most basic, is to help create
opportunities for dialogue and bridge-building
between Christian and Muslim communities,
particularly in Kaduna State where there have
been thousands of deaths an both sides from
inter-religious conflict in recent years. The
presenting cause of the conflict has been the         Dr. Charles Reed (left) with the Rt.Revd. Colin
introduction of Shari'ah law alongside, or                               Bennetts
instead of, federal law. In reality the usual mix
of tribalism, economics and power politics is       However, when communities are locked into a
very evident. Our two team members working          cycle of destructive conflict relief in itself is
an this project have spent countless hours, not     never sufficient. Reconciliation involves
only researching the history of the conflict but    finding creative ways to let warring factions
also in cultivating friendships with most of the    talk to each other so that they can hear one
key players, sheikhs, emirs, imams, state           another's stories and begin to understand
governors, Christian leaders.                       something of each other's pain. Such exercises
As well as this labour-intensive research on the    are often excruciatingly hard, and often
ground we also try to maintain links with           participants find it impossible while they are
academics in the field of peace studies. For        still in the place where fighting has taken place
example, we work closely with Coventry              or is still happening. We have learned much
University's Centre for the Study of                about the desirability for 'safe spaces' where
Forgiveness and Reconciliation and with a           such groups are freer to undertake the risky
network of scholars in the USA and South            business of building bridges and looking for
Africa. We are also in the process of               ways together to break free from the past. Two
developing a formal link with the Divinity          particular examples come to mind. The first
Faculty at Cambridge.                               involved bringing a group of Christians from
On occasions the most immediate need is not         the Holy Land to Coventry. They ranged from
for research but for relief. One of our diocesan    Messianic Jews to Orthodox. Most were
links is with the Syrian Orthodox community         meeting for the first time; some who had met
in Israel/Palestine. In recent months this          hardly spoke to each other. They went away
beleaguered and impoverished church has             with a muck clearer, unified vision, determined
found itself caught between the fire, literally,    to pray together an a regular basis. The second
of Palestinian extremists and the Jewish            example was in many ways more spectacular.
military machine. The joint project of building     This group consisted, amongst others, of Grand
a school has had to be put on hold while the        Muftis and Archbishops from Kosovo and
more urgent business of getting medicines and       Serbia. Having almost refused at first to travel
food into the people has taken precedence. It is    on the same plane to the UK they left after four
a somewhat sad comment on how the                   days with a motley collection of business
European church has engaged with the Middle         cards, intent at least on trying to pull down
East problem that we are only now becoming          some of the ancient barriers that had divided
aware of the plight of many of our sisters and      them.

        I have attempted so far to outline something of      deal with those on our own doorsteps. My
        the theory of reconciliation and peacemaking         second discovery is not unrelated.
        that we work with, and to illustrate it from         The events of 9/11 and the Iraq war (or the
        some current examples. Let me now turn to            invasion of Iraq, as I prefer to call it), not only
        some of the discoveries that I have made and         changed the world but challenged our
        to some of the challenges that this work raises,     complacency. The day after 9/111 was made
        not least to our own integrity as Christian          aware of an Arab/Muslim refugee family in
        ministers.                                           Coventry who had barricaded themselves into
        The first, and perhaps the most important,           their home for fear of some mindless reprisal.
        concerns the kind of church we are as                They had nothing in common with the
        compared with the kind of message that we            terrorisms other than their ethnic origins. In the
        preach. John de Gruchy is a South African            event there was, thank God, very little
        Christian who has been very involved in              irrational response towards Arabs and
        peacemaking in his post-apartheid society, and       Muslims. At one level all was well. However,
        in particular with the work of the Truth and         this incident made me very conscious of how
        Reconciliation Commission. His incisive              little I actually knew the Muslim community in
        analysis of that society takes full account of       my own city. I had met on a regular basis for
        false notions of forgiveness and cheap grace,        the last few years with a select group of
        and his argument is informed by the                  community leaders, but how many 'ordinary'
        fundamental conviction that reconciliation is        Muslims did I know? Precious few, I'm
        only possible when it involves the restoration       ashamed to say. In fact I knew considerably
        of justice. This in turn requires the church to      more in Africa and in the Middle East than I
        practise what it preaches.                           did locally. Having been shocked into this
        'If there is no connection, no visibility or         realisation by the events of 9/111 was
        earthing of the message of God's reconciliation      fortunately in a slightly better position in the
        in a community that believes it to be true,          run up to the second Gulf War. In common
        reconciliation as Christians understand it           with many other English bishops I was able to
        would remain a disembodied ideal. Both               speak publicly alongside Muslim colleagues in
        reconciliation and restorative justice are           opposing the proposed war. We were able to
        relational concepts and require embodiment in        issue a joint statement, not only outlining our
        a community of restored relations'.150               grounds for opposition, but also refuting the
        Coventry Cathedral and Coventry Diocese, like        idea that any such war should be considered as
        nearly all churches, has its fair share of           a war against Islam, a notion which, although
        unresolved tensions. The idea of mutual              strenuously denied by the British Prime
        submission is not one that takes root easily, bat    Minister, was not far beneath the surface in
        Christians of all people ought to be those who       some quarters.152 When the war actually started
        understand the asymmetrical nature of                it was interesting to see a very mixed crowd,
        forgiveness. As Christoph Schwoebel puts it          including a number of Muslims, in the ruins of
        '...Reconciliation is not based on a mutual          the cathedral as we stood together for a silent
        agreement but on a one-sided step to break up        vigil for peace. The increasing threat of racism
        the pattern of mutual enmity. It is based on a       from the National Front and the British
        one-sided offer of peace and as such it is           National Party has strengthened our resolve,
        costly; it requires withdrawing from all             not only to work more closely together, but to
        attempts at retribution. The one who offers          get to know each other better.
        reconciliation is the one who must pay the           My third area of challenge and discovery was
        price for the renewal of the relationship'.151       in fact more a matter of self-discovery. It was
        As ever, it is probably easier and certainly         the Anglo-American response to the events of
        more seductive to attempt to solve problems          September 11 that almost turned me into a
        that are three thousand miles away than it is to     pacifist. The war on terror, we were told, had
                                                             begun. The thought of waging war on an
                                                             abstract noun was bad enough. But the idea
150                                                          that a systemic problem like terrorism could
      Reconciliation: Restoring Justice, SCM Press, p.88
        151                                                  ever be dealt with as though it were purely
            Essay 'From Biblical Observations to Dogmatic
        Reconstruction' in The Theology of Reconciliation,
        MT Clarke, Colin Gunton (Ed)                               See Appendix 1

territorial continues to baffle and anger me.        This brings me to my final observations on the
The bombing of Afghanistan was the start of          current state of peacemaking in the Anglican
my near conversion. It was an American               church. Like the church as a whole, Anglicans
commentator who described it as 'hitting a           have always treasured amongst their number
mature dandelion with a golf club', i.e. success     those who might be described as fall-blown
in damaging one plant had to be weighed              pacifists. These are men and women who take
against the number of dangerous, not to say          the view that it is never, under any
noxious seeds that would be dispersed to the         circumstances, right to take up arms.
four winds. If one nation was to be attacked         Prominent among such would be men like
because it was 'harbouring terrorists' then          Dick Sheppard and Charles Raven between the
logically Ulster, the Basque region and              wars, and Canon Collins and George Bell after
countless other parts of the world were also         World War II. Structurally, such people have
legitimate targets.                                  often found their home within the Anglican
Then came the psychological build-up to the          Pacifist Fellowship, a group strongly opposed
Iraqi conflict with its flawed linkage between       to violence in any form and particularly
the 'war on terrorism' and the desire to remove      committed to the principles of disarmament. In
a criminal, psychopathic dictator from power,        the past many members of the APF have also
underpinned, of course, by the false assertion       been involved in the Christian Campaign for
that Iraq actually had weapons which could           Nuclear Disarmament.
reach and destroy not only the UK bat even the       The pacifist position is well understood and
USA. There was so much in this whole process         highly respected, but for a variety of reasons
that struck me as illogical and, indeed,             not all Christians are able to subscribe to it.
immoral. This is not the place to go into all the    The story of recent conflicts, and in particular
details of the argument. Suffice it to say that it   the two events mentioned above, have, I
drove me on to the streets for the first time in     believe, altered perceptions about what is the
my life. I found myself leading a peace march        appropriate Christian response to war. Because
in Royal Leamington Spa, probably the most           the nature of war itself has changed, and in
conservative and traditional town in my whole        particular because the idea of the sovereign
diocese. To my surprise there was a crowd of         nation state as autonomous and inviolable is no
some four hundred, many of whom were from            longer seen as self-evident,155 many more
the 'blue rinse brigade'. But it was a very
mixed crowd, including a vociferous section
                                                            leaders as well as leaders
from the Socialist Workers Party who managed                from       other      faith
to position themselves directly behind me                   traditions he constantly
whenever the press of television cameras were               urged restraint from
in action. You certainly cannot choose your                 military action, openly
friends on these occasions. What is fascinating             disagreeing with the
is the number of other bishops153 and Christian             official government line.
leaders in the UK and elsewhere who found                  See Jihad vs McWorld,
themselves in similar situations, acting out of             How Globalism and
character, stepping out in protest, unable to               Tribalism are Reshaping
                                                            the World. Benjamin R
remain silent in the face of intolerable western            Barber,          Ballantine
imperialism.154                                             Books. For example:
                                                            Jihad         (non-Western
153                                                         culture) and McWorld
      It is estimated that at least                         (global capitalism) have
         twenty Anglican bishops                            this in common; they
         took part in the national                          both make war an the
         peace march in London                              sovereign nation state
         on 15th February 2003.                             and thus undermine the
       The views war of Dr.                                 nation state's democratic
        Rowan Williams, now                                 institutions. p.6 and:
        Archbishop            of                            Even         the      most
        Canterbury, on the Iraqi                            developed, supposedly
        war       are       well                            self-sufficient     nations
        documented. Along with                              can no longer pretend to
        other senior Christian                              genuine        sovereignty.

       people, Christians among them, are drawn to
       the more positive concept of peacemaking
       rather than to the potentially negative line
       offered by traditional pacifism. Many wonder
       whether some of the conventional arguments
       of the Just War Theory still carry any real
       weight if war is no longer to be viewed in
       mainly territorial terms. This change of
       emphasis from pacifism to peacemaking is
       reflected in a suggestion that the APF might be
       re-designated as Peacemakers International,156
       a name that would undoubtedly have appeal
       for the many who could not sign up to the
       absolute demands of traditional pacifism but
       who are desperate to live by at least some of
       the tenets of the Beatitudes. Could it be that the
       church, working as a huge international peace
       movement, truly concerned for justice and
       peace, might even be seen once again as the
       guardian of Gospel and the harbinger of the

            That is the meaning of
            ecology, a term that
            marks       the       final
            obsolescence of all man-
            müde boundaries. When
            it comes to acid rain or
            oil spills or depleted
            fisheries    or    tainted
            groundwater              or
            fluorocarbon propellants
            or radiation leaks or
            toxic waste or sexually
            transmitted      diseases,
            national frontiers are
            simply irrelevant. p.12
      A proposal made by the person recently invited to
       take on the leadership of the Fellowship


In the Name of God who is Almighty, Merciful and Compassionate, we, who have gathered as
religious leaders from the Muslim, Christian and Jewish communities, pray for true peace in
Jerusalem and the Holy Land, and declare our commitment to ending the violence and
bloodshed that denies the right to life and dignity.

According to our faith traditions, killing innocents in the name of God is a desecration of his
Holy Name, and defames religion in the world. The violence in the Holy Land is an evil which
must be opposed by all people of good faith. We seek to live together as neighbours, respecting
the integrity of each other's historical and religious inheritance. We call upon all to oppose
incitement, hatred and the misrepresentation of the other.

The Holy Land is Holy to all three of our faiths. Therefore, followers of the divine religions must
respect its sanctity, and bloodshed must not be allowed to pollute it. The sanctity and integrity of the
Holy Places must be preserved, and freedom of religious worship must be ensured for all.

Palestinians and Israelis must respect the divinely ordained purposes of the Creator by whose grace
they live in the same land that is called Holy.

We call on the political leaders of both peoples to work for a just, secure and durable solution in the
spirit of the words of the Almighty and the Prophets.

As a first step now, we call for a religiously sanctioned cease-fire, respected and observed on all sides,
and for the implementation of the Mitchell and Tenet recommendations, including the lifting of
restrictions and a return to negotiations.

We seek to help create an atmosphere where present and future generations will co-exist with mutual
respect and trust in the other. We call on all to refrain from incitement and demonization, and to
educate our future generations accordingly.

As religious leaders, we pledge ourselves to continue a joint quest for a just peace that leads to
reconciliation in Jerusalem and the Holy Land, for the common good of all our peoples.

We announce the establishment of a permanent Joint committee to carry out the recommendations of
this declaration, and to engage with our respective political leadership accordingly.
                      A NEW YEAR DECLARATION
                    Of FAITH LEADERS IN COVENTRY

As leaders of different faith communities in Coventry we met last week to share our concerns
about the possible war in Iraq. We are completely united in the following matters:

•       We do not believe that such a war would be morally justified at the present time.
According to our faith traditions, an unprovoked attack on Iraq would be contrary to our belief
in the right to life and dignity of all.
•       We fear that, despite assertions to the contrary, military action would be seen by many as
an attack on Islam. This would undermine the considerable trust that currently exists between
our various religious communities and could all too easily provoke a violent backlash.
•       We call upon our political leaders to continue working for peace through diplomatic
means, particularly by honouring the work of the UN weapons inspectors.
•       We believe that peace in the Middle East cannot be separated from the search for justice
in Israel/Palestine and in other places of conflict.
•       We delight in our common inheritance in God and in the richness of our faith traditions.
We value the contribution made by the many ethnic and faith groups to the community life of
this city.
•       We pledge ourselves to live together as good neighbours, building social inclusion,
respecting the integrity of each other's religious and cultural inheritance.
•       We commit ourselves to any joint action that might promote peace and guard against

10th January 2003

                       AN EXCERPT FROM:


 J. The Church of England and Iraq                         November General Synod following Iraq's
                                                           invasion. He stated: "While we must use
 48. Iraq has been a recurring issue on the                every means short of war to enforce UN
 Church of England's agenda since the end                  policy, it would be foolish to rule out the
 of the Cold War. It is important, for the                 use of force in the last resort". 157 He
 sake of consistency, to keep in mind past                 accepted that while war would inevitably
 Church statements and positions on Iraq,                  result in civilian and non-civilian
 when considering how the Church should                    casualties the risk of doing nothing was not
 respond to the current crisis. On past                    a viable option. There was significant
 occasions the Church has used that                        debate within the Church as to whether or
 tradition of moral thinking associated with               not further time should have been given for
 the idea of 'just war' to guide its                       sanctions to have worked. Similar
 deliberations. Any analysis of just war                   concerns were also raised as to whether or
 thinking needs to distinguish between jus                 not the military build up in the Gulf
 ad bellum and jus in bello. Jus ad bellum                 prejudiced a diplomatic solution. On 15
 requires judgements to be made about                      January 1991 on the day when the deadline
 aggression and self-defence, while jus in                 set by UN Security Council resolution 678
 bello is concerned with the observance or                 ran out, the House of Bishops issued a
 violation of the customary and positive                   statement. "While in the last resort military
 rules of engagement.                                      action may be the only option, the
                                                           consequences in terms of human suffering
 i The 1991 Gulf War                                       on all sides would be immense, and that
 49. Although Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in                 consideration of these consequences
 August 1990 was met by universal                          should be central to all political and
 condemnation by all Church leaders, there                 military thinking." 158 The cost of military
 was significant disagreement within and
 between Churches as to how this               157
 aggression should be reversed. The then             General Synod, November Group of Sessions, report
                                                      of Proceedings, Vol 21, no. 3, 1040.
 Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Robert           158
 Runcie, made a Presidential Address to the          The Gulf Crisis: Statement by the House of Bishops of
                                                       the Church of England, 15 January 1991, p. 2.

             activity was a central theme in the sermon
             preached by the Archbishop of York, the                           iii Jus ad Bellum
             Rt Revd John Hapgood, at the Gulf War                             51. The threat of further military action
             Service      of     Remembrance        and                        against Iraq forces the Church and
             Thanksgiving at St Mungo's Cathedral,                             Christians to grapple with whether or not
             Glasgow, 4 May 1991.159                                           any war could be considered a just war, or
                                                                               more specifically under what conditions
             ii Sanctions                                                      might war be considered just. In its
             50. Since the end of the Gulf War the                             modern form jus ad bellum raises four
             Church of England's concern over Iraq has                         questions: just cause, proper authority,
             related to the perceived humanitarian                             right intent and last resort. It is important
             impact of sanctions. The Director of                              before applying these criteria to the
             Coventry      Cathedral's    Centre     for                       specifics of Iraq to examine how these
             International Ministry has visited Iraq                           criteria relate to the broader concepts of
             several times over the last few years. The                        preventative or pre-emptive action.
             Centre's work has focused on retraining
             Iraqi doctors in the latest techniques                            52. Traditionally just war theory allows
             surrounding bone marrow transplants.                              countries to use force to repel an act of
             Many of these humanitarian concerns were                          aggression. However, both St Augustine
             evident in the General Synod Debate on                            and Thomas Aquinas did not restrict the
             Iraq in November 2000. The debate was                             meaning of "justness" to wars of self-
             informed by a report prepared by the                              defence where it was necessary to repel a
             Board for Social Responsibility, which                            foreign force. 162 The use of force was
             reflected the experiences gained by its                           considered justified as a form of
             Assistant Secretary for International and                         anticipatory self-defence. In short, if an
             Development Affairs following a six-week                          attack from an outside aggressor looked
             secondment to the United Nations                                  imminent then a state was entitled to take
             Development Programme in Iraq. 160 The                            such proportionate action as was necessary
             resulting    General      Synod      motion                       to prevent such an attack. Both St
             encouraged the Government to introduce a                          Augustine and Thomas Aquinas made
             smarter sanctions regime, which would                             clear that anticipatory self defence could
             target Iraq's ruling elite rather than the                        only be used when a threat looked
             mass of the population.161 Security Council                       imminent (i.e. the mobilisation of troops
             resolutions 1284 and 1382, signalled a                            on the border etc…), and not when a threat
             more targeted sanctions policy.                                   had yet to materialise. Morally a
                                                                               distinction is made between anticipatory
                                                                               self-defence, which is morally justified and
      It is worth quoting the relevant section in full. "That is               preventative war, which is morally
         why our solemn act of remembrance before God of                       prohibited. To argue in favour of
         the appalling suffering which war and its aftermath                   preventative action would be to undermine
         have actually brought in their train: the losses of                   the need for war to be used as a last resort
         human life and the devastation in Iraq itself, still                  and would prejudice alternative efforts at
         locked into an oppressive and evil dictatorship; the
                                                                               conflict prevention and resolution.
         dreadful plight of the Kurds and Shi'ites, innocent
         victims not just of war itself, but of the false hopes                Preventative wars against a perceived
         of successful rebellion it raised in their minds; the                 future threat would invariably raise
         black clouds over Kuwait, and the oil sodden Gulf.                    questions as to the motive or intent behind
         And we think of the fearful and intractable political                 the action.
         problems which still remain, not least in securing
         the future for Palestinians and Israeli's alike. How                  53. The just war tradition provides an
         doe we measure all these against what has actually
         been achieved?" John Hapgood; Making Sense,
                                                                               appropriate moral framework through
         SPCK, London, 1993,                                                   which to evaluate the 2002 US National
160                                                                            Security Strategy. The decision to "adapt
      General Synod, Iraq: A Decade of Sanctions. A
       Report by the Board for Social Responsibility,
       GS1403, November 2000.                                      162
                                                                         James Turner Johnson; Morality and Contemporary
      See Annex 3                                                          Warfare, Yale University Press, 2000, pp. 41-70.

            the concept of imminent threat to the                         tradition has never confined the question
            capabilities and objectives of today's                        of just cause purely to self defence. If a
            adversaries" is morally as well as                            threat is real, serious and immediate, there
            politically hazardous.163 The collapsing of                   might indeed be a proper moral reason for
            the boundaries between preventative and                       pre-emptive action." 166 The use of pre-
            pre-emptive action runs the risk of opening                   emptive action where a well proven threat
            a "Pandora's box", which once opened will                     exists should not, a priori be ruled out.
            be difficult to close. 164 The National                       Indeed as the Bishop of Rochester has
            Security Strategy recognises this by                          argued this should also include
            indicating that "the US will not use force                    intervention "to prevent large-scale human
            in all cases to pre-empt emerging threats,                    suffering, perhaps even genocide." 167 Yet,
            nor should nations use pre-emption as a                       as the Bishop of London indicated the
            pretext for aggression." 165 While the lack                   process leading to such interventions are
            of clarity however as to which preventative                   all important:
            wars are legally and morally justifiable is                   One of the conditions of stability in the
            inarticulately spelt out in the document, the                 modern world is predictability. It is
            document leaves little doubt that the                         imperative that we have an international
            objective is the maintenance of a unipolar                    process to judge which instances …
            world with the US at its helm. The                            demand the intervention of outside powers.
            subsequent weakening of America's                             No state however, powerful, should be left
            commitment to the multilateral process                        as judge and jury. There is only one
            suggests the moral, political and legal                       institution remotely capable of helping to
            threshold for war has been substantially                      form such judgements and that is the
            lowered. While preventative action against                    United Nations168
            those terrorist organisations not tied to a                   The challenge from this perspective is to
            nation state might legitimately be seen as a                  reinvigorate the United Nations with the
            form of police enforcement, it remains                        necessary capability to respond to new
            problematic as a mechanism for resolving                      threats such as terrorism and to provide the
            those tensions between nation states.                         appropriate investment in the tools
            Without this distinction the doctrines of                     necessary for nation building and peace
            containment and deterrence, and with it the                   keeping.
            commitment to resolve and accommodate
            international tensions through multilateral                   55. There was general agreement between
            institutions could give way to a doctrine of                  those      bishops     speaking     in     the
            unilateral preventative action, which                         Parliamentary debate that the evidence
            nullifies the just war criteria of force as a                 presented within the Government's dossier
            last resort. In its application, questions will               did not constitute an imminent threat or
            always be asked as to the US's motive in                      just cause in support of military action at
            using force.                                                  this juncture. The Church is under no
                                                                          allusion as to the nature of the Iraqi regime
            54. The US National Security Strategy and                     or of its attempts to acquire WMDs, but as
            its application to Iraq are matters of grave                  the Bishop of Southwark argued:
            concern to the Church. These concerns
            were articulated by a number of Bishops            166
                                                                     House of Lords Official Report, Parliamentary
            during the Parliamentary debate on 24                     Debate, Tuesday 24 September 2002, Vol 638, Col
            September 2002 following the publication                  897.
            of the Governments dossier. As the Bishop          167
                                                                     Jonathan Petre, "Bishop says Attack would be
            of Oxford made clear: "The Christian                      Justified" The Telegraph, 5 September 2002, p. 1.
                                                                     House of Lords Official Report, Parliamentary
      The National Security Strategy of the United States of          Debate, Tuesday 24 September 2002, Vol 638, Col
        America, September 2002, p. 15.                               886-887. It is worth remembering that when Israel
164                                                                   bombed Iraq's nuclear capability in 1981 on the
      Rt Revd Dr Rowan Williams, as quoted in The                     grounds that such pre-emptive action was necessary
       Guardian, 25 September 2002, p. 3.                             to guarantee its future security, Russia, the USA,
      The National Security Strategy of the United States of          UK, and China all condemned it. It was also
        America, September 2002, p. 15.                               condemned by the UNSC.

            The policy of containment - sanctions, no                   know-how, that will allow Saddam to
            fly zones and so on - has worked well                       develop these weapons of mass
            enough for 12 twelve years. As the dossier                  destruction. Is it already all there in Iraq,
            shows that policy is certainly effective in                 or are there others who are playing hooky
            preventing the development of a nuclear                     round the world?" 171 It is worth
            capability. It is too soon to judge that that               remembering that the 2002 Export Control
            policy might not continue to work".169                      Act grew out of the Scott Report and the
            In other words:                                             arms to Iraq affair during the early 1990s.
            Although the situation has obviously
            changed somewhat since the UN                               iv Jus in Bello
            inspectors left, it has not despite Saddam                  57. Christians often rely on the jus in bello
            Hussein's efforts, changed enough to                        tradition of just war theory to inform their
            justify the hugely dangerous critical                       thinking as to whether or not any war is
            threshold of military action".170                           being waged justly. Jus in bello raises
            The effectiveness of sanctions to date and                  concerns such as a realistic chance of
            the timeline provided by the Government's                   success, proportionality and civilian
            dossier as to when Iraq will be able to                     casualties. Jus in bello considerations only
            acquire further WMDs provides sufficient                    become relevant once the jus ad bellum
            room for manoeuvre to find alternative                      concerns have been addressed. Any
            methods of resolving the current stalemate                  decision as to the suitability of an
            without recourse to war. The priority must                  instrument of warfare remains secondary
            be to get the UN weapons inspectors back                    to the a priori decision as to whether or not
            into the country so facilitating the                        a legitimate case exists. If the recourse to
            identification and destruction of Iraq's                    armed force fails to satisfy the jus ad
            WMD programme in accordance with                            bellum criteria then the question of jus in
            relevant UNSC resolutions. Iraq's offer of                  bello remains academic.
            allowing the UN inspectors back in needs
            to be accepted, even if past experience                     58. While details of any military campaign
            suggests he might seek to thwart their                      are uncertain, the options range from a full
            effectiveness. Yet, it is important not to                  military invasion of Iraq to an Afghanistan
            prejudice the potential provided by this                    type of operation involving heavy aerial
            offer by talk of regime change.                             bombardment allied to the support of key
                                                                        opposition groups. It is unlikely that a
            56. Until such time as Iraq complies with                   Desert Fox type campaign would be any
            the UN resolutions or until such time as                    more successful now than it was in 1998 in
            military action becomes the last resort, the                convincing Iraq to co-operate with
            international community needs to take                       UNMOVIC, while a Desert Storm
            steps to reverse the de facto erosion of the                approach aimed at overthrowing President
            UN sanctions regimes. This means giving                     Saddam Hussein would be fraught with
            greater financial assistance and even                       operational difficulties. Recent military
            compensation       to    those     countries                strategies employed in Kosovo/a and
            neighbouring Iraq whose economies have                      Afghanistan      have    relied    on    the
            been negatively affected by the corruption                  combination of heavy air bombardment in
            of established patterns of trade resulting                  support of opposition groups on the
            from 12 years of sanctions. Similarly it                    ground, finally backed up with significant
            means reinvigorating international non-                     allied ground forces. The absence of a
            proliferation regimes as well as those                      recognisable opposition inside Iraq means
            international rules by which countries buy                  that such a strategy would prove
            and sell arms. As the Bishop of                             immeasurably harder to achieve in Iraq.
            Manchester asked: "Who is continuing to
            sell and make available the material, the                   59. The efficacy of such a military strategy
                                                                        would also be in doubt. The experience of
                                                                        Kosovo/a has shown that aerial
      Ibid, Col 911.
170                                                         171
      Ibid, Col 897.                                              Ibid, Col 971.

            bombardments targeted the country's                           greater evil does not arise out of war than
            economic and industrial infrastructure as                     the war would avert. "Without persuasive,
            well as military targets. A similar strategy                  preferably incontrovertible evidence", that
            underpinned the success of Operation                          the "threat posed by Iraq is both grave and
            Desert Storm. According to former US                          imminent",      such     calculations    are
            Attorney General Ramsey Clark, by the                         impossible to make.          However, the
            end of the five-week air campaign in 1991                     consequences of using overwhelming force
            "110,000 aircraft sorties had dropped                         are horrifying in the short term. As Sir
            88,500 tons of bombs on Iraq, the                             Michael Quinlan stated in an article in The
            equivalent of seven and a half atomic                         Financial Times on 7 August 2002: "To
            bombs of the size that incinerated                            pre-empt the use of biological or chemical
            Hiroshima." 172 A report by UN Under-                         weapons by adopting the one course of
            Secretary-General       Martti     Ahtisaari                  action most apt to provoke it seems
            following the Gulf War described the "near                    bizarre."176
            apocalyptic destruction" and observed that
            war damage had relegated Iraq to a "pre-                      v Just Peace
            industrial age in which the means of                          61. If the aim of war is peace then the
            modern life have been destroyed or                            nature of this peace, which is implicit
            rendered tenuous". 173 Twelve years of                        within the just war tradition needs to be
            sanctions have done nothing to help                           spelt out. Yet little international
            redevelop Iraq's infrastructure. The UN's                     consideration appears to have been given
            humanitarian aid programme, the oil for                       to any post war settlement that might
            food programme, is a humanitarian relief                      emerge following military action. If the
            programme rather than a development                           genuine goal of US policy is to replace the
            programme. Any military operation risks                       current Iraqi government with a
            further damage to the already precarious                      government respectful of human rights and
            situation in Iraq and deterioration in the                    other internationally agreed standards, then
            living conditions of the average Iraqi. As                    it is important to see serious and therefore
            the Bishop of Chelmsford asks: "How can                       realistic attention given to the business of
            we contemplate unleashing more misery                         helping to build an alternative regime. The
            upon them?"174                                                experience of military intervention in
                                                                          Somalia, Kosovo/a and Afghanistan is
            60. If military action against Iraq does                      hardly encouraging. The experiences
            occur then there will undoubtedly be                          reinforce the perception that the USA has
            casualties involving combatants and non-                      very little interest in engaging in nation
            combatants       alike.   Despite      the                    building following conflict. Without this
            sophistication of modern weaponry and                         commitment, however, there are serious
            talk of smart bombs, war remains a messy                      doubts as to whether simply removing
            and deadly business. It is important                          Saddam Hussein will achieve the
            however to balance the inevitable human                       purported end, namely Iraq's reintegration
            tragedy of war against the justness of the                    into the international community. If this is
            cause. In short, states must ensure that                      the case then the removal of Saddam
                                                                          Hussein becomes an end in and of itself.
                                                                          Until greater clarity exists as to the nature
      Ramsey Clark, Challenge to Genocide: Let Iraq Live,                 of the peace for which war will be fought,
        International Action Centre, 1998.                                then the present policy of containment
      United Nations Security Council, Report to the
       Secretary-General on Humanitarian Needs in
       Kuwait and Iraq in the Immediate Post-Crisis
       Environment by a Mission to the Area Led by Mr               175
                                                                        Cardinal Murphy O'Connor, "The
       Martti Ahtisaari, Under Secretary-General for                Standards by which War with Iraq must be
       Administration and Management, 10-17 March
       1991, S/22366, 20 March 1991, par. 8.                        Judged", The Times, 5 September 2002, p.
      House of Lords Official Report, Parliamentary                 14.
       Debate, Tuesday 24 September 2002, Vol 638, Col            Sir Michael Quinlan; "War on Iraq: A Blunder and a
       940.                                                         Crime", Financial Times, 2 September 2002, p. 7.

might be preferable to the risks and                         Shiite, and Kurd) raises concern that
uncertainty of military action.                              military action could lead to fragmentation
                                                             so destabilising the region. For instance,
62. If the purpose of any military action is                 the Turkish Prime Minister, Bulent Ecevit,
regime change, questions need to be asked                    a long time ally of the US, has grave
as to how the legitimacy of that                             doubts about an American attack on Iraq,
government can be assured. The                               fearing that the result would be a Kurdish
fragmented nature of Iraqi society and the                   state.
diverse and competing array of Iraqi
opposition groups in exile mean the move                     64. It is possible that Arab support for
to a constitutional settlement is likely to be               military action could be secured by US
protracted. There is a real danger that                      promises of mediating the Israel/Palestine
American occupation will be followed by a                    conflict.177 Yet Arab confidence in the US
spate of revenge killings against Saddam's                   as an honest broker in the Middle East has
henchmen. Until agreement is reached as                      been seriously undermined by the
to a constitutional settlement, security will                perceived hardening of attitudes within the
depend on the presence of occupying                          Bush administration and the perception
forces. Yet while the removal of Saddam                      that the terrorist attacks of last year have
Hussein and his regime is something that is                  made the US administration increasingly
supported amongst many Iraqis there is                       sympathetic to Israel's predicament.
likely to be considerable opposition to the                  Similarly, the experience of Arabs states
American peace. It is difficult to fathom                    during the 1990-1991 Gulf War where
the degree of anti-americanism in the                        they lent political support to Operation
region, often expressed in popular                           Desert Storm in support for restarting the
language in terms of opposition to                           Middle East Process has not borne the
'crusaders', with the implications to                        desired end.178 Whatever the legitimacy of
Christianity that this involves. Indeed this                 this perception, the combination of the
language, often framed as a reaction to                      humanitarian suffering in Iraq, Arab
western      policies     to     Iraq      and               hostility to the UN sanctions policy in
Israel/Palestine dominates much of the                       general and anger at the renewed violence
rhetoric of Al-Qaeda and other extremist                     in Israel/Palestine in particular has given
groups. The imposition of a pax americana                    rise to a popular anti-Americanism in the
could have important implications for the                    region, which could easily spill over if war
welfare and security of Christian                            occurred. The Egyptian President, Hosni
communities in the region.                                   Mubarak has warned: "If you strike at the
                                                             Iraqi people because of one or two
63.      A     constitutional      settlement                individuals and leave the Palestinian issue
underpinned by an American or                                unsolved, not a single Arab ruler will be
international presence is unlikely to                        able to curb the popular sentiments. We
provide a long-term solution. If the new                     fear a state of disorder and chaos may
regime fails to survive then Iraq faces a                    prevail in the region".179
long-term emergency, with localised
conflicts,       considerable         internal               vi Inter Faith Considerations
displacements and further destruction of its
national infrastructure. If the regime
survives, its legitimacy, as a creation of
western policy, will remain in question.               Julian Borger, "Envoy's Role Linked to Arab Backing
Whatever the morality or legality                        on Iraq", The Guardian, 9 March 2002, p. 4.
underpinning any military action against               The Madrid Conference that started the Middle East
Iraq, these post conflict issues need to be              peace process over a decade ago was convened
factored into the decision-making process.               after the Gulf War was over. George Giacaman
                                                         (ed.); After Oslo: New Realities, Old Problems,
Similarly, although there is little love lost
                                                         Pluto Press, London, 1998.
between Iraq and its neighbours the spectre      179
of Iraq fracturing along ethnic or religious           Brian Whitaker, "Attack on Iraq would Create Chaos
                                                         in Middle East, Egypt cautions US", The Guardian,
lines into three separate statelets (Sunni,              28 August 2002, p. 1.

           65. In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks   attitudes are likely to grow, not least
           last year and the subsequent military action    among disaffected young people, and those
           in Afghanistan, the Church of England at        committed to dialogue and bridge-building
           every level has been actively engaged in        will find their task made much more
           meetings, dialogues and shared activities       difficult. This sense of anxiety is not
           with Muslim communities throughout the          however confined to the Muslim
           UK. These inter faith relationships have        communities, since the rise in reports of
           provided one way in which Muslims have          anti-semitic incidents post 11 September
           been able to relate their anxieties and         2001 have heightened the security within
           concerns to wider society at a very difficult   the Jewish community. This trend could
           time for them. Despite the insistence of the    continue with an attack against Iraq. The
           UK and US Governments that the 'war on          consequences for inter faith relations of an
           terrorism' is not directed against Islam,       attack on Iraq must therefore be of grave
           Muslims have felt that their identity as        concern for a Church with a responsibility
           British citizens has been questioned; they      for the spiritual well being of the whole
           have also been subject to verbal abuse, and     nation.
           in some cases physical attack. Most
           Muslims, while appalled by the September
           11th attacks, have felt deeply unhappy          Conclusion
           with     the    bombing     campaign       in
           Afghanistan, and many have been                 68. Politicians, trade union leaders and
           prominent in anti-war protests.                 other sections of civil society have
                                                           welcomed the Church's contribution to the
           66. There can be no question that British       present debate about the use of force
           involvement in any military action against      against Iraq. It is the privilege of
           Iraq would multiply the problems faced by       individual Christians to campaign one way
           Muslim communities here, and could              or another for or against military action
           severely destabilise inter faith relations,     and if war does occur then it is likely that
           even though Iraq has a staunchly secular        Christians, like the nation at large, will be
           ruling ideology. 180 An attack on another       divided on the issue. However, it is the
           Muslim country - particularly one with no       role of the national Church to raise those
           proven link to the September 11 atrocities -    moral and ethical questions, which the
           would be taken by many as evidence of an        Government needs to address before there
           in-built hostility to the Islamic world.        is any recourse to war. In responding to
           From this perspective the "Stop the War"        this challenge the Church draws on the
           march in London on 28 September 2002            resources of scripture, tradition and reason,
           was remarkable for the degree to which it       which have shaped the just war thinking.
           mobilised Muslim communities within the         This report by the Church of England's
           UK. At a grassroots level, there is little      House of Bishops has sought to use this
           sense that the presence or absence of UN        thinking to ask those questions which it
           authorisation would make much difference        feels need to be addressed. In doing so the
           to the way Muslims would view an attack         House of Bishops draws the following
           on Iraq.                                        conclusions:
                                                                We affirm the Government's stated
           67. All minority communities can feel very              policy of disarming Iraq of its
           vulnerable at times of international                    weapons of mass destruction
           conflict, and Muslims in particular would               (WMDs).          Unfettered       and
           fear a further wave of anti-Islamic                     unhindered access must be gained
           sentiment and activity. In an atmosphere of             for the UN weapons inspectors, in
           heightened     rhetoric    and    deepened              order to facilitate the identification
           suspicion, extremist and exclusivist                    and destruction of Iraq's WMD in
                                                                   compliance with all relevant
180                                                                UNSC resolutions.
      House of Lords Official Report, Parliamentary
       Debate, Tuesday 24 September 2002, Vol 638, Col

       We hold that the primary
        international concern remains
        Iraq's blatant disregard of the UN
        and its authority as expressed in
        relevant United Nations Security
        Council resolutions (UNSC). Any
        unilateral action to enforce Iraq's
        compliance with such resolutions
        risks further undermining the
        credibility and authority of the

       We recognise that in those
        instances where diplomatic and
        economic pressure fail to ensure
        compliance         with       UNSC
        resolutions, military action can
        sometimes be justified as a last
        resort to enforce those resolutions.

       We nonetheless hold that to
        undertake a preventative war
        against Iraq at this juncture would
        be to lower the threshold for war

       We support and encourage the
        Prime Minister in his efforts to
        press for a new international
        conference to revitalise the middle
        east peace process, based on the
        twin principles of a secure Israel
        and a viable Palestinian state. We
        believe such a conference has an
        important role in trying to promote
        the wider stability of the region at
        a time of widespread suspicion and

69.In making these conclusions the House
of Bishops encourages people of all faith
to pray for the world and its leaders in the
search for a just and peaceful resolution of
this situation.

                     PEACE ETHICS ON PROBATION
                       INTERIM RESULTS (2001)

Elaborated by the
Church Council of the Evangelical Church in Germany (EKD)
Herrenhäuser Street 12
30419 Hannover

This brochure is an updating supplement to the 1994 EKD-position paper (EKD-Text 48)

Steps on the Way to Peace.

Points of Reference on Peace Ethics and Peace Policy.
A Contribution of the Evangelical Church Council in Germany


I. Changes in the Situation of Peace Policy and in the Discussion of Peace Ethics
II. Emphasis and Clarification
1. Just Peace – the Basic Idea of Christian Peace Ethics
2. The Priority of Non-Military Instruments in Safeguarding Peace
3. Extending Ways of Civil Conflict Management
4. Strengthening the International Peace System as a Legal System.
5. The Deployment of Military Force as ultima ratio
III. Completion and Resumption
1. International Law, Mandatation and „Humanitarian Intervention“
2. The Function of the NATO and of a European Security Policy in the Framework of International
Peace System
3. Structure and Mission of the Federal Armed Forces
4. Civil Conflict Treatment and Civil Peace Services
5. Prospect
Members of the Advisory Commission of the EKD for Social Responsibility

                                                    result after two years at the latest. The Council,
                                                    however, was convinced that there is no
Preface                                             necessity for the elaboration of a completely
The meeting on September 7th/8th, 2001, was         independent and new memorandum of peace.
the closing discussion of the Council of the        Looking back on the incidents and
Evangelical Church in Germany about the             developments of the past years, whatever can
presented text which thereafter was issued. On      and must be said is in conformity to former
September 11th, the terrorist attacks in New        statements about peace ethics. Therefore, even
York and Washington took place. This                in the outward appearance, this texts explicitly
chronological coincidence will have a lasting       resumes the “Points of Reference” of 1994.
influence on the perception of this text.           After pointing out the changes in the situation
Even after the terrorist attacks the presented      of peace policy and the discussion of peace
texts retains its validity. It is, however, true    ethics, it will proceed in two steps: First the
that many people share the opinion that the         main principles of peace ethics which have
world had changed and that international            proven to be viable even in 1993/94 will be
terrorism created a whole new situation for         emphasised and clarified as well as their
peace policy. But even in the future, the threats   viability in the following period. Then some
to peace will not exclusively, maybe not even       aspects will be dealt with which must be
principally, be of terrorist nature. The            included as supplement or resumption in face
consequences of the incidents of September          of the latest developments.
11th, 2001, cannot be predicted yet, not even       No matter how incomparably the terrorist
for the security policy. Therefore, the Council     attacks of September 11th, 2001 have shown
saw the necessity to confine to interim results     the dimension of terrorist threat and no matter
now more than ever. Only the coming years           how unexpectedly mankind, its policy, its
can show either the proof of the previous           police and its military has been hit – the
principles and concepts of peace ethics or an       presented text had already an eye on future
extensive need for alteration.                      challenges to peace and security policies,
The Evangelical Church in Germany has re-           especially the prospects at the end of this
defined its position in terms of peace ethics       brochure. The terrorist attacks of September
after the end of the East-West confrontations       11th, 2001 are just a few dots in a historically
by two texts: the announcement of the synod of      obvious line which keeps moving away from
1993 and the Points of Reference of the             the conventional type of war and the
Council “Steps on the Way to Peace” of 1994.        applicability of conventional military means in
By the preparation and publication of the           crisis management. Since the eighties of the
presented new contribution to peace ethics the      20th century, the type of war where regular
Council responds to the widely expressed wish       armies of enemy states fight against each other
to thoroughly examine the currently taken           has constantly lost importance. In its place,
position according to the developments of the       violent conflicts within states, where the
past years. Due to the conflicts in the area of     conflicting parties can be more or less
former Yugoslavia and the escalation of             identified at least, had a drastic increase in
tension in Macedonia there is an urgent need of     number, duration and intensity. Terrorist
render account for the question whether and to      attacks against civil aims and the vulnerable
what extent the current attempts and concepts       infrastructure of highly-industrialized nations,
of peace ethics have proved themselves in the       however, introduce an opponent who is to a
new world political constellation. On behalf of     large extent invisible. In addition there is one
the Council, the Advisory Commission of the         pre-supposition valid for any legal sanction
EKD for Social Responsibility has accepted          against criminals which is not valid where
the task to investigate this question with regard   suicide assassins are concerned: the fact that
to the statements of 1993/1994. The Council         they want to continue to live after their
would like to thank the Commission for the          committed crime and therefore react in some
preparation of the presented text.                  way to the deterrent intention of punishment.
In its meeting in the year 1999, the synod has      One could gather from the course of conflicts
explicitly asked the Council to authorize a new     towards the end of the 20th century that the use
memorandum of peace and to publish the              of military force for tasks of safeguarding,

maintaining and promoting peace helped to a
limited extent only. Principally, political aims
must be pursued with political strategies. The
priority of politics over the deployment of
military forces assumed by all classical
strategic thinkers, at the latest since
Clausewitz, is of similar importance for the
defence against terrorist danger. First and
foremost, the fight against terrorism is not
based on military means but must rely on a
combination of political, economical, police,
intelligence service and maybe even military
means. Improved security standards for
citizens, sound analysis of cause, as well as
long-term concepts for conflict prevention are
especially sought after. The rapid
willingness to talk about “war” with regard to
the confrontation with terrorism, or even about
a new type of ”war” characteristic for the 21st
century is over-hasty. Even in fighting
terrorism the constitutional democratic state is,
in terms of prevention and reaction, bound to
the means which are compatible with its
democratic constitution, the human rights and
the rule of law. Adjusting every political action
towards the overcoming of peace-threatening
conflicts –particularly in Israel and Palestine –
and creating an international system being
more just is of great importance, especially for
the repulse of terrorist danger: For such policy
promises the abolition of hatred and
fanaticism, the most dangerous breeding
grounds for terrorist movements.

Hannover, September 25th, 2001
Chairman Manfred Kock
Chairman of the Council of the Evangelical
Church in Germany

                                                     solutions for the problem of surviving in the
                                                     world-wide poverty and for the progressive
                                                     destruction of natural vital resources, the
I. Changes in the Situation of Peace Policy          establishment and implementation of
and in the Discussion of Peace Ethics                international peace system under the rule of
                                                     law, the restriction of armaments and arms
More than seven years have passed since the          trade and the extension of initial attempts and
synod of the Evangelical Church in Germany           possibilities of civil conflict-solving. The
has decided its “Proclamation for                    results with regard to the fulfilment of these
Responsibility for Peace” and since the              tasks is sobering. The atmosphere of change at
Council has published its “Points of                 the moment of the “Wende” has given way to
Reference” with the title “Steps on the Way to       an arduous struggle for each and every
Peace”. There have been developments in the          reformatory step. Particularly apparent where
time since 1993/94 which in some ways have           environmental protection is concerned: The
changed the situation of peace policy and            translation into practice of the CO²-reduction
introduced new demands to the discussion of          as agreed in the Kyoto-Protocol of 1997 has
peace ethics. They require a critical                come to a halt. A quantitative success has been
examination of the formerly presented                achieved in terms of disarmament. A
statements about peace ethics of the                 considerable reduction of troops has been put
Evangelical Church in Germany, the                   into practice; no doubt, in this field, there has
confirmation where they have proven to be            been a “dividend of peace”. However, the
viable, but also a completion and resumption         dynamics in the field of armaments leading to
where additional clarification has become            the development of technologically improved
necessary.                                           and refined weapon systems continue to exist.

The statements about peace ethics of 1993/94         Among all the dangers, the main focus of
were a reaction to the far-reaching, radical         1993/94 was aimed towards the different
political changes which came along with the          regions in the world, where hidden conflicts
end of the East-West conflict and the bipolar        due to a lack of recognition of the claims and
system of nuclear and conventional deterrence.       rights of minorities which have been
The arisen coordinates of peace policy do still      coercively suppressed for a long time smoulder
exist. To a far extent, the changes that have        and threaten to flare up. The development
occurred in the meantime, contribute to              since then completely confirms this fear. Since
stabilize the situation in Europe. The               the eighties of the 20th century, the type of war
admission of Poland, the Czech Republic and          where regular armies of enemy states fight
Hungary into NATO has already taken place,           against each other has constantly lost
the admission of further Central-Eastern             importance. In its place, violent conflicts
European and Eastern European nations will           within states increased dramatically in number,
probably follow in the foreseeable future.           duration and intensity, not only on the Balkans,
Little more than a decade after the disbanding       being a European hot spot and thus in the focus
of the East-West conflict, the fear in face of the   of public interest, but in a similar way also in
potential danger of a nuclear war that has ruled     Chechia, in Afghanistan, in other parts of Asia
the people in East and West everyday is almost       and last but not least in Africa. “The
forgotten, as well as the outer and inner burden     ‘civilization-blanket’ of human behaviour is” –
brought along by the division of Europe in the       as the Points of Reference of 1994 (p. 10) have
spell of the East-West confrontation. All the        put it – “thinner than we assumed it to be. It
more there is reason today to thankfully             still covers a latent willingness to make an
remember the positive outcomes and the               archaic use of violence and the capability of
possibilities of a new world-political               cruelty and brutality.”
constellation and to see them as an admonitory
commitment for the future.                           The immediate link of the Kosovo war, in
                                                     spring 1999, with the military conflict itself
The statements about peace ethics of 1993/94         has stimulated and stirred the discussion on
have formulated the main tasks of peace policy       peace ethics, especially in the retrospective
in the new constellation: the development of         reassessment of the occurrences. This is

particularly due to two factors: The military       1. Just Peace – the Basic Idea of Christian
course of action of NATO has neither been           Peace Ethics
confirmed by an explicit mandate of the United
Nations nor has it been covered and the             ‚In the peace memorandum of 1981 the EKD
political success of the military intervention of   states programmatically: „Safeguarding,
NATO appeared only when the air raids – in          promoting and renewing peace is the
contradiction to the norms of international law     commandment which has to be pursued by
and its underlying ethical criteria – were aimed    every political responsibility. Every political
at the Serbian infrastructure instead of            task is assigned to this commandment of peace.
exclusively military objects. The persistent        The target of Christian ethics is only peace,
discussion about the legal and ethical aspects      never war.” In accordance to this, the churches
of the Kosovo war had completely divergent          of the GDR at the Ecumenical Meeting of 1988
effects on the participants of the discussion:      have– rejecting the idea of a “Just War” –
On the one hand, categorical opponents of any       called for the development of a “Doctrine of
use of military force have become supporters        Just Peace”…
of this coercive means, at least in exceptional
cases; on the other hand, fundamental doubts        Security cannot only be defined in a military
have come up among supporters of possible           way. Above all, it depends on a fair
military deployment about whether such use of       distribution of living chances between North
military force is effective and permissible and     and South, between East and West, on the
the strategic conditions were questioned.           observance of human rights, on strengthening
                                                    constitutional democratic structures, and on the
Whoever examines the statements about peace         protection of the natural resources. The result
ethics of the Evangelical Church in Germany,        is that the analysis and elimination of every
published in 1993/94, about their viability in      cause for conflict must have priority and must
the light of the occurrences and developments       be a long-term task which cannot be replaced
since then will reach a conclusion: The options     by a short-term military crisis management of
of those days remains viable and convincing.        symptoms.” (Steps on the Way to Peace, p. 14)
The principles of peace ethics remain valid
even today and even with regard to the special      The expanded idea of security and peace that is
case of war in Kosovo. How the Evangelical          used here coincides with the results of recent
Church assessed (and still assesses) the            peace research. Its basic, interdependent
Kosovo war in terms of peace ethics is marked       components for a reliable structure of peace
by uncertainty and discrepancy. This is not         are:
actually due to an unproductiveness of the          Rule of law ensuring the protection of
statements about peace ethics of 1993/94 but to     freedom, and, consequently, legal security,
the fact that the Church does not consequently      economical balancing, which contributes to the
apply the included criteria when it comes to the    reduction of gross economical differences thus
formation of a political judgement. Therefore,      soothing destitution and despair,
even in the outward appearance, the present         international organisations and the
statement of the Council explicitly repeats the     international law which serve the purpose of
“Points of Reference” of 1994. Looking back         protection from unlawful violence, and
on the incidents and developments of the past       A culture of social manners and contact with
years, whatever can and must be said conforms       minorities and people of a different ethnical
clearly with former statements about peace          origin which opposes intolerance and
ethics. Therefore, the following explanations       nationalistic tendencies.
are subdivided into two steps: First the main       These four components refer to conditions and
principles of peace ethics which have proven        circumstances within a society as well as to
to be viable since 1993/94 will be emphasised       relationships between nations and therefore
and clarified as well as their viability for the    must be considered with global measures.
future. Then some aspects will be dealt with
which must be included as supplement or             A policy of peace which adjusts to such a wide
resumption in face of the latest developments.      idea of security and peace – in the threesome
                                                    of conflict prevention, conflict solution and
II. Emphasis and Clarification                      post-conflict reconciliation - must be a matter

of both, political handling of profound              This formula aims at the examination and
conflicts trying to achieve the permanent peace      political use of the efficiency of non-military
and preventing critical and violent escalations      instruments in order to cope with conflicts and
of concrete conflict situations. This is valid       to safeguard peace, at the same time it aims at
today, not only with regard to the relationships     the further development and strengthening of
between nations but especially with regard to        these instruments.” (Steps on the Way to
internal conflicts whose importance has              Peace, p. 15)
strongly increased, world-wide.
                                                     The following instruments were specifically
The latest statement of the Roman-Catholic           thought of:
church concerning peace ethics is also               political exertion of influence and a
determined by the insight that Christian peace       preventative diplomacy,
ethics must be founded on the main idea of           efforts for fairer conditions and circumstances
Just Peace. The German Conference of                 in world economy and for the protection of the
Bishops has put its new Word of Peace,               natural vital resources,
published in the year 2000, under the headline       economical , social and cultural co-operation
“Just Peace”. Even if in some sections the           establishing civil ways of conflicting and
main emphasis differs from the “Steps on the         regulations with the objective of a
Way to Peace”, and even if on some individual        constitutionally secured co-existence,
questions different positions are taken up,          foundation and deployment of peace services
which is going to be exemplarily dealt with in       as completion and resumption of peace-
section II.5 of this text – the statements about     keeping activities beyond the military action,
peace ethics of the EKD and the Roman-               progress in disarmament and the restriction of
Catholic church are expressions of common            arms trade,
Christian peace ethics supporting and                imposition of peaceful sanctions and measures
complementing each other.                            of embargo
                                                     In this context, the document of peace ethics
Besides, the orientation towards the principle       („The Protection of Endangered Groups of
of Just Peace includes arguments used in the         Population in Situations of Armed Violence“)
doctrine of „Just war“, which develops to            which has been discussed by the Central
criteria for the limitation of violence. It is the   Committee of the WCC at its meeting in
war in Kosovo that has shown: Moral alone is         Potsdam in February, 2001, and recommended
not enough. Moral indignation and nothing            to the member churches for examination, talks
else, that runs the risk of skipping essential       about a necessary “continuum of measures”.
questions by the full force of unconditional         The objective must be to prevent violent
imperatives and turbulent emotions. Whereas          conflicting by early and constantly applied
the doctrine of “Just war” stresses the              political measures under the consideration and
following examining questions: Which                 the use of the above-mentioned non-military
justification does the use of military force         instruments to keep the peace.
have? Which means and objectives are
legitimate? Are these goals able to be reached?      The commitment to a „Prioritary Option of
Is proportionality kept in case of use of            Freedom from Violence” also is one of the
violence?                                            roots of the Ecumenical Decade to Overcome
                                                     Violence which has started in the year 2001. In
2. The Priority of Non-Military Instruments          the German-speaking area, the idea of violence
in Safeguarding Peace                                requires a very careful treatment, because the
                                                     German word “Gewalt” has more than one
„In order to maintain and re-establish peace         meaning. Equivalents of the English language
different ways have to be taken and different        would be: “violence”, “force”, “power” and
means be used. This does not allow, however,         “authority”. Thus, the English version of the
that priority is given to military action. In this   Ecumenical Decade pursues the aim to
sense, the churches of the GDR have held a           “overcome violence” (s. a.). This means the
“Prioritary Option of Freedom from Violence”         elimination of legally disordered, somehow
as a “Basic Orientation in Questions of              chaotic violence promoting political anarchy,
Peace” at the Ecumenical Meeting in 1989.            not the actual replacement of using (even

physically) coercive measures for the                 section III.
implementation of democratically legitimated
decisions. By demanding that the semantically         In this context, it is particularly important to
necessary differences within the idea of              have an eye on the –frequent –inter-
violence are carefully watched, the Evangelical       dependency of civil and military measures in
Church in Germany explicitly agrees with the          order to secure peace. That is the only way
new Roman-Catholic Word of Peace “Just                how a lasting effect of both ways can be
Peace (cf. there p.8, note 3).                        achieved.

The above-mentioned examples of ecumenical            4. Strengthening of the International Peace
agreement show that there are similarities            System as a Legal System.
between the essential ecumenical fellowship of
churches and the global international law             „There is an urgency for steps to strengthen
system                                                the international peace system as intended and
                                                      drawn up in the Charter of the United Nations
3. Extending Ways of Civil Conflict                   ... An international peace system which ought
Treatment                                             to be in working order must be formulated and
                                                      established in law in a certain way and
„Since animosity cannot be overcome by                therefore be institutionalised at least basically
weapons and since, as a rule, unfair, conflict-       and it must be under the ‘rule of law’ … The
causing or –increasing structures won’t be            most elegant contribution to the rule of the law
eliminated by the use of violence, there is an        is the acceptance of the law. International as
urgent need for effective non-military means          well as national peace systems, however, who
for the treatment and solution of conflicts.          would want to back up their validity by the
                                                      idea of acceptance only, loses touch of reality
Basically, they do already exist. In the              as historical experience proves. In case of
churches, it is especially the peace services         conflict, law must be carried out … The
dedicating themselves to their development,           qualitatively new thing about an international
promotion and employment. A decisive                  peace system founded by the law of the United
elaboration of the existing basic attempts is         Nations, although still incomplete, is that it
necessary and possible.” (Steps on the Way to         knows and accepts physical force as ultima
Peace, p. 32)                                         ratio, as a means of law enforcement.” (Steps
                                                      on the Way to Peace, p. 25-27)
In the past years, civil-conflict-treatment as an
instrument in the national field has experienced      The universal acceptance and implementation
a growing attention and even a financial              of human rights is an important factor for
support which, however, still needs to be             strengthening the international peace system as
increased if it is supposed to have an effect.        a legal system. Within the international
More clearly than it has been done in 1993/94,        community of nations, after 1991 (starting with
the function of civil-conflict-treatment on the       the resolution 688 on the situation in Iraq),
basis of definite experience can be                   massive violations of human rights within a
distinguished in before conflicts, during             country are regarded not only as an internal
conflicts and after conflicts. The distribution of    matter but , more and more, also as a threat to
the national financial resources is still glaringly   peace. In the area of former Yugoslavia and in
disproportionate: For the deployment of               Rwanda, ad-hoc-tribunals were established in
military forces in an actual case of conflict         order to prosecute massive violations of human
high amounts of money are spent within a              rights and crimes against humanity. Another
shortest period of time which are nowhere near        important step is the passing of the statute of a
as much available for conflict prevention,            Permanent Hague Court which is to prosecute
measures of mediation and the post-conflict           most serious international crimes (genocide,
reconciliation. Both aspects, the different           crime against humanity, war crime and acts of
moments in time and the different ways of civil       aggression) in future. The establishment of
conflict treatment, especially the meaning of         such a court signals that hereafter nobody
conflict prevention, as well as the question of a     involved in such crimes can claim for
better financial equipment, will be resumed in        immunity from criminal prosecution. This

signal, however, is weakened and deprived of         differences with the Roman-Catholic statement
its effectiveness if significant individual states   “Just Peace” which tends to see “ultima” in the
(such as the USA) refuse to agree to the statute     chronological sense (Just Peace, p.84). It is
or obstruct its application to their own citizens.   true that any process of analysing and
                                                     examining a certain political situation does
                                                     take time. Hasty action without having
5. The Use of Military Force as ultima ratio         examined the particular situation is ethically
                                                     not acceptable. Thus, a qualitative
„The more the use of military force abandons         interpretation of the term of ultima ratio will
the idea of emergency aid and self-                  have to include the aspect of time. This aspect
defence and the more it is extended i.e. not         of time, however, must not cause a belated
only to destroy arms but people, not only to         taking of necessary military measures which in
destroy military institutions but                    turn would not be able to fulfil their functions.
indiscriminately everything, the less it may be
represented and supported … On the other             The figure of reasoning of the use of military
hand, the use of military force may be               force as ultima ratio has been vehemently
supported, even the more, the closer in the          criticised in the church-internal discussion on
sense of emergency aid and self-defence it           peace ethics, especially after the Kosovo war.
remains to the protection of threatened people,      One main point of critique was that using the
of their life, their freedom and the                 term of ultima ratio had not halted the decision
constitutional democratic structures of their        about the use of military force but had made it
communities and the more precisely and               easier. Warfare had been legitimised through
exclusively only offensive military means are        the use of this term. This critique does not
destroyed … In order to emphasize that the use       always clearly point out whether it considers
of military force is an option of action which is    the use of military force as unsuitable in
to be applied with greatest reserve and after        general or whether it merely strives for a
careful examination only, it is called “ultima       stricter version of the criteria of peace ethics
ratio”, i.e. the very last consideration or          by which a decision for the use of military
measure. This phrasing properly expresses that       force can be restricted with greater effect. The
from the ethical point of view the use of            first case shows that the astonishingly broad
violence for the protection of peace is a            consensus in peace ethics achieved in the EKD
borderline case. It must be ensured that a           in 1993/94 has become - although not
borderline case remains a borderline case.”          altogether but with regard to the ethical
(Steps on the Way to Peace, p. 16-18)                authorization of the use of military force –
                                                     fragile. In the second case, there is an
The international peace system as a legal            agreement on the intention to allow the use of
system is, like any other legal system,              military force restrictively only and as a last
dependent on law enforcement. A number of            possibility which furthermore has to be judged
non-military means is available for law              on the basis of the credibility of preventive
enforcement. There are, however, breaches of         measures; it is then the mutual task to take the
law and threats to peace where failing to be         criteria of peace ethics in a way that they
prepared for, to theaten with and if necessary       effectively have the desired restricting effect;
even to use military force would mean to             this problem is to be resumed in section III.
renounce law enforcement alltogether.                Altogether, the current discussion about the
Therefore, the Charter of the United Nations         use of the traditional term ultima ratio shows
(chap. VII) explicitly provides for the use of       that this term needs to be analysed even more
military force. The EKD's Points of Reference        carefully than previously assumed.
of 1994 have explicitly agreed with this
argument under the point of view of peace            III. Completion and Resumption
ethics. The category of ultima ratio was
defined more precisely, ultima meaning “last”        1. International Law, Mandatation and
not in chronological terms, but “last”               „Humanitarian Intervention“
according to the extent of the exercised force.
At this central point, we have to point out one      a) Protestant peace ethics is fundamentally
of the few, but nevertheless considerable            based on the commandments' ban on killing

and the commandment to love one’s enemy as
Jesus has proclaimed in the Sermon on the          b) Referring to the problem of mandatation, in
Mount. It thus agrees with the full ban on         the Points of Reference the EKD has dedicated
violence of art. 2 (4) of the Charter of the       a whole section to questions about the
United Nations. This ban on violence outlaws       efficiency and the strength of the United
war, the use of violence and threat of violence    Nations. It formulates “doubts as to the actual
in international relationships. Only individual    state of the organization of the United Nations
or collective self-defence (art. 51 UN-Charter)    guarantees an application of the principles and
as well as the – even violent – repelling of       regulations of the Charter in all cases – not
aggression, violation and threat of the peace by   least with regard to the Permanent Members of
the United Nations themselves (art. 39 – 49        the Security Council who can veto any decision
UN-Charter) remain admissible. Such                and any action aiming at themselves or at their
collective course of action is planned as          interests” (p. 29). Despite these restrictions,
execution of international law enforcement.        the points of view that are to be considered in
                                                   the ethical assessment of an armed intervention
In the context of law enforcement, the EKD's       also refer to a decision “in the framework and
Points of Reference of 1993/94 talk about          according to the rules of the United Nations”
“humanitarian intervention” meaning military       (p. 28). The fact that this had not happened in
intervention aiming to contribute to the           the case of intervention in Kosovo, was of
recognition and implementation of human            particular significance in the ethical and
rights in cases of serious violation of human      political discussion about the war in Kosovo.
rights and thus to grant protection and help to    The conditions and reasons under which that
the victims of oppression and violence. The        decision had been prevented confirm the
term of humanitarian intervention is formed in     aforementioned doubts in the effectiveness of
analogy to the term of humanitarian help. The      the United Nations.
war in Kosovo has taught that this term runs
the risk of having a whitewash effect and of       Indeed, a tension reigns here which is
being misused politically. It should be clearly    attributable to a gap in the international system
stated by which means, namely the use of           of law enforcement in cases of systematic and
armed forces, help is to be given.                 massive violation of human rights. In the
                                                   present state of the international system, there
The problem of linguistic cover-up and             is no supranational monopoly on force
deception has become apparent not only in the      standing by the common ban on violence. No
case of the term „humanitarian intervention”       internationally recognized law for (unilateral)
NATO also makes use of such distortment            intervention corresponds to the moral demand
when calling civil victims of military attacks     of emergency help, although art. 51 UN-
“collateral damage”. This fact must not be         Charter does make an attempt. Since every
accepted. Not only the government policy of        interpretation and progress of international law
information face this problem but also the         anticipates the actual-nominal-balance of the
independent media. The churches’                   international law and peace system, the entire
responsibility for peace includes the use of       debate remains without any conclusive result –
their international ecumenical relationships in    even in peace research and among specialists
order to gain and spread information from a        in international law.
different point of view and – if possible- of an
independent character not tainted by political     Despite all the attempts to close the gap in the
interests.                                         system of law enforcement, attention must be
                                                   paid to the fact that presently a world develops
However, not terminological but factual            which has a growing density of international
problems are in the centre of attention of the     organisations. But only the organisation of the
discussion about armed interventions in order      United Nations and the assigned special
to implement human rights: especially the          organisations are committed to the principle of
problem of mandatation and the problem of          universality and may claim global authority. If,
coming back to the idea of emergency relief        in case of blockades in the Security Council
aid. These two problems play a decisive part in    caused by single permanent members by
the discussion about the Kosovo war.               arbitrary veto, the decision for an armed

intervention as emergency aid seems to be           modern communities under the rule of law.
unavoidable, priority should be given to ways       Even the more, it is important to promote
which are compatible with the point of view of      institutionalisation according to principles
keeping, strengthening and developing a             analogous to the rule of law.
universal international law system.
                                                    The Points of Reference of 1994 provide a
Let’s have a look at history, the resolution        number of criteria and clues in order to
„Uniting for Peace“ from 1950 has entitled the      examine and, as far as possible, to care for the
General Meeting of the United Nations to            necessary limit of the use of military force as
recommend coercive measures to the members.         ultima ratio, as the very last possibility. A kind
Coercive measures even of regional                  of flexible scale according to which “the use of
agreements or organisations are provided in its     military force can be represented the more, the
Charter, although under the sole authority of       closer it remains to the protection of
the Security Council (art.53 par. 3). This is our   threatened people, their life, their freedom and
starting point. An appropriate regulation could     the democratic structures founded on the law
look like this:                                     of their communities and the more precisely
                                                    and exclusively only offensive military means
A regional organisation of the United Nations       are destroyed” (p. 17). Another passage
(like the OSCE) would only be entitled to the       emphasizes that “The principle of
use of coercive measures if 1. it has asked the     proportionality remains valid even in case of
Security Council to act who, however, is not        violent collective law enforcement, as it is case
capable of acting, if 2. the Security Council       in the national law of police action” (p. 21).
does not explicitly deny an existing threat to      Finally, the four points of view are mentioned
peace and if the action 3. takes place in           which come from the doctrine of “Just War” in
accordance to the principles of the United          connection with the ius ad bellum and
Nations.                                            therefore belong to the classical ethical criteria
                                                    of restricting law enforcing forces, namely that
Such strengthening of regional organisations        the decision about such intervention which
immediately linked to the United Nations            must not be left to the sovereignty of
would lead to a simultaneous strengthening of       individual states is taken in the framework and
the present universal structures of                 according to the regulations of the United
organisations. At present, there is no              Nations, in the framework of protection or the
alternative besides the organisation of the         re-establishment of a legally drawn up peace
United Nations to promote an international law      system, the policy is in charge of clearly to-be-
system as a peace system. There is only the         stated objectives, the prospects of success
one possibility which is to renew the United        judged by the objectives are estimated in a
Nations in a way where a climate of                 sober way from the very start the ending of
comprehensive respect towards the spirit and        such intervention is taken into consideration”-
meaning of the United Nations and their             “(p. 28).
Charter is promoted, where decision blockades
are pushed back, where separation of powers is      Two aspects require completion:
developed in order to allow the verification        - Although the factual state of emergency aid is
and universal authorisation of any decision         recognised by positive law in the legal system
taken. In the end, this would mean the              of independent states and legitimated even in
formation and securing of principles in analogy     the international law, there is a context in the
to the rule of law on an international level:       international law in which there is neither a
Who is in charge of the fact finding? Who is in     monopoly of force nor a judiciary which is
charge of comparison with the prevailing law?       able to stop excessively misusing claims of the
Who decides whether the present violations of       emergency help right. In the framework of the
human rights have reached a level where the         United Nations there is just a monopoly of
use of military coercive means is required and      decision of the Security Council, which finally
justified? The fact that at the present moment      must be understood in a political way, about
the Security Council owns a political overall       forcing measures according to chapter VII UN-
competence is not only unsatisfactory but it is     Charter. Armed interventions as a measure of
inconsistent with the basic principles of           support in case of aggression are bedded into a

legal system which is still in a state of          direction to the territory of alliance partners, …
formation, not yet fully developed. Since the      the articles 5 and 6 “ of the North Atlantic
Points of Reference are carried by the thought     Treaty are to be applied. In the following it
of promoting an international peace system as      says: “The security of the alliance must also
an international law system, the ethical           take the global context into consideration.
assessment of military emergency aid               Security interests of the alliance may be
measures in the international context needs        disturbed by other large-scale risks, including
examination, whether or not eventually such        acts of terrorism, sabotage, organized crime
measures strengthen or weaken the                  and interruption in the supply of vital
establishment and development of an                resources. The uncontrolled movement of a
international legal system.                        great number of people especially as a result of
                                                   an armed conflict may also impede the security
- Besides the restricting criteria from the        and stability of the alliance.” In accordance,
argumentation of the doctrine “Just War” in        clause 29 says: “Military capabilities effective
context of the ius ad bellum, also the criteria    in the entire spectrum of unpredictable
used in context of the ius in bello must be        circumstances are also the foundation for the
enforced. The orientation according to the         capability of the alliance to contribute to crisis
regulation of the international law of war         reaction deployment in ways of conflict
obtains priority where warfare is submitted to     prevention and conflict treatment which are not
restricting conditions: The use of violence        mentioned in article 5.”
must obey to the principle of proportionality
and may not take place excessively; cruel          The „prime responsibility“ of the United
behaviour against military opponents must be       Nations referred to in clause 15 cannot allay
stopped; consequences of fighting on the           the serious reservations caused by the
civilian population must be stopped, or at least   sweeping and vague statements of clause 24
minimized; the victims are entitled to receive     about “security interests of the alliance” and
help, regardless of their membership of a          “drastic risks”. The naming of examples like
conflicting party.                                 sabotage, organized crime and security of
The clues and criteria as drawn up here give       supply of vital resources arouses the
instructions of how to ask essential examining     assumption that the restrictions placed on the
questions and how to reach a careful formation     use of military force are exceptionally wide.
of judgement. However, since discrepancies in      The tendency to a one-sided decision about the
fact finding cannot be avoided and since the       use of coercive military means seems to be
leeway of estimation is immense, they cannot       much stronger than the recollection to the
prevent that judgements formed on this basis       order drawn up in the Charter of the United
will probably differ. The actual efficiency of     Nations. Critical voices call the military
criteria of peace ethics must be assessed in a     intervention of NATO in Kosovo which had
sober and honest way: They emphasize the           not been authorised by the Security Council of
imperative of one’s own formation of               the United Nations the first practical example
judgement. However, even when applied              of what kind of consequences the security-
properly, they do not necessarily come to          political perspectives of NATO after the end of
concurrent results.                                the East-West conflict could bring about,
                                                   namely the undermining of the prevailing
2. The Function of the NATO and of a               international law. With justification do they
European Security Policy in the Framework          warn about the possibility of dangerous fatal
of the International Peace System                  developments. Especially, if, besides the
                                                   Charter of the United Nations, also the
In April 1999, the heads of state and the heads    “Convention on the Prevention and
of government of NATO accepted the new             Punishment the Crime of Genocide” from the
Strategic Concept of the Alliance. Clause 15 of    year 1948 is supposed to be put into practice as
this concept emphasizes that the Security          an integral part of the international law.
Council of the United Nations bears the “prime
responsibility for safeguarding universal peace    Presently, the endeavours for a relatively
and international security”. Clause 24 confirms    independent European security policy are
that “in case of armed attack from any             intensified with a focus on a peace system and

an architecture of security in Europe. Similarly    overcoming the gap between the financial
to NATO, these endeavours must be made              means for military crisis intervention which are
compatible with the Charter of the United           quickly made available because of extremely
Nations. Especially the military component of       alarmed public attention, and the much lower
a European security system must be drawn up         means for a permanent keeping of the peace.
in a way that it fits into and strengthens the      Likewise, a closer and coordinated cooperation
peace-keeping mechanism of the United               between civil and military authorities is
Nations. In particular, this would mean: the        necessary. As it is widely known today, the
priority of conflict prevention, the mandatation    latter are frequently used as a stopgap for the
for deployment by the United Nations or a           not-existing civil precautions.
regional system of collective security and a
narrow geographical limitation to the range of      3. Structure and Mission of the Federal
the European security and defence policy. In        Armed Forces
this context, it is an imperative of peace policy
that – in accordance with the resolution passed     The outline of the function of NATO and the
at the EU- council meeting in Göteborg, June        tasks of a European security policy of the
2001 – the aspired Common European Security         previous subsection has the same legal force
and Defence Policy (CESDP) is institutionally       for the Federal Armed Forces. Thus, two
enabled to reliably provide the non-military        points of view are emphasized which were
capacities of conflict prevention and crisis        already included in the brief statements of the
management. This would particularly include         Points of Reference of 1994 about revising the
the availability of a European police and a         mission of the Federal Armed Forces:
sufficient and qualified number of police           - The charged past justifies „-no fundamental
forces in emergency cases.                          extra role of Germany... Everything valid for
                                                    other states in the United Nations in terms of
It is remarkable that the term of civil conflict    peace ethics and peace policy is equally valid
prevention and the non-military aspects of          for Germany-“ (p. 31)
conflict prevention do not play a more              a) The mission of the Federal Armed Forces
significant role in the important documents         must adjust itself „ethically towards the
about peace and security policy of the last few     insights of peaceful political responsibility in
years. At the same time, one cannot fail to         the framework of an international peace system
notice that the necessary organisational            founded on the rule of law as well as legally
precautionary measures as well as the               close to the guidelines of the Basic Law … A
designated financial volumes turn out to be         sweeping idea of national security which
exceptionally low compared to the military          adjusts itself to possible risks from the
means designated for the existing military          perspective of national interest, evokes the
system. The main problem is, however, that, in      danger of a world-wide gunboat-policy”- (p.
cases of conflict and emergency, the                30). This danger is far from being banned
designated means and promised personal              although the Minister of Defence has presented
contingent are either not provided at all or too    a paper in the year 2000 “The Federal Armed
late and calculated too scantily. But the           Forces – Safely into the 21. Century.
credibility of peace ethics concerning a            Cornerstones for a Fundamental Renewal”, his
German participation in a European security         reaction to the report for “Common Security
and defence policy is actually founded on an        and the Future of the Federal Armed Forces”
insistent claim for implementation of non-          of the Independent Commission appointed by
military components. This would also require        the Federal Government. The statements about
the marked support of OSCE-mechanisms and           “Conflict Prevention and Crisis Management”
their institutionalised promotion (early warning    even outside of Europe and its periphery fail to
capacities, precautionary regulations for           be related clearly to the participation in a
minorities, promotion of democracy, etc.). In       responsibility of peace policy in the framework
order to promote the appropriate political          of an international peace system founded on
processes, a large-scale democratic consensus       the rule of law. In the meantime, the
on the foundation of a lasting political            clarification of the constitutional situation has
sensitisation for the problematic nature of         taken place to a certain extent, i.e. by two
peace must be found. And we must succeed in         decisions of the Federal Constitutional Court –

the decision of July 12th, 1994 and the             Treaty of 1949 (art. IV: “collective defence”)
resolution of March 25th, 1999.                     and extended its purview, does have an effect
                                                    on the question whether the universal
The tension between the explicit statements of      compulsory military service should remain,
the Basic Law (Constitution) about the mission      since only the professional soldiers come into
of the Armed Forces on the one hand and the         consideration for international crisis
political and military reality on the other hand    deployments, due to their better training.
is definitely notable: The constitutional norm
has become the incredible exception, the            There are some signs that indicate that, in the
exception, however, has become the norm. Par.       foreseeable future, the compulsory military
1 of art. 87a of the Basic Law states:              service could be abolished or, at least,
“Authorities … for the purpose of protecting        interrupted. It is necessary to be prepared for
the Constitution.….may be established by the        circumstances in which the German Armed
Federal legislation.” Par. 2: „Apart from           Forces consist of professional or fixed-term
actions of defence, the forces must not be          soldiers only. Therefore, it is important to have
deployed except with the explicit agreement         an eye on the problem of the soldiers’
the Basic Law.” Every deployment of the             qualification. Their qualification includes the
Armed Forces in the framework of a mandate          willingness and capability of an ethically
of the United Nations, NATO or the own crisis       careful way of dealing with military force. This
reaction forces of the European Union may           requires a keen conscience. The Evangelical
only take place with reference to art. 24 par.2:    church in Germany has, previously already,
“The Federation may integrate into a system of      (“Military Service or Refusal? Remarks about
mutual collective security in order to safeguard    the Situation of Christians in the Nuclear Age”,
the peace.” Today, deployments justified like       presented by the Advisory Commission of the
this essentially determine the set-up and the       EKD for Social Responsibility, EKD-texts 29,
planning of the Federal Armed Forces. And           1989, p. 11) pointed out that not only the
still the Federal Constitutional Court has not      refusal to do military service but also being a
complained about this political practice. In this   soldier challenges the conscience of a
respect, there is no indispensable necessity for    Christian: Both cases have to be answered to
a constitutional debate. Although it is alarming    the conscience. Being a soldier is not a job like
that the [present] political and military           any other job, since it requires the use of
developments take place in a framework of           weapons partly with a great power of
constitutional determinations which are clearly     destruction and, if necessary, the willingness to
based on different premises and that the            risk one's own life. Even today, it is important
differences between a system of collective          to provide the members of the Armed Services
defence and collective security are covered.        with a permanent and wide qualification for
                                                    operational situations if their previous attitude
A corresponding problem arises in the               of “if you’re not for us, you’re against us” is
formulation of oath and solemn vow which are        not applicable where today's military action
demanded according to § 9 of the army law           often takes places between the fronts.
from professional or fixed-term soldiers on the
one hand and military service men on the other      4. Civil Conflict Treatment and Civil Peace
hand. In both cases the solemn commitment is        Services
made “to serve the Federal Republic of
Germany faithfully and to defend the right and      a) The language usage for tasks covered by the
the freedom of the German people bravely.”          term of civil conflict treatment still is not
This formulation fails to do justice to the         uniform. In connection with chapter VI of the
function of the soldier as it arises from the       Charter of the United Nations, the art. 33 in
presented conception of peace ethics.               particular talks about “… seek … peaceful
                                                    means”. These categories refer to the levels of
The revision of the mission of the German           governments and of official diplomatic action.
Armed Forces, where the weight has shifted          In 1992, the former General Secretary of the
from national defence to participation in           United Nations Boutros-Ghali described the
military deployments of the United Nations or       ways of action where even peace-related
of NATO which goes beyond the Washington            contributions of social groups could come into

the field of view by terms of the preventing       field of development, planned and financially
diplomacy, peace creation, peace keeping and       supported by the Federal Ministry of Economic
post-conflict peace building. The Anglo-Saxon      Cooperation and Development. It deals with
peace research and conflict counselling            the deconstruction of structural conflict causes
proposes to use the term peace building as an      as well as with contributions to the mediation
overall term for steps and attempts which are      in conflicts, to rebuilding and reconciliation.
necessary to reach a lasting peace. Meanwhile,
however, in German the concept of "civil           The policy field of security and crisis
conflict treatment" has come up to describe        prevention, an area of classical sovereign
the treatment of violent conflicts (their          policy, lately formulates, on behalf of the state,
transformation into non-violent conflicts up to    a clear need of cooperation with non-
their violence-free conflict resolution). In the   governmental organisations, even peace
following, we resume the use of this term.         services. This is mainly about experts for
Two things– besides the meaning of ‘non-           short- and long-term missions active in the
military’ – are meant by the term ‘civil’:         framework of new OSCE-mechanisms for
firstly, that not only the political-diplomatic    crisis prevention and promotion of democracy.
level is responsible for activities, but the       The declared political objective is that
citizens; secondly, that these activities are      Germany contributes to the crisis reaction
directed towards the peace-promoting               forces of the OSCE (REACT), the EU and the
reorganisation of relationships in a community.    United Nations in the developing personnel
b) The challenges of civil conflict treatment
suggest a new cooperation not only between         The policy field of human rights and
social initiatives but also between state          democracy includes numerous independent
representatives of foreign policy, intra- and      social actors which are first and foremost
supra-national organisations as well as social     active as a body of correctives and critics of
actors engaged in peace policy:                    official policy. These voices are reluctantly
                                                   heard, since they affect the own country,
In the political field of economic cooperation     although they are officially acknowledged
and development, a cooperation between the         even by state representatives in their effect on
responsible bodies of society and state has        the subject of problematic situations. In this
been anchored in the Federal Republic of           field, the promotion of independent media and
Germany for a long time already, because of        reporting by professional ethos is of great
the Development Aid Law which has drawn up         importance and effect.
a concept of subsidiarity. Whereby German
Commitments are transferred to national and        c) With regard to the aim of lasting civil
international agencies including development       conflict treatment, there are many overlapping
agencies and their " peace services". German       fields of activity for governmental and non-
peace services being active in the North-South     governmental organisations: in the dimension
relationship have established expert services,     of policy, infrastructure and interaction.
besides the so-called educational services of      Despite encouraging attempts for the
solidarity which are recognized in the             promotion of civil peace services and the
framework of the Civil                             increase of their effectiveness, the support is
Service Law as a so-called ‘Other’ Service         still far from being sufficient. A much stronger
Abroad according to § 14b, which work as           finance- and organisation-wise support for
ecumenical development agency in the               differentiated civil peace services must be
framework of the Development Aid Law.              demanded on the level of policy and social
Among the mentioned "peace services"               effort. Clarification in fields of allocation of
organised in the AGDF (Council of Peace            responsibilities, competence, and cooperation
Services) we would like to point out EIRENE        between civil and military activities is urgent.
in particular, as well as the Universal Peace
Service and European volunteer programs. The       In November, 1996, the council of the EKD
Civil Peace Service (ZFD), a mutual task of        has presented to the synod of the EKD a report
governmental and non-governmental bodies is        with methodical reflections about the “Future
a new instrument of bilateral cooperation in the   of Christian Peace Services”. Three fields of

action can be identified in the area of Christian    have to be given to the perspective of a
peace services differing with regard to their        permanent reconciliation, a foundation on
tasks, goals and demands to the active people:       which future conflicts can be solved violent-
                                                     free, in order to put an end to the cycles of
Social peace services enable the participants to     violence which are deeply carved into history.
experience learning processes in social fields
of work and conflicts at home and abroad. The        Here, the churches obtain special competences.
actions often have a symbolic character in the       The foundation of their function to serve peace
respect of reconciliation. Inter-cultural learning   is prayer and worship. But, in a large sense, it
is another important accent. In this context,        also includes education for peace. The
Aktion Sühnezeichen/Friedensdienste (peace           Protestant churches can resume the
services) and EIRENE are particularly                experiences gathered in civil Christian peace
significant.                                         services and strengthen a long-term peace and
                                                     reconciliation work in connection with other
The field of action of regional peace work and       agencies who can be found in the “Plattform
conflict training is mainly about people             Zivile Konfliktbearbeitung” (platform of civil
developing competences and receiving                 conflict treatment). This strengthening requires
opportunities to engage themselves in the            a variety of scaled and linked qualifying offers
promotion of peace, be it in informal education      as well as an accompanying research and
of youth to prevent violence, in mediation           evaluation. This also includes that attention is
programs in schools or places of further             paid to the further development of job outlines
education. The Ecumenical Service and                and training offers and the protection of
various workshops for non-violent action are         qualified full-time peace experts. Otherwise,
of great importance in this field of action.         this field of work remains limited to those only
                                                     who want to and can “afford” to become active
In analogy to a professional development aid         for a short period of time, since they are
service, the third field of action is called         financially secure and/or of high idealism and
professional peace service. It is about the          willing to take risks.
professionally qualified active participation in
the context of a certain conflict. The spectrum      5. Prospects
includes among other things the, in the narrow
sense, political dimension of construction or        Inside and far beyond the EKD, the Kosovo
extension of a reliable infrastructure for civil     war has re-kindled the controversy on whether
conflict treatment as well as the renewal of         it is enough to ensure a restriction of military
problematic human relationships. These               force by the development and strict application
activities cannot be carried out without the         of ethical criteria or whether the ethical
necessary scaled competences gained by               legitimation of the use of military force should
special training, be it as a potential               be withdrawn completely. This conflict has
“peacemaking citizen” on the level of political      accompanied the history of Christian churches
multipliers beneath the highest political            from their beginning. In various situations,
executive level, be it as observer of legal          Christians and their conscience have been
proceedings and elections, be it as negotiating      confronted with the question whether or not
agent between enemy collectives.                     the Gospel demands or at least suggests radical
                                                     pacifism. On the level of a fundamental ethical
Experience teaches that civilian engagement          discussion, this conflict will not and probably
and civil peace services are of special              cannot be resolved. Although many signs do
importance, especially after a period of open        indicate that the shifting in the political
violence and military conflicts. It includes help    situation has led to conditions where the use of
in the reconstruction of houses and material         military force is now basically characterised by
infrastructure, the formation of democratic          a limited chance of success.
structures, e.g. independent media; an
operating administration is included as well as      As already mentioned (see I), the type of war
the patient and sensitive help in a re-              where regular armies of hostile states fight
establishment of relationships between enemy         against each other has continued to lose
groups. Even at EU-level, more weight will           importance since the eighties of the 20th

century. Violent conflicts within states have        clarify which means of conflict treatment and
strongly increased instead numerically as well       conflict management will be appropriate and
as in duration and intensity. The previous           effective in which definite contexts. The basic
experiences nourish doubts about the use of          idea of Just Peace will serve as a signpost for
military force, and whether it is actually           every coming Step on the Way to Peace.
suitable for the solution of conflicts like these,
to avert the threat to fundamental human rights
and to establish a permanent, peace-promoting
political order. There is a concurrent pattern in
the course of differing conflicts in different
regions – Northern Ireland, Israel/Palestine,
Somalia, Liberia, Chechen, some even include
Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia. Even a
technically excellently equipped army does not
achieve any lasting success – beyond the
stopping of mass persecution or the separation
of the fighting parties. Which would most
likely be the case if they had to deal with small
and flexible resistance groups (rebels,
terrorists) and with conflicts between feuding
ethnic groups. Replacing the national armies
subjected to the United Nations according to
art. 43ff UN-Charter, probably would not
change the described situation. It is the
permanent, peace-building efficiency of
traditional military means in a changed
political landscape, which is questioned here.

Even in future, military capacities cannot be
given up completely. The defensive war as
well as the collective defensive war – even if it
seems to be improbable in many areas – can
never be completely excluded. The appropriate
military means must remain available, they
cannot be created in a short period of time.
Regarding the political hot spots in the world,
one will remark a number of examples where
hatred, destruction and killing would not have
been stopped without armed intervention.
However, they also clearly show the limited
operational capability and efficiency of
traditional military means and that a new,
different kind of armed force is needed; this is
also meant by various parties who call for a
deployment of police forces not of military
forces. One thing can clearly be gathered from
the course of the latest conflicts: in the prime
task of peace promotion the use of military
force is of very little help. Under such
circumstances a policy must be pursued which
strengthens the promotion of democracy and
economy serving the interest of the people and
enabling a peace-suitable conflict treatment.

The next decade will be important in order to

Advisory Commission of the EKD for Social
(State: June 30th, 2001)

Ernst Benda, Karlsruhe
Andrea Dörries, Hannover
Johannes Fischer, Basel
Joachim Gauck, Berlin
Reinhard Göhner, Berlin
Wilfried Härle, Heidelberg (Vorsitzender
Kristin Heyne, Berlin
Eberhard Jüngel, Tübingen
Hans Peter von Kirchbach, Potsdam
Otto Graf Lambsdorff, Berlin
Christine Lieberknecht, Erfurt
Stephan Reimers, Berlin
Margot von Renesse, Berlin
Gerhard Robbers, Trier
Richard Schröder, Berlin
Eva Senghaas-Knobloch, Bremen (Deputy
Ingrid Spieckermann, Hannover
Klaus Tanner, Halle
Ursula Voskuhl, Bonn
Hermann Barth, Hannover (Permanent Visitor)
Eberhard Pausch, Hannover (Secretary)


Anthea Bethge

Shalom diaconat
for justice, peace and integrity of creation

What we aim at
      Follow the non-violent ways of Jesus
                 Serve in situations of conflict, crises and violence
      Work for a local and global Community of Churches
                 Strengthen cross-border ecumenical understanding
      Witness to the liberating love of God
           Advance the struggle for human rights and liberation

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