EPISTEMOLOGY OF CONTINENTAL AFRICAN DIVIDE DILEMMA: A REALITY OF WHAT KWAME NKRUMAH FORSAW

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					                              CONFERENCE THEME

               “AFRICA’S MANY DIVIDES AND AFRICA’S FUTURE”




                                   TOPIC AREA

          “THE CONTINENTAL AFRICA – DIASPORA AFRICA DIVIDE”




                          TOPIC FOR PRESENTATION

     EPISTEMOLOGY OF CONTINENTAL AFRICAN DIVIDE DILEMMA: A
                REALITY OF WHAT KWAME NKRUMAH FORSAW

                                         By

                          Dr. Nana Adu-Pipim Boaduo FRC

  Senior Lecturer: Faculty of Education, Department of Continuing Professional Teacher
Development, Walter Sisulu University, Mthatha Campus & Affiliated Researcher: Faculty
  of Economics and Management Sciences, Centre for Development Support, Free State
                     University, Bloemfontein Campus: South Africa

  Email: pipimboaduo@live.co.za or nboaduo@wsu.ac.za or pipimboaduo@yahoo.co.uk




28th February 2012

Mthatha

Eastern Cape Province

South Africa




                                          1
     EPISTEMOLOGY OF CONTINENTAL AFRICAN DIVIDE DILEMMA: A
               REALITY OF WHAT KWAME NKRUMAH FORSAW




Abstract

“Africa must unite. We have before us not only an opportunity but a historic duty”
sums up the major ambition of Kwame Nkrumah before his death in 1972.
Epistemologically, the struggle years before many African countries attained their
political independence; African unity has not taken central stage until the late 1990s
and early 2000. Kwame Nkrumah’s concern about African unity was clearly outlined
in his book “Africa must unite”. Since his death, Africa has vastly undergone several
political, industrial, economic, social and educational metamorphoses. The major
change has been political. However, the boundaries as determined at the Berlin
Conference between 1884 and 1885 remained. Kwame Nkrumah knew that to cross
those boundaries and penetrate the strong and proud new African nationalism, there
would be need for infrastructure of all forms – telecommunications, trunk roads and
railways, airlines, inter-territorial committees, health and education, better language
teaching, a continental language, exchanges between artists, writers and craftsmen,
shared research projects in sciences, technology and medicine, trade treaties and
political co-operation, common currency and a common passport.

This empirical survey research paper presents a synthesis of the epistemology of the
African continental unity delay dilemma as a reminder to the reality of what Kwame
Nkrumah foresaw to instigate present African leaders to work to achieve this august
proposition of African Union and resuscitate the African Renaissance.




Key words: epistemology, dilemma, African continental unity, African nationalism,
African renaissance, continental currency, continental passport




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Introduction

To begin with, I have borrowed from the 2nd Biennial Kwame Nkrumah International
Conference from 21-24 September 2012 call for papers “…If in the past the Sahara
divided us, now it unites us.” This declaration was made by Osagyefo Dr. Kwame
Nkrumah over fifty years ago. He was keenly aware of Africa’s many artificial divides
and was determined to lead a revolution that would contribute to bridge those
divides. To achieve this august aim, he made a proposition of continental Pan-
African Government, which he believed would provide Africans the opportunity to
pool and marshal their enormous and real potential economic, human and natural
resources for the optimal economic and industrial development of the African
continent.

Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah was convinced beyond any doubt that a continental
union government would ensure that Africa ended the divisions created by the
trilogy of the colonialists’ strategy of enslavement, colonization and neo-colonization
of Africa and Africans.

Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s worries at the time were multitudinal – these
included those created by time and history as well as nature and above all those
created by Africans themselves such as ethnic, tribal, racial, religious discriminations
as well as classism, sexism, ageism and the atavistic and backward traditional
practices which included tribalism and patriarchy.

What Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah foresaw and predicted was that “…unless
Africans formed a political and economic union to address the continent’s acute
problems, raging revolutions in the then north of the continent (which became a
reality recently), religions and ethnic strife and civil wars in many parts of Africa will
be inevitable”. All these are realities experienced by many African countries today.
He warned that unless urgent steps were taken to bridge Africa’s numerous and
artificially created divides Africans would be warring among themselves as their
detractors and neo-colonialists either stand aside look and enjoy the effects of this
dilemma and watch or hide behind the scenes pulling vicious wires to help Africans



                                            3
cut each others throats. The inevitability of these predications has become real in
Africa.

Africans do not need any prophet, the like of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, to
come and prophesy about African events in the new millennium. What we have
witnessed are enough. The question is “What do we do about all the revelations
stripped nakedly before us by Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah over fifty years ago?




Initiation of Africa’s political, social, industrial and economic development
The time for Africa to initiate its industrial and economic development through the
efforts and initiatives of African states and citizens has dawned. There is need for
rethink about strategies and implementation plans for sustainable and equitable
industrial, economic, educational and social development. Africa has the potential to
stand on its own feet to initiate its industrial and economic development agenda.
The various African industrial and economic development blocks like the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) and the East African Economic Community (EAEC), to mention
but a few, should be tasked to advance their economic and industrial development
agenda by according themselves specific development needs, in terms of industrial
and economic situational advantage, to advance towards the total continental
political and economic union.


As revealed by Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah over fifty years ago, African
institutions need to play active role and give direction in terms of research in
industrial and economic development initiatives. We cannot continue to live on hand
outs from the Industrial West either technologically or financially. Africa’s industrial
and economic development is a task that must be tackled by African governments in
unity to make the African Renaissance, a reality.


This empirical research survey paper presents logical, epistemological, theoretical
analysis supported by scholarly argument with concrete evidence to make a

                                           4
contribution towards the industrial and economic development of Africa to crown the
African Union dream and bring about the African Renaissance. To keep Africa one, is
a task that must be done.




Revelations for introspective analysis
In 1960, the late Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of the Republic
of Ghana, hinted at the meeting of the then independent African countries heads of
states in Addis Ababa about the need for political, industrial and economic
integration of African states. This idea partially became a reality in 1963 when the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) was officially inaugurated in Addis Ababa. What
Dr. Nkrumah proposed for consideration and immediate implementation namely the
African Command, common currency, common passport and common central bank –
did not go down well in the throats of the then African heads of states. Perhaps, Dr.
Nkrumah was, by that time, too politically, sociologically and philosophically
advanced in thought for that age and his ideas posed as threat to the new positions
the then African leaders have assumed.


Unfortunately, Dr. Nkrumah did not live long enough to see the mess African states
find themselves in relation to all forms of instability, which he knew were eminent
and wanted immediate counter measures before they blew out of control. Neo-
Colonialism, he foresaw, was brewing in the pipelines of the imperialists central
pumping machines which African heads of states, at that time, could not imagine its
possibility but has now become absolute reality staring in the face of modern African
leaders.




Re-visitation of the Lagos Plan of Action
Member states of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) met in Lagos in 1980 to
initiate what came to be known as ‘Lagos Plan of Action’. It would be ideal to
quote a very important statement from the document that came out of the
Conference to continue this presentation:

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“We view with disquiet the overdependence of the economy of our continent…this
phenomenon has made African economies highly susceptible to the external
development and with detrimental effects on the interests of our continent” (Lagos
Plan of Action: OAU, 1980).


This statement was made about 32 years ago and one may question: “What has
been done by African states concerning the problem raised in the document?” The
answer is that not much has been done. Another question that follows should be
“Why has not much been done by African governments?’” The answer to this
question is not the objective of this paper and will require, possibly another
conference of this nature in the future. A further question that needs asking is “How
then do we look at the industrial and economic development of Africa in the twenty-
first century to make the African Renaissance a reality in the face of the numerous
African divides situation?


The following synopsis will be used for the argument:
    Briefly highlight development definition relevant and applicable to the African
     development environment.
    Briefly discuss the historical perspectives of Africa’s industrial and economic
     development dilemma.
    Outline the major factors that have contributed to impede the industrial and
     economic development of Africa.
    Show how Africa has been used as a source of raw materials by the
     Industrialised West to feed their home industries.
    Show that Africa’s industrial and economic development dilemma is not the lack
     of either human or natural resources but a calculated sabotage by the
     Industrial West.
    Further show that the corruption that has plagued African governments and
     contributed towards its industrial and economic development dilemma is the
     cunning plot and collaboration of the Industrial West with African governments.



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    Show that the IMF and the World Bank were deliberately set up by the Colonial
     Masters to circumvent their Colonial subjugation and suffocate their industrial
     and economic development initiatives.
    Prove that it is the Colonial Masters who have deliberately planned to make
     sure that Africa and the rest of the Developing World can develop both
     industrially and economically if they want that..
    Show further that the formation of European Union [EU] is another way of the
     Industrial West’s strategy to marginalise Africa and the rest of the developing
     world.
    Show that the Industrial West will always find an excuse to hinge on the
     development dilemma of Africa – the HIV and AIDS, malaria, drought, famine
     and civil wars (Tobin & Mentz, 1997).
    Give a brief qualitative analytical synthesis of the potential that Africa has to
     trigger its industrial and economic development through its regional economic
     blocks.
    Finally, conclude with a brief synthesis alerting the AU with its NEPAD that
     seeking both financial and technical help from the Industrial West will nip in the
     bud any initiative towards the industrial and economic development of Africa.


Looking at the concept development applicable to the African perspective
The Encyclopaedia Britannica (2005: 421-424) defines development as “…integrated
change of societal institutions – political, social, economic, cultural and educational –
according to collective, evaluative preferences which may be executed in an
evolutionary or revolutionary manner through conscious human action.”


The above definition reveals that development of any sort is about people – their
indigenous     development   opportunity   in   collaboration   with   their   indigenous
knowledge systems (IKS), indigenous plus modern standards of living, and the use
of the available natural and human resources within their environment sustainably.
The most basic statistics to keep in mind in development terms had always been the
demography (Coetzee, 1986; Ligthelm 1986; Beukes, 1991; Todaro & Smith, 2006).
Development is also about the concerted application of IKS together with modern

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technology towards the achievement of industrial, economic and other growths as
well as improvement of human and environmental conditions under which people
live and interact. The achievement of all these depends on the improvement made
and the use of the continent’s abundant human, natural and institutional resources
(Clark, 1991; Taylor & Williams, 2004).
Formal education upon which every development initiative depends should be
practically convertible, adequate, relevant and applicable in both theoretical and
practical terms (Boaduo 2005; Moyana, 1989). Adequate, relevant and applicable
human resources and infrastructural development become the basic foundation to
augment development initiatives at all levels. From both observation and
documentary sources African governments have not as yet given a serious attention
to these basic industrial and economic development tools either within their
demarcated regional blocks or in individual countries (Meier, 1984). Africa has
numerous universities and schools of science and technology, which are supposed to
be the cradle of Africa’s development, however, one wonders if these institutions
have been contributing significantly enough to bring about the achievement of this
august ideal.




Historical perspective of the African development dilemma
Historically, Africa’s development dilemma - industrial, economic, political, social and
educational – is closely related to the inequality of both economic and political power
with a predominantly racial dimension, inappropriate primary, secondary and tertiary
education as well as limiting geographical locations in terms of inadequate and
inefficient infrastructure provision and in some cases the unavailability of all of them.
Furthermore, rural poverty in Africa is worse than urban poverty because the rural
folk have no alternative means to change their lives around. Due to the inequality,
especially in the provision of both secondary and tertiary education in particular as
well as infrastructure and basic services; the extent of poverty in both rural and
urban Africa is formidable despite Africa’s comparable levels of available resources
[human, natural and institutional] for industrial, economic and social development

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(Beukes, 1999; Singh, 2003; Wilson et al. 2001; Jordan, 1996; Todaro & Smith,
2006).


Africans have often blamed the colonial powers and their indelible scramble for and
partitioning of Africa leaving the scar of division covering the face of the entire
continent of Mother Africa leading to all forms of conflicts. These conflicts have been
deliberately orchestrated and zoomed out of proportion by the colonial masters
(Hentz, 2004; Williams, 2004; Kroslak, 2004; Thomas, 2004). The significance of
these conflicts is that they divert the attention of African governments from
industrial and economic development plans to the defence of their states. It is the
calculated plan of the Industrial Western to keep Africa’s industrial and economic
development at bay indefinitely.




Impediments in the way of Africa’s industrial and economic development
African countries achievement of independence from the late 1950s brought with it
high socio-economic expectations of change that would foster greater development,
equality and social justice. Several African nationalist governments guaranteed free
education and health services for all (e.g. Ghana, which was nipped in the bud by
the Western World for failing to buy cocoa, the only source of income for Ghana at
the time), improvement of housing and the provision of other amenities such as
electricity, running water, roads and health facilities. There was the promise of
popular participation in the identification of needs and the implementation of
programmes to address the needs of Africans.


Generally, the prospects were optimistic because Africans were allowed partially to
control their own destinies politically. This translates into Africans building their own
industries, develop other infrastructure, attract foreign investment and aid so as to
be able to realise their social and economic potential. The boom in world trade
during the 1960s with its growing demand for the supply of raw materials – which
was Africa’s main line of export – strengthened this optimism. In the words of Dr.
Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana the main aim of the emerging African

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countries was “…To establish a society in which men and women will have no
anxiety about work, food and shelter, where poverty and illiteracy no longer exist,
and where disease is brought under control and where our education facilities
provide our children with the best possible opportunities for learning’” (Nkrumah,
1967:52-3).


Unfortunately, this identified optimism and emphasis on industrial, social and
economic development gradually evaporated due to political ideological divides
among African countries. For example, Dr. Nkrumah’s government was deliberately
sabotaged economically and after publishing his book titled Neo-Colonialism: The
Last Stage of Imperialism, in 1965, was brutally overthrown with the assistance
of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).


From the beginning of the 1970 all the African industrial, social and economic
development initiatives were grounded to a complete halt (Coetzee et al. 2001; Eze,
1997; Coetzee, 1986; Austen, 2003; Hansen, 1987; Allen & Thomas, 2000;
Morgenthau, 1993). Throughout the continent economies experienced deep,
pervasive and continual crisis characterised by stagnation, rising foreign and internal
debts, increased unemployment, shortages of consumer goods and the deterioration
of social infrastructures.


All these were the deliberate attempt by the Western Powers to stifle Africa and
suffocate it to death in her development tracks (CIA Files commentary, Botswana
TV, 10 June 2006; Thomas, 2004).


From the middle of the 1990s, “African Governments had cause for concern in their
relationship with the international financial institutions. Since the beginning of the
1980s Africa had undergone the most intense and continuous application of IMF and
World Bank policies over an expanding range of areas, all with deeply unsatisfactory
economic and social results” (Thomas, 2004: 174). However, African Governments
responded through the “honest” advice of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
and World Bank by introducing price controls and subsidies for many popular

                                            10
consumer items as well as inputs for production such as fertilizers and seeds.
However, these measures proved ineffective and as the situation in each African
country deteriorated further the IMF and the World Bank intervened, ushering in a
new era of the African industrial and economic order history which popularly came to
be known as structural adjustment (Turner & Hulme, 1997; John, 2001; Wilson,
Kanji & Braathen, 2001; Singh, 2003).


      Epistemology of the Structural Adjustment programme
The epistemology of structural adjustment and its consequences leave much to be
desired. From this epistemological perspective, by 1990 many African countries had
borrowed so much from the IMF and the World Bank to an extent that they were
unable to pay off their debts leaving the IMF and the World Bank no other
alternative but to introduce the structural adjustment programme by force to be able
to retrieve the money owned by African countries (Taylor & Williams, 2004; Thomas,
2004). The essence of structural adjustment, as envisaged by the IMF lies in the
neo-liberal notion that the state must divest itself of direct participation in the
economy and the provision of social services to make way for free market
exchanges. Unfortunately, however, the accompanying mechanisms such as the
tightening of monetary supply and reduced public expenditure by African
Governments and the devaluation of their currencies exacerbated the already
precarious socio-economic status of most African consumers (Ball & Peter, 2000;
Thomas, 2004). It, therefore, became increasingly clear that bodies other than
governments would have to step in, thus paving way for civil society to become the
major provider of social services.


The protest against the economic hardships, arising from the structural adjustments
and political repression under dictatorial regimes in Africa supported by the
Industrial West led to calls for political reform through the introduction of multi-party
systems    having   transparency,    accountability,   responsibility   and   tolerance.
Unfortunately, the second optimism associated with the political reforms was never
translated into respect for individual rights and industrial, economic, social and
human development. Many African countries had despotic leaders supported by the

                                           11
Industrial West, for instance Mobutu and Abachar. All these militated against any
development effort.


To date, the search for appropriate, effective and sustainable industrial, economic
and social development path continues to elude African Governments (Todaro &
Smith, 2006). All inputs by individual states, civil society and donor communities
have not resolved the problems of Africa’s underdevelopment, poverty, hunger and
lack of efficient social services and infrastructure. Thus, the search for an
appropriate, effective and sustainable development path in Africa continues ad
infinitum. Where can that be found and from who? This is a question that requires
rethink.


      Africa’s development capability neo-colonized
According to Bidstrup (2001) Africa is capable of building on high and sustained
industrial, social, economic, political, educational and technological structures that
support growth at all levels. His argument is that the advent of European
engagement has altered the scope and character of external linkages and the
imposition of colonial rule created fundamental changes that have conditioned the
economies of African countries. The truth of the matter, according to him, is that
colonial regimes shaped the structures of African economies including the sectoral
distribution of activities, key products in the economy, the extent of physical
infrastructure and the development of human capital (Chazan et al, 1999); and up to
date, they do not want to standby and see that, it changed to their disadvantage. To
date, African Governments have not realised that something has to be done about
this and continue along the same path. This is unfortunate indeed!


The Colonial Masters left Africa but have returned to re-colonise it in what the late
Dr, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana foresaw and termed neo-colonialism. Neo-
colonialism has surfaced in Africa in different forms – the destabilization of African
governments through coup de tats, especially from 1960 to 1990; the IMF and World
Bank financing of African debts and the structural adjustment advice. From this
perspective, Africa has since been experiencing arrested industrialisation as well as

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social and economic development stagnation in the midst of massive human, natural
and institutional resources. Dr. Nkrumah saw that in the 1960s and warned African
Governments to do something about it without any delays (Nkrumah, 1965).
However, the ignorance of African Governments at that time crowded their
judgement and even up to this day African Governments cannot see the relevance of
unity to end African misery.


      IMF and World Bank destabilization roles in Africa
The role played by IMF and the World Bank in the destabilization of African
economies is not a hidden agenda (Thomas, 2004). History has it that the IMF and
the World Bank are the brainchildren of the Industrial West’s eight great-
industrialised countries (themselves supreme colonialists in Africa), the conglomerate
of financial powerhouse of Europe and the USA. Why did the Colonialists set up
these institutions?


During the proclamation of independence in Africa and other European colonies, the
Colonial Masters needed a very strong and workable strategy to maintain the
hegemony, control and linkages with their colonial subjects in a way free from
repression, cohesion and force as it was during the colonial era, so that they are not
blamed for anything that happened in their former colonies. The only way to
maintain these linkages was to set up such institutions as IMF and World Bank with
the pretext that their colonies could be helped through borrowing to finance their
development projects (Thomas, 2004).




      Why did the colonialists not develop Africa before their departure?
Historically, the colonial masters deliberately refused to lay the foundation for
sustainable economic and industrial development in their colonies despite the fact
that everything needed to do just that was available in great quantities in Africa.
Frankly, the World Bank and IMF were founded to make sure that no country apart
from those in Europe, the Far East and the USA would develop industrially and
economically to pose threats and challenges to them (Taylor & Williams, 2004).

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Their first aim was to subjugate African countries and for that matter all other
developing countries and their economies to the dictates of their liking. The second
aim was to fix currency values as well as market prices of commodities on the
various stock exchange markets of the world. They advise devaluation of African
currencies (Thomas, 2004). The truth about the issue is that while no African
government will openly suggest that the Western World had sought to dominate
African economies, in a subtle and cynical way that is exactly what the Western
World had set about doing for both political and economic reasons (Bidstrup, 2002).


From what has been indicated, it is clear to understand and know the role of the
World Bank and the IMF in the destabilization of African economies. As indicated
earlier, during the granting of political independence to African colonies by their
colonial masters, they needed a very strong and workable strategy to maintain the
control and the linkages with their colonial subjects. Since they could not do this
through repression as was used during the time African countries were colonies the
World Bank and IMF were the most perfect strategically, to use in this respect
(Thomas, 2004).




      What are the causes of Africa’s development dilemma?
The revelation from the above discussion is that Africa’s economic and industrial
development dilemma is not a lack of talents, human, natural and institutional
resources. Currently, Africa has a source of highly intelligent and carefully trained
professionals in a variety of skills, who unfortunately, practice their professions
outside Africa leaving it to crumble. Once again Africa’s development dilemma is not
a lack of resources either. Any one with the most basic knowledge about the
economic geography of Africa is aware of the vast variety of resources - natural,
human and institutional resources – as well as universities of science and
technology.




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If all what have been outlined hold true, then “Why has Africa come to this terrible
state of economic and industrial development stagnation and unable to survive
amidst plenty?”


To answer this question, there is need to give a brief list of some pertinent factors
and discuss their contribution to the creation of this terrible state of affairs in the
African continent (http://bidstrup.com/agony.htm). The arrested economic and
industrial development of Africa can be attributed to the following factors:
      Corruption: The Industrial West’s media dub the African politicians as
       corrupt, and the question that needs asking is “Who encouraged the
       African politicians to be corrupt?” It is common knowledge that billions of
       Africa’s wealth have been stolen and deposited in European and American
       banks. The financial institutions where these bounties are deposited are
       aware that individuals cannot amass such wealth taking into account the
       combined income from their businesses and other sources. The fact that
       African colonies have been granted political independence for over fifty years
       is not the issue. The issue is the continuous backing of the Industrial West’s
       financial institutions acceptance of the billions stolen from African countries by
       their leaders and deposited with them. Assuming such deposits by African
       leaders have been rejected by the western financial institutions, African
       leaders would have thought twice before stealing from their countries –
       consider Mobutu Seseseko, Bokassa, Abachar and Taylor. The conclusion that
       can be drawn is that African leaders’ corruption is another plot by the
       Industrial West to stagnate the industrial and economic development of
       African states. Stolen monies by corrupt African leaders deposited in the
       financial institutions in the Industrial West help them to finance their plans to
       keep Africa in perpetual poverty.
      Political instability: From 1960 to 1990 African countries experienced
       destabilization from the political front with the help of the Western World’s
       intelligence agencies like the M16, the CIA, the KGB, the Massad and the
       various French and Italian intelligence agencies including the Mafia. The result
       had been a string of coup de tats leaving a trail of destruction and the legacy

                                           15
    of potential instability (Taylor & Williams, 2004; Williams, 2004; Kroslak,
    2004). Another excuse for the Industrial West not to invest in African
    countries had been that these countries are not stable. Who caused the
    destabilization? Countries that suffered from the instability included Ghana,
    the then Zaire, the Congo Republic, Uganda, Nigeria, Angola, Mozambique,
    the Gambia, Ethiopia, and recently Liberia, Sierra Leone, the Ivory Coast and
    Burundi and Rwanda, Somalia, Sudan and Chad. Who benefits from all these
    destabilization activities? This is obvious and needs no reference.
   Ill-advice of IMF and World Bank: African governments seem not to
    realise that the IMF and the World Bank are not their allies to help them in
    the economic and industrial development of their respective countries.
    Unfortunately they rely on these institutions whose aim is to cause the total
    economic and industrial doom of African countries (Thomas, 2004).
   Rape of the multi-national corporations: The development agenda of
    these financial giants has nothing to do with the industrial and economic
    welfare of African states. Their development programmes have been
    transplanted into Africa and do not benefit Africans. In everything they do, it
    is their interests first no matter the consequences to the host countries. How
    many plantations have failed to provide for African counties development?
   Lack of effective regional integration: Even though Africa has regional
    economic groupings like the Economic Community of West African States
    (ECOWAS), South African Development Community (SADC) and the East
    African Economic Community (EAEC), they seem to be concerned about their
    territorial extravagance and not real integration of the economic and industrial
    development of Africa as a whole. Instead of integration, they stand in their
    isolated forms where development initiates are not planned among these
    regional development blocks. Could they not have concentrated on the
    principle of comparative advantage and specialise in products each region has
    greater comparative advantage? There is need for rethink in this respect too.
   Lack of democratic practices: African Governments lack the spirit of
    tolerance and criticism by opposition thereby choking the process of
    democracy for economic and industrial development. There is therefore need

                                       16
       for political maturity to be displayed in all African countries where the
       opposition should be considered as the Godfather of the forgotten lot thereby
       putting the ruling party on its toes to consider the people first in their
       governance.
      Lavish spending of African leaders: Many African leaders are known for
       their extravagant spending at the expense of the welfare of their citizens.
       Several of such leaders do not even see the need to raise the socio-economic
       levels of their people. They buy expensive presidential planes that take them
       round the world to further sell their countries to the Industrial West.
      Currency disparity: The currencies of African countries have no value in the
       international market arena. When will there be currency parity among
       nations? The question of who determines the value of currencies on the
       international market has never been answered. Why should the African world
       compare its currencies with the Western World? Can Africa not develop its
       own currency zone and compete on equal footing with the West? This ploy
       needs circumvention, lest African currencies remain pieces of papers worth
       nothing.
      Civil strife: This has characterised African countries for far too long and this
       is detrimental to any form of development initiative (Asante, 1987). When will
       there be peace in Africa? African Governments fail to realise that there is
       always somebody behind all those destabilization ploys that has decimated
       Africa. When will this stop?




The nature of colonial masters’ resistance to Africa’s industrial and
economic development
To a decisive degree the foregoing factors have, in the past, contributed to the
colonial masters’ resistance to Africa’s industrial and economic development at all
fronts especially, economic, industrial and political. In other words the basis of the
Africa’s economic, industrial and political development dilemma can be understood
through the understanding of power structures and their relations that are
essentially components of any process involving action for social change

                                           17
(Participatory Research, 1994). ‘Social change in whose interest?” is another
question worth considering.




Economic and Industrial development stagnation amidst plenty
To answer the question posed earlier, that is “Why has Africa come to this terrible
state of economic and industrial development stagnation and unable to survive
amidst plenty?” We are all aware of the fact that when the European powers
invaded Africa and made it their personal property like their backyard, they took
charge of practically everything, especially those resources that were found in the
demarcated areas of their jurisdiction after the partitioning. They found several raw
materials that could be used to lay the foundation for the economic and industrial
development of their colonies to provide their subjects jobs and social security.
Instead they did not establish the required industrial base in Africa and took the raw
materials free of charge to their factories at home for processing to provide jobs for
their kit and kin. The finished products were then sent back to Africa to be sold at
exorbitant prices further enriching themselves and leaving the African subjects in
dire poverty.


Till today the same process is going on unabated. The multi-national corporations
see vast resources in African, which they want badly (Hines, 2005). They will,
therefore, stop at nothing to get them (If you look at what is going on Libya, Sudan
and Iraq). Their intelligent agencies that have lost their mission after the end of the
Cold War are now supporting the multi-national corporations on their new mission to
get the resources out of Africa for their benefit. The intelligence agencies – CIA, KGB
and the Mossad - have been the brain behind all the political destabilization agenda
in Africa from 1951 to date and there is no end in sight that this will stop if Africans
do not take the initiative (Wikileaks from the web).


From this lengthy analysis a clear picture emerges. The Industrial West has
conspired to maintain the status quo in Africa. They do not want Africa to develop
industrially and economically but Africans aspire to the contrary. However, to the

                                          18
Industrial West, the opinion of the African does not matter (Bidstrup, 2002) so long
as they remain in the commanding position in everything – industrial, economic,
political, social, education and military.




Threat of Africa’s economic and industrial development to the Industrial
West
From the perspectives discussed above, one comes to think analytically and ask
questions like:
   1. What will the Industrial West do if Africa develops its economies, gets
       industrialised and becomes able to process its raw materials that feed the
       numerous industries in Europe?
   2. Where will Europe get the bulk of its raw materials to feed its industries,
       especially tropical products?
   3. Where will the West sell its finished products if Africa produces its own?)


The answer to these questions is obvious and this is the main bone of contention
that has contributed to the colonial masters’ deliberate decision not to industrialise
African colonies before they granted them independence and continue to provide
divisive injections into the regions of the continent (Vale, 1991; Clark, 1991).


Another observation is the urge of African Governments to seek the Industrial West’s
support for their industrial development plans. Leaders like former president of
South Africa, Thabo Mbeki and Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria travelled every now
and then to meet the G8 magnate for assistance to develop Africa. Funny isn’t it?
The development vocabularies that African Governments have been using have been
borrowed from their Colonial Masters. African Governments have not as yet devised
their own development concepts applicable, convertible and relevant to their needs.


African Governments regularly forget the fact that the essence of political economics
is to direct economically weaker countries to believe that the economically stronger
countries wield both political and economic power, which cannot be challenged.

                                             19
These place them in a position that enables them to dictate terms to Africa with no
due consideration to the consequences those terms will have on the people. This is
done through many diverse ways, two of which will be mentioned.


The first is to praise the economically weaker countries that their economy is picking
up and as such there is nothing to worry about but must continue in the direction
advised by the World Bank and IMF.


The second is to see to it that their currencies are below par with the economically
advanced countries through the devaluation advice given by the World Bank and
IMF. The implications of such thought are very devastating indeed. African countries
sell products at no cost at all to the economically developed countries because their
currencies are worth nothing in terms of value as compared to the industrialised
countries.


What has been presented so far is an illustration of the fundamental facts that the
identification with economically oppressed countries in a system that makes a certain
part of the world enjoy every privilege and live on the sweat of the disadvantaged is
not only unfair, it is also absolutely inhuman. This inhumanity concoction continues
to be given to African countries through divisive injections and this continues
unabated.


What has become apparent is that any African Government who declares solidarity
with the Industrial West is allowed to enjoy a certain amount of privilege. What is
being shown here is that African political power has always rested with governments
who have direct affiliation and have submitted completely their nationhood to the
Industrial West for aids and so-called soft loans. Any African Government who does
not do that is squeezed out of its economic oxygen and power either by organised
coup de tat or economic hanging as was the case with Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s Ghana
in the early 60s which eventually brought his government down through the
machinations of the CIA backed uprising in February 1966 and the case of Comrade
Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe.

                                         20
Not only has the Industrial West been guilty of being exploitative in terms of both
human and natural resources; they employ skilful manoeuvres and have managed to
control the responses of African Governments. Not only have they been able to
economically and politically kicked African Governments in their guts but they have
also managed to control the painful responses of the kicks.




Industrial West will thwart the ambitious plans of the AU and the NEPAD
The African Union (AU) and New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD)
formation is not anything new. The Industrial West has deliberately undermined the
emancipation of African Governments. At the inauguration of the Organisation of
African Unity (OAU) in 1963 as provided in my introduction, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame
Nkrumah of Ghana proposed what has been enshrined in the documents of NEPAD
but because the African leaders of that era had no matured minds to look into the
future, they ignored Nkrumah’s ideas. What is happening among the AU and NEPAD
members is the revamping of Nkrumah’s ideas. There is urgent need for a call for
Black Consciousness Awakening and strategically positive plan and action now as
proposed by Steve Bantu Biko. What must not be forgotten is that the Industrial
West will not stand by for NEPAD initiatives to mature, except African Governments
stop seeking the financial and technical support from the Industrial West and do
everything their own way.




Taking the responsibility for Africa’s industrial and economic development
The revelations have been clear at this point that Africa’s full misery clearly emerges.
However, there is absolute hope. Africans still have untapped natural, human and
institutional resources. Africa has the best store of hydroelectric potential especially
in the tropical rain fed areas. Africa has stores of untapped natural gas and oil in
Libya, Nigeria, Angola, Equatorial Guinea and recently Ghana and Zambia, Sudan
and South Africa. There are several deposits of strategic minerals that have not been
exploited for development especially in the Sahara fringed countries. Africa has all
the resources that can help to lay the solid foundation of industrial and economic

                                          21
development – iron ore in West Africa, coking coal in Southern Africa, aluminium
ore, manganese and bauxite in Ghana, platinum in South Africa, diamond in
Botswana, gold in South Africa and Ghana, to mention but a few. In addition, Africa
has large reserve of skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled labour and above all Africa has
its own consumer and industrial markets. Universities and Schools of Science and
Technology have been set up in many parts of Africa. What is keeping Africa at bay
to develop industrially and economically? We need answers!




Dislodging colonialists masters development image
While it will not be easy to dislodge the image of colonial masters’ deliberate
sabotage of Africa’s industrial and economic development initiatives over night, a
positive move towards a change needs to be ushered in. To begin with, there is
need to provide sound representative governments in all African countries through
positive political education and the adherence to the democratic norms of
governance. The traditional communal democracy has been the foundation of
African political governance before the advent of the Colonialists. This should be
revisited and employed to govern African countries. In the traditional African
communal democracy everybody works for the common good of the community
(Obasanjo, 1987).


There must be an industrial and economic development paradigm shift in Africa
(Kajese, 1988). The 21st century promises Africa to rediscover itself (Vale, 1991) in
what the former President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa captioned as the African
Renaissance of the late Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s ideology.




Recommendations and strategies for action for Africa’s economic and
industrial development
What follows are personal recommendations with strategies to help to speed up
Africa’s economic and industrial development in the new millennium.



                                          22
Education: Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah foresaw this and made education his
priority in the Ghanaian society which is a testimony to why Ghanaian professionals
are scattered all over the world. African Governments should embark on a
progressively new education provision from primary to tertiary. The new education
system that will respond to the development needs of Africa should reflect the
realities of the world of work and production as well as the available natural
resources in the localities.


Changing the focus of primary, secondary and tertiary education curricula from
academically oriented content to a more realistic and practical oriented programmes
of courses that will provide graduates with basic, relevant and applicable manual life
skills that can be utilised immediately after graduation must be the aim of curricula
planners and education policy makers (Boaduo, 2005; Boaduo, 1998). All
programmes in the education institutions should be geared towards the kind of
opportunities available in African societies. Such programmes should be relevant,
applicable and appropriate to local, national and international needs so that
graduates are not wasted on completion of their studies.


Research in higher institutions: Research in higher institutions of learning
should be encouraged and supported both materially and financially. The AU should
have research centres established throughout Africa and the ideas from research
studies pooled together for dissemination to African states to utilize. Even though
such institutions exist in Africa, like the Human Sciences Research Council in South
Africa, they have not taken their responsibilities seriously enough to help emancipate
Africa. Research findings should be convertible and turned into feasible, practical,
relevant and applicable commodities that could be utilised both at home and for
export. For instance, Cuba is a poor country in terms of natural resources and has
been blockaded by the USA since 1960 but has developed through progressive
education system and developed its human resources to the highest calibre in
scientific and technological research. As a result Cuba has been able to withstand
the onslaught of American economic aggression and has been able to export its



                                         23
human resources to most parts of the world. African countries can do something
similar.


NEPAD initiatives: Philosophically speaking, NEPAD is not just a forum for
economic and industrial emancipation of the African World. It is rather a reactionary
proposition of African industrial and economic development emancipation. With the
emergence of AU, the final stage of complete African economic and industrial
revolution for independence has dawned. The quintessence of this emancipation is
the realization by African Governments that in order to feature well in this game of
political economics and industrialization, they have to use the group concept power
(AU) and to build a strong foundation for this through sacrifice and dedication.
African Union must become a reality NOW! Having been politically, economically and
socially divided, disoriented and dispossessed for centuries, African Governments
have the strongest foundation from which to operate as a unit. NEPAD expresses
group economic ideology. It is just as has been the case in the European Union
(EU). This will enable African Governments to say in unison what the late Dr. Kwame
Nkrumah identified and said during the independence celebration on the 6th of March
1957, thus
       “…at long last the battle is ended” and Africa my beloved continent must do
       something that will set it free from the clutches of colonial prison of
       economic, industrial and social divide to industrial, economic and social
       development. (Words in italics are my own).


At the heart of this kind of thought is the realization by AU that Africa is on its own
and must stand on its own. It is therefore important to remind African leaders to
refrain from the beggar instinctive pleas to request the Industrial West to finance
NEPAD development initiates. Instead, African Governments who have billions in
foreign accounts should bring such money back to Africa to invest. Thinking along
this line of action for Africa’s industrial and economic emancipation, African
Governments will see themselves as Governments of their people and not as an
extension of leverage to some distance machine which is robotically controlled at will
by the owner, as Steve Biko indicated during his trial (Biko, 1976).

                                          24
Regional economic blocks: The establishment of African regional economic blocks
is one of the initiatives for economic and industrial development. However, ECOWAS,
EAEC and SADC have been interested in their limited development initiatives. It is
time such economic blocks merge and look at wider connections in terms of
education, manpower development, research, infrastructural connectivity for easy
movement and exchange of goods, services and labour.


At the end of all these African Governments must cease to tolerate attempts by the
Industrial West to dwarf the significance of their economic and industrial
emancipation. Once this happens we would know that the real African Government
for Africa and Africans has, finally shone through which is the African Union.




Conclusion
In this paper, I have tried to sketch the economic and industrial dilemma of Africa
from the divides perspective, what Africa needs to do to be able to develop
economically and industrially. The discussion has been that the Colonial Masters’
have deliberately stood in the path of Africa’s economic and industrial development
with the combined efforts of the IMF and the World Bank with their strategic plans
of devaluation of African currencies and the structural adjustment initiatives. I have
also indicated that African Governments must take part of the blame for their myopic
foresight as well as their characteristic looting of the coffers of their countries and
deposit such loot in financial institutions of their adversaries. I have clearly identified
and listed the potential Africa has to initiate its economic and industrial
development. I have stressed that the AU leaders should not be fooled to believe
that the Industrial West will accord attention to their request for financial and
technical assistance to help Africa develop industrially. My humble request has been
that African leaders who have stuffed billions in foreign accounts should bring that
money back for investment in their countries. Further to this, I have suggested that
AU-NEPAD should have their own economic strategic advisors and stop taking the
so-called free economic advice from the World Bank and IMF. I have also indicated



                                            25
that Africa has the required resources; human, natural and institutional and given
time, can further develop its infrastructures to meet its needs.


We love Africa. We love to live and work in Africa. Let our leaders make it possible
and rewarding to do just that so that together we are able to salvage Africa from its
numerous divides. Let us do it together.




                                           26
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Description: “Africa must unite. We have before us not only an opportunity but a historic duty” sums up the major ambition of Kwame Nkrumah before his death in 1972. Epistemologically, the struggle years before many African countries attained their political independence; African unity has not taken central stage until the late 1990s and early 2000. Kwame Nkrumah’s concern about African unity was clearly outlined in his book “Africa must unite”. Since his death, Africa has vastly undergone several political, industrial, economic, social and educational metamorphoses. The major change has been political. However, the boundaries as determined at the Berlin Conference between 1884 and 1885 remained. Kwame Nkrumah knew that to cross those boundaries and penetrate the strong and proud new African nationalism, there would be need for infrastructure of all forms – telecommunications, trunk roads and railways, airlines, inter-territorial committees, health and education, better language teaching, a continental language, exchanges between artists, writers and craftsmen, shared research projects in sciences, technology and medicine, trade treaties and political co-operation, common currency and a common passport. This empirical survey research paper presents a synthesis of the epistemology of the African continental unity delay dilemma as a reminder to the reality of what Kwame Nkrumah foresaw to instigate present African leaders to work to achieve this august proposition of African Union and resuscitate the African Renaissance.