Water and Poverty
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Options for Pro-Poor Water
Reforms
SIMI KAMAL
Member GWP TEC
Chairperson, Hisaar Foundation
Context
• The greater part of the world’s poor reside in Asia Pacific
region (75 percent)
• The poor in Asia Pacific region are concentrated in
environmentally fragile ecological zones
• Millennium development goal of halving world poverty by
the year 2015
• Current trend of establishing Integrated Water
Resources management
We have to ask the question “can we really
reduce poverty through water reforms?”
Scope of Paper
• Experience from the Asia Pacific region
• Case study from Pakistan
• Rationale for pro-poor water reform options
What Does Water Reforms Mean?
The term water reform is usually understood to
cover:
• Governance
• Laws
• Institutions
• Processes
• Regulations
Access and Control Over Land
In Asia Pacific Region:
• Economic and social disparities distort access to
land and water
• Existing social and cultural biases further distort
the intent of inheritance laws
• Inadequacies of legal structure limits ownership
and control by poor women and other
disadvantaged groups
• The relationship between water and
poverty is often determined by some
external factors
• Political will and political representation
• Local government linkages and
decentralization
Four distinct sectors in the debate
• Irrigation systems and poverty reduction
• Land and water rights in relation to
poverty
• Reduction of poverty through participation
and user management
• Environment, poverty and conservation
Size of Land Holdings
• In the Asia Pacific region the average farm
size is now approximately 1.6 hectares.
• In China average farm size has fallen from
0.56 hectares in 1980 to 0.4 hectares in
1999.
• In Pakistan it has fallen from 5.3 hectares
in 1973 to under 3 hectares in 2004.
• In comparison the average farm size is 67
hectares in Latin America.
Irrigation Systems and Poverty
Reduction
• Irrigation has long been seen as a main tool of
reducing poverty
• It is seen as a package of technologies,
institutions and policies that underpins increased
agricultural output in the Asia Pacific region
• Past experience has shown that this package
has not yet fully succeeded in doing away with
poverty
• Similar irrigation reform packages in different
contexts have different results
• In China irrigation and agriculture have
developed in the context of a long-term national
program to eradicate poverty
• Vietnam has adopted fair land distribution
approach to land (and irrigation water), and
rural development as a whole
• In Indonesia, irrigation development has been
part of a large transmigration scheme funded by
government
• South Asia has adopted policy in which
distributional issues have largely been ignored
• Irrigation reforms have benefited the poor in
China and Vietnam much more than in South
Asia
Irrigation Benefits
• Indirect broader benefits of irrigation usually
much larget than direct local-level benefits
• This means less impact on local poverty
• Despite overall poverty-reducing nature of
irrigation, income poverty exists in most canal
irrigated areas
• Around a third of all households in irrigation
systems live in overty
Water Rights, Land Rights and Poverty
• Water rights are understood and internalized
largely as customary practices
• Regulations on water rights are often unclear
and incomplete
• Water users may have little knowledge of the
laws and regulations that define formal water
rights
What are Water Rights?
• Water rights may be composed of various
bundles of rights to access, consume, manage
and transfer
• Water rights are usually structured differently
and are more limited than rights to land and
movable property
• The term “water use rights” seems more
appropriate
• Water rights are usually a form of property
rights
• Secure property rights can play a vital role in
expanding opportunities for poor people to
escape from poverty
Reduction of Poverty through
Participation and User Management
• Past 25 years have been many attempts to
improve irrigation management through
increased participation
• This was driven in part by:
– frustration with irrigation operation and
maintenance
– head-tail inequalities in water distribution
– Neglected repairs
• Lack of resources for maintaining infrastructure
Financial Financial Who pays
Requirements Who pays Requirements
Interest Taxpayers Interest Taxpayers
Replace- Replace-
ment ment No one
EfficientO Users
Users
&M O&M
Taxpayers
Excess Taxpayers
a. Australia man-
power
Users
b. Pakistan
The Financing of Water Services in Pakistan
Source: Pakistan’s Water Economy: Running Dry, Report, The World Bank, November 8,
2005, pg 59
’Token’ particpation
• Meetings held
• Water user associations formed
• Trainings conducted
These are used to measure user
participation and management instead
ofsubstantive shanges
Participation in political vacuum
• Water user groups can end up as political
pressure groups with aspirtions other than
equitable distribution of water
• Show little result in terms of increased
incomes or reduced costs
• No set of agreed indicators on what is
’pro-poor’ participatory management
Water conservation and enviroment
• Policies on water conservation often
disregard livelihoods of men and women
• The poor depend heavily on
environmental ’goods’
• Sometimes one kind of right (for example
water irrigation right) can take away
another (access to common enviromental
goods)
Struggling to Address Poverty Through
Water Reforms – The Case of Pakistan
Pakistan’s Water Scenario
• The vulnerability of the vast Indus Basin
irrigation system and greater need for
operating flexibility and assurance is now
accepted in Pakistan
• High population growth
• Persistent poverty
• Lagging growth in the rural sector
• Looming constraints on water resources for
irrigation
• Poor development and management strategy
Poverty Conditions
• Realities of water availability, it’s regime, the
climate, weather, delta conditions and the
market have changed
• The way of managing farms and using water
at farm level has not
• About 45 % of cultivable area is under
cultivation
• Poor management and distribution of
irrigation water has rendered a large area of
land uncultivable
• Low crop yield
• Thousands of local farmers whose livelihood
depended on agriculture are facing economic
hardship
• 97 percent of 140 MAF of surface water used
in irrigation, managed by public sector
• Unchecked exploitation of groundwater in
private sector (20 MAF)
Comparison of Productivity Per Unit of
Land and Water
Productivity Per Unit of Land
France 7.60 Tons/hectare
Egypt 5.99 Tons/hectare
Saudi Arabia 5.36 Tons/hectare
Punjab (India) 4.80 Tons/hectare
Punjab (Pakistan) 2.32 Tons/hectare
Productivity Per Unit of Water
Canada 8.72 Kg/m3
America 1.56 Kg/m3
China 0.8 Kg/m3
India 0.39 Kg/m3
Pakistan 0.13 Kg/m3
Low Irrigation Charges as a benefit to
Poor
• The very low irrigation service charges in
Pakistan are justified on account of poverty and
are assumed to benefit the poor
• In the setting of inequities in land and water
distribution the low level of irrigation charge
does not necessarily benefit the poor
• Low charges lead to under-spending on O&M
works and the system performance is very poor
• The application of a single level of irrigation
service charges across areas and system has
led to a situation where the poor landless
farmers end up subsidizing the rich
landowners.
Land Tenancy System & Poverty
• The existing pattern of land distribution
in Pakistan is not egalitarian
• Organization of production is heavily
dominated by sharecropping arrangements
where the tenants are insecure
• Unless the tenant’s position is improved, the
landowners are likely to receive a lion’s
share of the total benefits of watercourse
improvement, a substantial part of which
is being subsidized by the government.
Water Sector Reforms
• Government of Pakistan has embarked upon water
sector reforms in the country
• These have been implemented in parts of the irrigated
areas of the two larger provinces, Punjab and Sindh
• These reforms have combined irrigation and drainage
functions into single Provincial Irrigation and Drainage
Authorities supported by Water Management Ordinances
2002
• The idea is to move towards farmer management of
both irrigation and drainage
Participatory Institutions Set Up
as Part of Water Sector Reforms
• Area Water Boards (AWBs)
• Farmer Organizations (FOs)
• Watercourse Associations (WCAs)
• These participatory organizations are to
slowly take over the rehabilitation and
maintenance of 10 canal command areas
The Reality on the Ground
• In theory the system sounds equitable and
feasible
• The problem arises in the way the Ordinance
defines a farmer who may become a member of
the Farmer Organization
• This ‘farmer’ is one who owns land
• This leaves out the majority of farmers that
actually deal with water on a daily basis and till
the land – the poor landless sharecroppers.
What Can be Done
• In order to enhance the probability of the benefits of
water rehabilitation and infrastructure development
reaching the poor landless farmers, the inclusion of both
men and women from this group is necessary in the
WCAs and FOs
• Such inclusions many not be forthcoming substantively
in the short term
• It can be fostered through offering infrastructure
development and repair investment incentives on high
priority to those WCAs and FOs that include landless
sharecroppers and women
Official Government Policy
• Integrating irrigation, hydropower and
agricultural development investment
• Modernizing both the water infrastructure and
the institutional and governances
management systems
• Balance of investments in water infrastructure
and water management
• Balance in supply management and demand
management
• Secure water entitlements or rights
Government Strategy
• The new initiatives in the water sector are
modeled to recover the maintenance and
restoration cost
• Water Conservation
• Renovation of remaining 90,000 watercourses
(45,000 out of 135,000 have already been
lined)
• Improving watercourse maintenance
• Organizing sustainable water users
associations (WUAs)
• Introducing water saving irrigation technology
Realities!
• Expenditure on water supply and sanitation (normally held to be the
most pro-poor of water programmes) for the year 2006-2007 was
projected as 0.12% of the GDP
• Current annual development plans claim to spend approximately 40-
50 percent each year on water infrastructure resources development
– the type of development that does not generally benefit the poor
• Not clear how water entitlements and rights are to be secured
• Not clear how the demand for more irrigation water will be balanced
with need for conservation and environmental flows
• The mighty river Indus has no water downstream from Kotri Barrage
for 10 months of the year and the Indus delta has been effectively
destroyed.
Rationale for Pro-Poor Water
Reform Options
Defining ‘Pro-Poor’ More Clearly
• Any arguments for and policy for pro-poor water
reform must clarify what is meant by the term
‘pro-poor’
• Too often pro-poor intervention is taken to mean
any investment or programme that creates
physical facilities and institutions, the socio-
economic performance of which is seen in terms
of aggregate benefits to society as a whole – not
specific benefits to defined groups of the poor.
Measuring the ‘Pro-Poor’ in
Water Reforms
• For water reforms to be pro-poor, the criteria
should be not only be the change in the structures
of water institutions, the new laws, the number of
hectares developed or rehabilitated, but also the
number of households and persons who benefited
and by how much.
• We need to be able to measure not only the
aggregate productivity benefits but also the various
types of benefits (economic, social, development,
political) and the share of the poor in total benefits
Need for Separate Sets of
Indicators
To define specific benefits to the poor and
then to measure their achievement requires
different sets of appropriate indicators for
different contexts
• For water entitlements as part of access to
environmental goods
• For water rights as groups, individuals and
institutions in irrigation and agriculture
• For access to potable water in rural and urban
contexts (where the poor may pay many times
more than the rich).
• A look at Asia Pacific experiences has shown that
no single set of water reform interventions have
been sufficient for effective poverty alleviation in all
water sectors
• A balanced and realistic approach is required
under each set of circumstances
• An effective package of pro-poor water reforms
may require interventions in areas other than water
• This points towards more proactive use of IWRM
approaches that calls for a balance among water
efficiency, equity and environmental sustainability
Approaching Different Water
Reform Sectors
• We have seen how different factors impact upon
different sectors of water use and management
• To be pro-poor each of these sectors would have
to work with different sets of interventions under
different conditions
• Sometimes reform processes will have to create
the necessary conditions first, within which pro-
poor approaches can be realized
Pro-Poor Irrigation Reforms
Irrigation and agriculture reforms are likely to
generate significant outcomes for the poor only if
some or all of the following conditions exist or can
be created:
- Land holdings are more or less of the same size (and not
skewed between some huge farms and many tiny ones) or
land is better distributed through land reforms
- Farmers are socio-economically homogeneous (ie all hold
land titles rather than some owning land while the others are
landless and caught in a system of sharecropping land
tenure) and can compete for benefits equally
- Irrigated agriculture is profitable as a whole
- Actual benefits of irrigation go to all types of farmers (both
land owners and the landless) and can be easily calculated
- There are incentives in place for better managing service
delivery and quality
- Farmers pay for water based on satisfactory service delivery
(ie service providers are made accountable)
- Irrigation schemes and programmes are specifically designed
to benefit the poor by putting in specific conditions for
investments, repairs and rehabilitation of water infrastructure
Water Rights Reform
• In terms of water rights as a means of alleviating
poverty, in situations where land ownership
determine water rights, it is land ownership that
needs to be tackled effectively as a pro-poor
intervention
• In cases where a right to quantum of water is
determined by type of use, tradition or legal
entitlement, water reform will need to ensure that
all those that are entitled are clearly defined as
such, through legal recourse.
• Given that the Asia Pacific region has millions of farmers, both land
holding and landless, and millions of people who have direct
environmental entitlements, it would be extremely challenging, if not
impossible, to recognize individual water rights
• Water rights can be held by collective organizations such as water
user associations, local government and water utilities.
• However in a region of many inequalities, this option would be open
to abuse
The argument for the role that secure rights to land can play in
reducing poverty are much more compelling in the Asia Pacific
context than water rights
Poor-Poor Participation Reform
• As yet no set of agreed indicators to show poverty
reduction or degree of ‘pro poor-ness’ as a result
of stakeholder participatory and user management
of water
• Water reform options in this area are likely to
remain perfunctory
• Indicators need to be developed
• Ways found to determine the direct and impacts of
participatory decision-making and user
management, especially in circumstances where
the participants are socially or economically
‘unequal’.
Water Conservation Reform
• There has been perhaps the greatest thrust in terms of water
reform initiatives in this area
• There has to be a stated and proactive pro-poor affirmative
action (of the type seen in women’s empowerment
movements and interventions)
• Conservation attempts often end up displacing the very poor
whose survival depends on environmental entitlements
• Water conservation projects can undergo a process to
explicitly state the number of poor people, the nature of their
water entitlements, and how they can be helped to come out
of poverty (or at least be prevented from becoming even
poorer).
Thank You!
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