POLICES PROGRAMMES AND CASES
Prof. Rajendra Prasad
Centre for Rural Development and Technology
• Synonymous with Development
• Phenomenon of last 3 centuries only
• Heavy utilisation of natural resources and hence there
• Major cause of disparity and poverty among nations and
• Adverse environmental impact- Pollution of land, air and
water, greenhouse effect, ozone layer depletion, floods,
melting of glaciers, soil erosion, deforestation
• Over mechanization, automation, excessive speed, mass
production, global marketing, labour exploitation
• Decivilization, dehumanization, crimes, wars, conflicts
• Colonization, militarization, terrorization
• Not synonymous with Development
• A part of human development
• Rational utilisation of natural resources and hence sustainable
• Should not cause disparity and poverty rather harmony and
prosperity among nations and within nations
• Eco-friendly, environmentally sustainable, non polluting for
land, air and water
• Balanced mechanization and automation, affordable speeds,
production by masses, local marketing but global welfare
• Cultural and civilization promoting based on human values
minimising crimes, wars and conflicts
• World as a community
BASIC ELEMENTS OF INDUSTRILIZATION
• Knowledge-Develops through civilization.
• Science- Develops through knowledge.
• Technology-Develops through application of
• Resources-Mainly renewables and judicious use
• One of the most advanced and developed
civilization, hence a accumulated source of
• Indian Sciences may be different from modern
sciences, particularly from its approach to looking at
the reality. Probably a reached its zenith millenniums
of years back but may be going down for the last few
thousands of years.
• Technology simple, almost no cost, yet accurate and
effective, well within the reach of a common person.
Most of them in practice till a couple of centuries
INDIAN SITUTATION (CONTD...)
• Organization- a very weak nation, still
living in the colonial mentality despite
• People- second largest nation on the
earth, huge markets, huge strength, huge
skilled man- power unutilized.
• Resources- huge natural resources, both
renewable and non-renewable, mostly
exploited by others (nations).
Geocentric (Ptolemaic) System
• The accepted model for
• The earth is at the center
• The Sun, stars, and
planets on their spheres
revolve around the earth: explains daily movement
• To account for unusual planetary motion epicycles were introduced
• Fit the Greek model of heavenly perfection – spheres are the perfect
shape, circular the perfect motion
Heliocentric (Copernican) System
• Sun at center (heliocentric)
• Uniform, circular motion
– No epicycles (almost)
• Moon orbited the earth, the earth orbited the sun
as another planet
• Planets and stars still on fixed spheres, stars don’t
• The daily motion of the stars results from the
• The annual motion of the stars results from the
• Turned a telescope toward the heavens
• Made observations that:
– contradicted the perfection of the heavens
• Mountains, valleys, and craters on the Moon
• Imperfections on the Sun (sunspots)
– Supported the heliocentric universe
• Moons of Jupiter
• Phases of Venus – shows a full phase
• Had two sets of astronomical
tables: one based on Ptolemy’s
theory and one based on
• He found that both tables’
predictions were off by days
to a month.
• He believed that much better
tables could be constructed
just by more accurate observations.
• Tycho’s homemade instruments improved measurement precision from
ten minutes of arc (which had held since Ptolemy) to less than one
The Industrial Revolution
Mechanization, Urban Growth,
A New Kind of Revolution
In the 1700s conditions in Great Britain led to the rapid growth of the
textile industry, which in turn led to huge changes in many other
• Why did the Industrial Revolution begin in Great Britain?
• How did industrialization cause a revolution in the production of
• How did steam power the Industrial Revolution?
• Where did industrialization spread beyond Great Britain?
A Revolution in Great Britain
During the 1700s changes in technology began based on the use of power-driven
machinery. This era is called the Industrial Revolution.
Factors for Success Agricultural Factors
• Exploration and colonialism • Research and development on
• Jethro Tull, seed drill
• Political stability
• Improved livestock breeding
• Government support
• Better varieties of food crops
• Growth of private investment
– Increased food supply
– Population grew
• Enclosure movement
Britain’s Big Advantage
The Industrial Revolution began in Great Britain.
• Had essential elements for economic success
• Factors of production
Find the Main Idea
Why was Great Britain in the 1700s ideally
suited to be the birthplace of the Industrial
Answer(s): Colonies around the world supplied raw
materials; powerful navy and merchant fleet facilitated
trade; waterways provided power and transportation;
enclosure movement led to large labor supply; private
investors provided funds for investment; coal and iron
deposits provided needed resources
A Revolution in Textiles
• Beginning of Industrial Revolution
• Weaving was a cottage industry
• Labor performed at home
• Industrialization transformed this
New Way of Making Cloth Cloth-making in Factories
• Fabric made of wool or cotton • Cottages too small
• Supply of fibers increased in the 1700s
• Factory invented
• Slave labor in America
• Invention of cotton gin • Power for factories?
• Invention of spinning jenny
• Water frame for water power
• Invention of flying shuttle
• Output increased 8x by 1770
Identify Problem and Solution
How did machines solve problems that weavers
Answer(s): spinning jenny and spinning frame spun
thread into yarn, "flying shuttle" and power loom made
Steam Powers the Revolution
Development of Steam Engine Coal for Steam Engines
• Steam engines needed large amounts
• First successful steam engine in 1712
• Wood scarce
• Innovations by James Watt
• Coal mining industry
• Steam power versus water power
• Changing landscapes
• Steam locomotives
• Dangers of mining
• Robert Fulton
What impact did the steam engine have on the
growth of British industry?
Answer(s): major impact; used in textile mills,
factories could be located away from rivers, powered
locomotives and ships, led to development of coal as a
resource, more factories built near northern coal mines
Industrialization soon spread to western Europe and the United States. Other regions
did not industrialize in the 1800s. What was it about Western countries that
encouraged them to embrace industry?
Why Western America Europe
• British restrictions • Belgium, 1807
• Political liberty
• Hamilton, 1791 • France, 1815
• Freedom to compete
• Samuel Slater • Germany, 1850
• Rewards reaped
– Water frame – Railroads
• Exploitation and
improvements – Slater’s Mill – Treaties
• Lowell’s Mill
Industry in Asia
Eventually, industry spread to Asia.
• Japan first in 1868
• Meiji government
• The 1900s—industrialization for
Compare and Contrast
How did industrialization in Britain compare to
the process in America and Europe?
Answer(s): Britain industrialized first, America and
Europe benefited from earlier inventions; Lowell
factory in Massachusetts was first all-in-one mill;
political issues delayed industrial development in
• During the first half of the
19th century, the European
shifted from small-scale
production by hand at
home to large-scale
production by machine in
a factory setting.
At the Expense of Workers
• The shift meant high quality
products at competitive prices,
but often at the expense of
workers. For example, the raw
wool and cotton that fed the
British textile mills came from:
– Lands converted from farming to
sheep raising, leaving farm workers
– The southern plantations of the
United States, which were
dependent upon slave labor
• Those who could no
longer make a living
on the land migrated
from the countryside
to the cities to seek
work in the factories.
1850: Population Living in Cities
100 England &
50 50 France &
• At the same time, the
population of Europe
continued to grow.
The Plight of the Cities
• The sheer number of human
beings put pressure on city
– Housing, water, sewers, food
supplies, and lighting were
Slums grew and disease, especially cholera, ravaged the population.
Crime increased and became a way of life for those who could make
a living in no other way.
Conditions in the Countryside
• The only successful farmers
were those with large
landholdings who could afford
• Most peasants:
– Didn’t have enough land to
– Were devastated by poor harvests
(e.g., the Irish Potato Famine of
– Were forced to move to the cities
to find work in the factories.
The Role of the Railroads
• The railroads, built during the
1830s and 1840s:
– Enabled people to leave the
place of their birth and migrate
easily to the cities.
– Allowed cheaper and more
rapid transport of raw
materials and finished
– Created an increased demand
for iron and steel and a skilled
The Labor Force
• No single description could include
all of these 19th century workers:
– Factory workers
– Urban artisans
– Domestic system craftsmen
– Household servants
– Countryside peddlers
– Farm workers
– Railroad workers
• Variations in duties, income, and
working conditions made it difficult
for them to unite.
The Condition of Labor
• All working people, however,
faced possible unemployment,
with little or no provision for
• In addition, they were subject to
various kinds of discipline:
– The closing of factory gates to late
– Fines for tardiness
– Dismissal for drunkenness
– Public censure for poor quality
– Beatings for non-submissiveness
• During the century, factory
workers underwent a
they lost control of the
means of production).
Factory owners provided the financial capital to construct the factory, to
purchase the machinery, and to secure the raw materials.
The factory workers merely exchanged their labor for wages.
Family Structures Changed
• With the decline of the domestic
system and the rise of the factory
system, family life changed.
– At first, the entire family,
including the children, worked in
the factory, just as they had at
– Later, family life became
fragmented (the father worked in
the factory, the mother handled
domestic chores, the children
went to school).
Family as a Unit of Consumption
• In short, the European
family changed from
being a unit of production
and consumption to being
a unit of consumption
• That transformation prepared
the way for gender-determined
– Women came to be associated
with domestic duties, such as
housekeeping, food preparation,
child rearing and nurturing, and
– The man came to be associated
almost exclusively with
Poverty is the lack of basic necessities
that all human beings must have: food
and water, shelter, education, medical
care, security, etc. A multi-dimensional
issue, poverty exceeds all social,
economic, and political boundaries. As
such, efforts to alleviate poverty must
be informed of a variety of different
4.4 billion people live in developing countries.
Of these …
Three-fifths lack basic
Almost one third have no access to
A quarter do not have
A fifth have no access to
modern health services
“The amount of money the
On chocolate each year
could make Africa
NOT live in poverty”
... In 1997 the richest fifth of the
world’s population had 74 times
the income of the poorest fifth.
..The top three billionaires have
assets greater than the combined
GNP of all least developed
countries and their 600 million
Everyone has the right to a standard of living
adequate for the health and well-being of
him/(her)self and his/(her) family, including food,
clothing, housing and medical care and
necessary social services... Everyone has the
right to education.
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
WHAT CAN WE DO TO HELP
THIS RULE HAPPEN?
Percentage of people living below the
Europe and Central Asia
Latin America and Caribbean
Middle East and North Africa
Causes of third world poverty
Third world countries lose out
through unfair trade agreements,
lack of technology and
investment, and rapidly changing
prices for their goods.
Work and globalisation
Better communications and transport have led to a
“globalised” economy. Companies look for low-
cost countries to invest in. This can mean that,
though there are jobs, they are low-paid.
War or conflict
When a country is at war (including civil war)
basic services like education are disrupted.
People leave their homes as refugees. Crops are
Third world countries have to pay interest on their
debts. This means they cannot afford to spend
enough on basic services like health and
education; nor on things like transport or
communications that might attract investment.
If you have land you can grow your own food.
But many people in the Third World have had
their land taken over by large businesses, often
to grow crops for export.
Affordable or free health care is necessary for
development. In poor countries the
percentage of children who die under the age
of five is much higher than in rich countries.
HIV/AIDS is having a devastating effect on the
HIV is now the single greatest threat to future economic development in Africa. AIDS
kills adults in the prime of their working and parenting lives, decimates the work force,
fractures and impoverishes families, orphans millions...
· Callisto Madavo, vice-president of the World Bank, Africa region 1999
Food and education
Affordable, secure food supplies are vital.
Malnutrition causes severe health problems, and
can also affect education. Without education it is
difficult to escape from poverty. This becomes a
vicious circle – people who live in poverty cannot
afford to send their children to school.
When we measure poverty we find differences
between the level experienced by men or boys,
and women or girls. Women may be
disadvantaged through lack of access to education;
in some countries they are not allowed to own or
inherit land; they are less well paid than men.
A child born in an industrialised country will add
more to pollution over his or her lifetime than 30-
50 children born in the Third World. However, the
third world child is likely to experience the
consequences of pollution in a much more
devastating way. For example, annual carbon
dioxide emissions have quadrupled in the last 50
years. This contributes to global warming, leading
to devastating changes in weather patterns.
Bangladesh could lose up to 17% of its land area
as water levels rise.
2015 poverty targets
Members of the Organisation for Co-operation and
Development (OECD) agreed these after the 1995
Copenhagen summit. They aim to reduce poverty in
third world countries by at least one half by 2015.
At the same summit some governments agreed that
20% of aid and 20% of the budget of the developing
country receiving that aid would be spent on basic
Access to basic services for everyone would cost
approximately $US40 billion more per year than is
spent now. This is 0.1% of world income. World
military spending is $US780 billion per year. US$50
billion is spent on cigarettes in Europe every year.
Fair trade guarantees higher, more stable prices for
third world producers. Look out for products with a
Poverty In India
Alex Lally and Ally Hannigan
• One fifth of the world’s people live on less
than $ 1 a day, and 44% of them are in South
• 26 percent of India is below the poverty line
• This is happening in mainly in rural areas of
Poverty in the States of India
• One half of India’s poor is located the three
states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya
• Maharashtra, West Bengal and Orissa account
for 22.5% of poverty
Female Literacy and Infant Mortality Rates
• Lack of food and health care due to low
income/assets is associated with the higher
probability of a new born child dying between
birth and the age of one
• The High Female illiteracy rate has a major
impact on IMR
• If more women were literate the IMR would
be much higher
Why is this Happening
• Even though India’s economy is growing there
wealth distribution is uneven
• 1/4 of the nation's population earns less than
the government-specified $0.40/day
• Unemployment and underemployment
• Over-reliance on agriculture
• High population growth rate
• The Caste System(Hindu Religion) prevents
people from educational, ownership, and
What is Being Done
• Microfinance( very small loans) has helped
India a lot
• There are multiple organization to help feed
them and keep there agriculture going
• The Planning Commission sets up a five year
plan for India to help them achieve goal such
as ending poverty
Positive Things Happening in India:
• Currently India adds 40 million people to its
middle class every year
• estimated 300 million Indians now belong to
the middle class
• one-third of them have emerged from poverty
in the last ten years
• It is predicted that by 2025 the Majority of
Indians will live in middle class
The Government of India says that
24% of India’s population is below the
* Planning Commission of India, 1999-2000, Government of India
However, we also know that…
• 80% of India does not have access to public health facilities. (Dr.
Anbumani Ramadoss, Minister for Health and Family Welfare)
• 47% of Indian children under the age of 5 years are
undernourished. (Human Development Report 2005, UNDP)
• 71% of the children in 15-19 age group have not completed a
secondary education, their fundamental right. (National Sample Survey on
Education, 1999-00, NSSO)
• 57% of India does not have access to electricity.
(World Development Indicators 2005, World Bank)
• 70% of India does not have access to a suitable toilet. (National Sample
Survey on Housing, 2004, NSSO)
• 49% of India does not have proper shelter.
(National Sample Survey on Housing, 2004, NSSO)
• 38% of India does not have access to a nearby water source.
(National Family Health Survey, 1998-99, IIPS)
Despite such abysmal figures on India’s
development, how can the
government claim that only 24% of
India is poor?
Clearly something is amiss…
The answer lies in how poverty is
defined in India
• The present poverty line is a conveniently low
threshold based largely on only caloric norms.
• In fact, it should be called the starvation line.
• It does not factor in norms for nutrition, health,
clothing, housing, education etc.
• Even worse is that the Planning Commission
recognizes this shortcoming and yet doesn’t do
anything about it.
“I have learnt to seek my happiness by
limiting my desires rather than
attempting to satisfy them.”
John Stuart Mill
What is this inadequate definition?
• In 1999-2000, the poverty line defined by the
Government of India was Rs. 327 and Rs. 454
per month per capita in rural and urban India
• Adjusting for inflation, this now comes to Rs.
368 and Rs. 559.
• Thus ONLY those who live below Rs. 559 a
month in our cities (or Rs. 368 in our villages)
are considered to be poor by the Indian
How is this “starvation line” calculated?
• The present line is based on the norm that the
average person in rural India should consume 2400
calories a day and a person from urban India should
consume 2100 calories a day.
• The minimum cost of obtaining such nutrition (about
650 grams of grains) was calculated in 1979 when
this line was formed.
• All those who spent less than this amount on food
were considered poor.
• Since then, this amount was periodically updated
based on inflation.
The inadequacy of the present poverty
• The definition is based on a caloric norm that is
3 decades old!
• Research shows that even those who are
currently above the poverty line do not meet
the prescribed caloric norms.
• Calories are anyway an insufficient nutritional
norm as it does not include the need for
minerals, vitamins, etc.
• Most importantly, no norms for other basic
needs such as healthcare, shelter, electricity,
education have been factored in.
Table 1: Percentage and Number of Poor in India since 1973 *
Annual Real Rate
Percentage of Number of Poor
Year of Decline in the
Number of Poor ^
1973-74 54.9 % 32.13 -
1977-78 51.3 % 32.89 ( 0.59 %)
1983 44.5 % 32.29 0.31 %
1987-88 38.9 % 30.71 1.25 %
1993-94 36.0 % 32.03 ( 0.70 %)
1999-00 26.1 % 26.02 3.40 %
2004** 23.6 % 24.97 0.82 %
* As per the Expert Group Methodology
^ A negative rate of decline means the number of poor increased
** Based on the estimated population of 2004 and poverty ratio
calculated using the latest National Sample Survey in 2004.
Source: National Institute of Rural Development (2004): Rural
Development Statistics, 2002-03.
The story of India’s poor
• Even though there has been a decline in the
number of poor in percentage terms the
absolutes numbers remain quite high.
• The absolute number of poor declined from
32 crores (out of the 58.4 crores population)
in 1973 to 24.97 crores (out of 109 crores
population) in 2004.
• The annual decline is a mere 0.81%
How defining poverty affects policy
• The present inadequate definition of poverty
has ensured that all policies aimed at
alleviating poverty aim much too low.
• They focus just on the elimination of hunger
rather than on eliminating poverty as a whole.
• If every “starving” person was given 650 gms
of food grains daily it would cost Rs. 57000
crores a year.
• Total wage bill of babus is over Rs. 220,000*
*Government of India (2005c): National Accounts Statistics 2005,
The National Rural Employment Guarantee
• The present NREGS guarantees one able-bodied
member of each family work at a wage of Rs. 60 a
• Therefore even if this person works on all 30 days of
a month, he/she earns only Rs. 1800.
• For a family of 5, that amounts to Rs. 360 per person,
which is exactly what the rural poverty line is right
• Therefore, this at best only ensures that each person
in the family consumes a certain quantity of food
grains. Moreover, the guarantee is only for 100 days
in a year leaving the poor to fend for themselves for
the rest of the 265 days.
Towards a more realistic definition of
• We should aim to define poverty that
visualizes it in a more human and humane
• CPAS poverty line includes the cost of a
nutritious diet, healthcare, clothing, etc.
• We have also included those items that
cannot be described monetarily – such as
access to water, housing, education, etc.
I. Nutritional norms and costs
• The National Institute of Nutrition (NIN) postulates
what it considers is a nutritious diet for healthy
• Along with this information and the prices of various
food items (obtained from various official sources),
one can calculate the cost of this diet.
• Using the age-sex distribution information of the
population, one can calculate that the per capita
expenditure on food that provides for the
recommended balanced diet for the average Indian
person should be around Rs. 573 per month.
Cost of Diet (in Rs.)
Food groups Infants Years
month 1-3 4-6 7-9 10-12 13-18 Adult
Girl Boy Girl Boy Wom
s s s s an
Cereals 0.45 1.2 2.09 2.69 2.69 3.29 2.99 4.19 4.79 6.88
Pulses 0.44 0.87 1.31 1.74 1.74 1.74 1.74 1.74 2.61 2.61
Milk 7.5 7.5 7.5 7.5 7.5 7.5 7.5 7.5 4.5 4.5
Vegetables 0.78 1.17 1.57 2.35 2.35 2.35 2.35 3.13 3.13 3.13
Fruits 1.66 1.66 1.66 1.66 1.66 1.66 1.66 1.66 1.66 1.66
Sugar 0.48 0.48 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.67 0.58 0.67 0.864 1.056
0.53 1.06 1.32 1.32 1.32 1.32 1.32 1.32 2.12 2.91
Total daily 17.8 18.5 18.1 20.2
11.84 13.94 16.03 17.84 19.67 22.75
cost 4 3 4 1
360 424 487 543 543 563 552 615 598 692
Note: Cereals include an average of rice and wheat (Rs. 9.97)
Price of Arhar is used for pulses
Mustard oil is used for calculations on visible fats/oils
Source: Calculated using Table 3 and 4.
II. Meeting basic health needs
• Average monthly per capita healthcare cost can be
calculated by multiplying the probability of requiring
medical care with the actual cost of such medical
care. This is called the ‘expected value’ of healthcare
• The ‘Universal Health Insurance Scheme’* is a health
insurance scheme targeted at the low-income group.
As per this scheme, for a premium of Rs. 365 per
annum, an individual can get insured for all in-patient
medical care up to a sum of Rs. 30,000.
• Therefore Rs. 365 per annum or Rs. 30 per month per
capita is the ‘expected value’ of health expenditure
for the poor in India.
*Ahuja, Rajeev (2004): “Health Insurance for the Poor in India”, Working Paper No. 123,
Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations.
III. Access to water
• The minimum water consumption as per the
World Health Organisation should be about 50
litres a day per person to cover consumption
and hygiene needs.
• However, as per the latest National Family
Health Survey of 1999-00, 37.7% of
households do not have access to safe water
supply within 15 minutes of their home
• You cannot put a price on this.
IV. Access to shelter
• Detailed qualitative information about housing in India is
hard to come by. However, there is information on the
percentage of households living in pucca’, ‘semi-pucca’ or
‘katcha’ houses from a nationwide survey on housing
done in 2002
• In rural and urban areas, 64% and 23%* of the
households respectively do not have a pucca house.
• Thus a weighted average of 49% of all households do not
have shelter that meets our minimum standards.
*Government of India (2004b): NSS Report No. 488: Housing Condition in India, Housing
Stock and Constructions, NSS 58th Round, July 2002-December 2002, National Sample
Survey Organisation, New Delhi.
• The condition of public sanitation is extremely
poor in India. Even the most basic living standard
demands that a dwelling unit should have access
to a latrine that is either connected to a sewage
line or a septic tank.
• However, 89 per cent and 37 per cent of rural
and urban India, respectively, or a weighted
average of 69.5 per cent of Indians, do not have
access to such a latrine facility*.
*Government of India (2004b): NSS Report No. 488: Housing Condition in India, Housing
Stock and Constructions, NSS 58th Round, July 2002-December 2002, National Sample
Survey Organisation, New Delhi.
VI. The cost of energy
• Presently, about 57 per cent of Indian households
do not have electricity.
• Even in households that have an electricity
connection, the supply of electricity is extremely
• With minimal fittings and reasonable usage, the
monthly cost on electricity comes to Rs. 175 for a
• Considering that there are 4.99 persons to a
household in India, the per capita monthly
expenditure on electricity comes to Rs. 35.
*Government of India (2003): Electricity Act, 2003, Ministry of Power, New Delhi
**Rate list printed by BSES, 2005
Minimum Electricity Consumption of a Household in a Month
Usage Cost (Rs.
Wattage Quantity h
Appliance (hours/ 2.2 per
(A) (B) (AxBxCx30)
day) (C) unit)
Ceiling Fan 80 2 12 57.6 126.72
Light Bulb 40 2 4 9.6 21.12
Tax * 7.39
TOTAL 67.2 175.23
* 5% tax on variable cost
Source: Rate list printed by BSES, 2005
Main Type of Fuel Used for Cooking in India (percentage)
Type of fuel Urban Rural All India
Wood 23.1 73.1 59.3
Crop residues 0.5 8.1 6.0
Dung Cakes 1.4 8.4 6.5
Coal/Coke/Lignite/Charcoal 4.9 1.7 2.6
Kerosene 21.5 2.7 7.9
Electricity 0.8 0.2 0.4
LPG 46.9 5.1 16.7
Biogas 0.6 0.5 0.5
Others 0.2 0.2 0.2
Total 100 100 100
Source: International Institute of Population Sciences [IIPS] and ORC Macro (2000): National Family Health Survey
(NFHS-2), 1998-99, IIPS, Mumbai.
VII. Clothing requirement
• Calculating the basic need of clothing is
difficult, as requirements vary considerably
according to region, gender, age and culture.
• We calculated the minimum amount of cloth
required and its cost for persons by age and
gender living in the plains.
• The weighted average of the total costs came
to Rs 207 per annum on clothing.
Minimum Clothing Requirements and Cost
Child Male Female
Male Adult Female Adult
(Age: 0-4) (Age: 5-17) (Age: 5-17)
* 3.3 metres
* 1 metre of * 3.6 metres of of shirt
* 1.4 metres
shirt shirt material material
of shirt * 1 three-metre
material * 2 metres of * 1.8 metres
Clothing * 0.8 metre trouser material of skirt/salwar
* 1.2 metres * 1 metre of
of trouser (includes one material
Require material pair of clothing (includes one
of trouser blouse material
ments material (includes one
(includes and two uniform pair of
(includes one sari and a
two pairs of shirts and one clothing and
pair of blouse)
children’s uniform two pairs of
wear) shorts/trousers) school
150.68 267.96 343.00 190.39 131.07
Price of cloth for shirt, pyjama, cloth, etc: Rs. 47.85
Price of cloth for coat, trousers, overcoat, etc: Rs. 102.83
Price of sari (3 m): Rs. 83.22
Prices are calculated using the weighted average of the rate at which urban and rural India bought cloth material as given in GoI 2001c. The figure is
adjusted for inflation.
VIII. The right to education
• About 71.16% of the people in the 15-19 year age
group had not completed a secondary
• It should be the minimum responsibility of the State
to ensure that each young citizen has access to cost-
free schooling with adequate infrastructure and
• Moreover, such an institution should lie within a 2
km radius of each person’s home so as to ensure not
more than 30 minutes are spent walking to school.
*National Sample Survey on Education in 1999-00
IX. Access to an All-Weather Road and Public
• Connectivity is probably the single most important
factor guiding whether people of a particular region
are being able to access their basic needs of
education, healthcare, shelter etc.
• Around 43% of Indian villages or over 2,70,000
villages are not connected by road*.
• Furthermore, around 25% of villages that have a
population of over 1000 are not connected by
*Lok Sabha Starred Question No. 238, dated 13.03.2001.
**Government of India (2002b): National Human Development Report, Planning
Commission, New Delhi
X. Miscellaneous expenditures
Monthly Per Capita Miscellaneous Expenditure
• The total cost of obtaining the (in Rs., adjusted for inflation)
four quantified variables namely
– nutrition, healthcare, clothing
and energy consumption comes Item Rural Urban
to Rs. 675 per person per month. Average
• Apart from this there are
miscellaneous expenditures Consumer 51.57 67.40 54.14
• This paper includes expenditure Goods
under the heads of Miscellaneous
‘miscellaneous consumer goods’, Consumer 74.86 85.76 74.66
‘miscellaneous consumer Services
services’ and ‘durable goods’. Durable Goods 30.25 22.55 26.23
• The total monthly miscellaneous
expenditure comes to Rs. 164 Total 157 176 164
per person. Source: Government of India (2001a): NSS Report No. 454:
Household Consumer Expenditure in India, 1999-2000
– Key Results, National Sample Survey Organisation,
Poverty Ratio using a Holistic Poverty Line
Weighted Average 68.8
Calculated using Government of India (2001a): NSS Report No. 454: Household Consumer
Expenditure in India, 1999-2000 – Key Results, National Sample Survey Organisation, New Delhi &
Government of India (2005b): “Statistics, Index Numbers”, Labour Bureau, October 2005 &a poverty
line of Rs. 840.
The bare truth
• 37.7% of Indian households do not have
access to a nearby water source,
• 49% do not have a proper shelter,
• 69.5% do not have access to suitable toilets,
• 85.2% of Indian villages do not have a
secondary school and
• 43% of Indian villages do not have an all-
weather road connecting them.
The redefined poverty line
• Summing up minimum costs for nutrition (Rs.
573), health (Rs. 30), clothing (Rs. 17), energy
consumption (Rs. 55) and miscellaneous
expenditure (Rs. 164); the poverty line in
India should be about Rs. 840 per capita per
*The actual sum is Rs. 839; we round it off for convenience.
• A person is poor in India if he or she has a
monthly per capita expenditure lesser
than Rs. 840 OR does not have access to
either drinking water; proper shelter;
sanitation; quality secondary education; or
an all-weather road with public transport.
Technology, Culture, and Empire:
The Colonial Age
• In 1498 Vasco da Gama opened sea
route to India
• Before 1498, the civilizations of
Europe and India virtually, and in a
greatly limited sense, geographically
isolated from one another.
• Rise of Islam: Changez Khan and Vasco da Gama
• Even after 1498, in fact till the year
1800, the relation between East and
west still continued to be conducted
within a framework and on terms
established by Asian nations.
• For the two hundred and thirty years after
Albuquerque’s disastrous attempt to challenge
the power of the Zomorin of Calicut (1506)-he
had to be carried unconscious to his ship-no
European nation attempted any military
conquest or tried to bring any ruler under
control. In 1739, for example, the Dutch who
came up against the Raja of Travancore had to
• Company settlement made possible in Madras
in 1708 after grant of 5 villages by regime in
• In addressing the Emperor one of the
Englishmen described himself as “the smallest
particle of sand, John Russell, President of
East India Company with his forehead at
command rubbed on the ground”
• Europe at the time had but little to offer to
• Founding of East India Company in 1600
• Company’s attempt to establish trade with China
• Tried to dispose English woollen cloth on spice-
• Discovered: only commodity acceptable was
Indian textiles and it prompted it to seek a
market for its woollen goods in India
• Ideas was to buy inn return the Indian cotton and
silks wanted by spice-islands
• English ships reached Surat (Gujarat) in 1608.
• In 1611 the company's factor wrote top directors
in England “ Concerning cloth, which is the main
staple commodity of our land.....it is so little
regarded by the people of this country that they
use it but seldom”
• Decade later company abandoned hope for big Asian
market for English cloths
• Some other commodity had to be battered if company
wished to get hands on spices and pepper of Malay
• Other alternatives: looking glasses, sword blades, oil
paintings, drinking glasses, quicksilver, coral and lead.
• To simulate the demand for English lead, it was decided
to send out “plumbers to teach them the use of pumps
for their gardens and spouts on their houses”.
• Followed by scheme to persuade Jahangir to pay for
erection of waterworks for the supply of Agra.
• London Directors heard “ Indians are superstitious and
wash their hands whenever they go to their worship”,
immediately ordered the dispatch of a consignment of
wash-basin for trial sale
• It was concluded that “no commodity brought out is
staple enough to provide (in return) cargo for one ship”
• Company was compelled to fall back on the
export of bullions (in form of gold and silver)
for purchase of goods in India
• The Moghul empire declined in the first half of the
eighteenth century: more precisely, effective central
control over the Empire’s territories was loosened and
lost after the death of Bhadur Shah-I in 1712.
• The decline of central Moghul power did not mean
much to economy is evident from a quick look at the
trade figures of the economy after Moghul decline.
• In 1708, Britain imported goods from India worth
4,93,257 pounds and exported in return goods worth
• By 1730, while the imports to England rose to
10,59,759, the exports fell to 1,35,484 pound .
• In 1748, imports into Britain were still 10,98,712 and
the exports had declined further to 27224 pounds. The
balance was paid by Britain in bullion.
• In fact between 1710 and 1745, India received
17047173 pound in bullion.
• By 1757, the East India Company, with the
support of a powerful Hindu capitalist, had
gained a foothold in politics of Bengal.
• Hindu merchants were keen to associate with
foreigners to reap huge profits.
• The east India company received the right of
revenue of a district: the twenty-four
• By 1764 Moghul emperor was forced to
extend the revenue rights of the company to
other territories in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.
• The company’s early administered in Bengal is
too sordid: it used its monopoly positions to
impose taxes of numerous kinds on different
products including salt, betel–nut, tobacco .
• The Indian textile industry declined before the
industrial revolution in Britain. The
displacement of Muslim aristocracy
simultaneously displaced domestic demand.
• A famine in Bengal in 1770 decreased Bengal’s
population by a third.
• The company’s behaviour toward the weaver
• Political power of English allowed entire good
to be sold to them.
• A document of that time noted: “ they
trade.....in all kind of grains, linen and
whatever other commodities are provided in
the country. In order to purchase these
articles, they force their money on the riots
and having by these oppressive methods
bought the goods at a low rate, they oblige
the inhabitants and the shopkeepers to take
them at a high price, exceeding what is paid in
the markets. There is now scarce anything left
in the country”
• After the company took over the
administration of Bengal, the once favourable
balance of trade was reversed.
• In 1773, a report made to parliament
calculated revenue collections to be
1,30,66,761 pounds for six years. And
expenditure was 90,27,609 pounds. Company
was left with 40,37,152 pounds.
• This surplus was used to purchase Indian
products for exports into Britain: thus did the
colonial “drain” begin.
• Bengal had a surplus on trade with other parts
of India and these revenues were used by East
India Company to finance military campaign in
Madras and Bombay.
• Also to finance local cost of servants and
• The annual net transfer of resources to the
U.K. Amounted to about 1.8 million pounds in
• Indian cotton manufactures continued to be
to be imported into Britain.
• It reached peak in 1798 and in 1813 it was
about 2 million pounds.
• Industrial revolution in England revolutionized
textile industry, the cost dropped to nearly nine-
• But Indian goods were still in demand: WHY?
• Even thirty years after industrial revolution,
Indian goods were still cheaper than machine
• This was due to the fact that the weaving
process in England was not extensively
• Historian H.H. Wilson said: “It was stated in
evidence ( In 1813) that the cotton and silk goods
of India up to the period could be sold for a profit
in the British market at a price from 50 to 60 per
cent lower than those fabricated in England. It
consequently became necessary to protect the
latter by duties of 70 and 80 per cent on their
value, or by positive prohibition. Had this not
been the case, had not such prohibitory duties
and decrees existed, the mills of Paisley and
Manchester would have been stopped in their
outset, and could scarcely have been again set in
motion even by the power of steam…. The
foreign ultimately strangle a competitor with
whom he could not have contended on equal
• In Britain, the power-loom was being used on a wider
scale after 1815.
• In 1814, the quantity of cotton goods exported to India
from Britain had been a mere 818,208 yards; in 1835,
the figure had risen to 51,777,277 yards.
• Duties on Indian goods imported into Britain were
finally repealed in 1846, when Britain legally accepted
the laissez-faire ideology
• By then, the British factory system’s foundations had
been firmly cemented
• There still remained the problem of silk: fine silks could
not be woven by power
• Yet a great deal of raw silk had been continuously
imported into Britain in the 1820s, where it was
worked and later exported to European markets
• Till the thirties, British silk goods had done well in
France, where Indian goods were officially
• Once the prohibition was removed, the entire
British trade collapsed in favor of Indian silks.
• The export of raw silk from India began to
decline; in 1829, India had exported silk worth
• By 1831, this raw silk export had fallen to $
540,000: more raw silk was being used in India
for manufactures for export
• In 1832 British silk exports to France had been
valued in the region of $5,500 and India’s stood
• The duty on Indian finished silk goods into
Britain was fixed at 20 per cent.
• While British finished silk goods to India paid a
nominal duty of about 3-1/2 per cent.
• A proposal to equalize the duties was rejected
by a Select committee, to protect British
• The following discussion between Mr. Cope, a
silk weaver in Britain, is not only significant,
but has contemporary connotations too:
Mr. Brocklehurst: What would be the effect upon this branch of your trade if the
present duty on East Indian silk goods were reduced from 20 to 3-1/2 per cent?
Mr. Cope: In my opinion, it would have the effect of destroying this branch to trade;
and if so it would rob of their employment, and consequently of the means of
living honestly by their labour, all those parties which I have named, and would
make them destitute and reckless, and cause them to become a burden to the rest
of society, whose burdens are already too heavy. It would throw out of
employment a large amount of capital and would give into the hands of foreigners
that employment by which we ought to be supported.
Mr. Elliott: Do you think that a labourer in this country who is able to obtain better
good has a right to say, we will keep the labourer in the East Indies in that position
in which he shall be able to get nothing for his food but rice?
Mr. Cope: I certainly pity the East Indian labourer , but at the same time I have a
greater feeling for my own family than for the East Indian labourer’s family; I think
it is wrong to sacrifice the comforts of my family for the sake of the East Indian
labourer Because his condition happens to be worse than mine; and I think it is
not good legislation to take away our labour and to give it to the East Indian
because his condition is worse than ours.
• There is a clear pattern in the attempts by British
manufacturers to convert India after 1813 into a
complementary satellite economy providing raw
materials and food for Britain and an ever
widening market for its manufactures.
• Twenty years after the enshrining of the free
trade legacy, Richard Cobden, one of the chief
pillars of the Manchester school suggested that
the principles of adam Smith did not govern
relations between Great Britain and India.
• In 1862, Thomas Bazley, the President of the
Manchester Chamber of Commerce, had already
decide that the “ great interest of India was to be
agricultural rather than manufacturing and
• The free traders with their laissez-faire attitudes were
irked beyond reason by those nominal duties the
Indian colonial government levied on English imports
• As Harnetty notes: “The full development of India as a
source of agricultural raw materials (and this meant, of
course, cotton) was inhibited by the Indian cotton
duties which, by protecting native manufactures,
caused the consumption in India of large quantities of
raw cotton that otherwise, i.e., under “ free
competition” would be exported to Great Britain. It
followed that the duties must be abolished, thereby
enhancing the supply of cotton for british industry and
enlarging the market in India for British manufacturing
goods. Such a policy could be justified on theoretical
grounds by the doctrine of free trade”.
• But to encourage India as a producer of raw materials
required more than economic freedom. It also involved a
contradictory policy of governmental paternalism.
Lancashire demanded that the Government of India inspire
the development of private enterprise in the Indian empire
by financing some of this development. In line with this
demand. The authorities in India guaranteed railway
construction and undertook numerous public works. They
also undertook the experimental cultivation of cotton and,
in this connection, made the first attempt at state
interference in India in the fields of production, marketing
• In 1860, the East India and China Association was still
protesting that a new increase in the cotton duties in India
(necessitated by a deficit in the Indian budget) would give a
“ false and impolitic stimulus to yarn spun in India, thereby
serving to keep alive the ultimately unsuccessful contest of
manual power against steam machinery”.
• Another petition from the Manchester chamber of
Commerce in 1860 could continue to claim that any
new tariff on British imports into India would harm not
only the manufacturer of Great Britain but also the
population of India “by diverting their industry from
agricultural pursuits into much less productive
channels under the stimulus of false system of
• Sir Charles Trevelyan, finance minister of India in
1860s, was anxious to see the disappearance of Indian
weaver as a class, a development he thought best for
both Britain and India.
• India would benefit because of weaver, faced with
competition from machine made goods, would be
forced to give up his craft and turn to agriculture; the
increased labour supply would then raise output and
England would benefit since makers of cloth would be
converted into consumers of Lancashire goods.
• It comes as no surprise to learn that when the
cotton duties were totally abolished in 1882.
• The viceroy of India at that time, lord Ripon was
privately willing to admit that it was pressure
rather than fiscal arguments which had led to
their general repeal, and that India had been
sacrificed on the altar of Manchester.
• Chief commissioner of central province argue
that construction of a railway would not only
secure the more rapid export of raw cotton but
also would lower the cost of imported Lancashire
• This in turn would divert, labour from spinning
and weaving to agriculture and so lead to an
extension of areas under cultivation.
• The Scottish firm Fergusson & Co. Established the first
cotton mill in India at Bowreah, Calcutta with 20,000
spindles and 100 looms.
• Fergusson & Co. Also imported Scottish lassies to work
as operatives in the mill-to begin with it was shutdown
• In 1817, the semi-fuedal labour-thekedar apparently
had yet not made his appearance, bringing with him
the impoverished peasant to be turned to industrial
worker with option of starvation, and bare subsistence
under the asurious board of the thekedar and his
principal- a legacy which still continues
• It was in 1859 that the full implication of a restless,
alienated, mobile rural manpower were realized, not
surprisingly in Bengal through the enactment of the
permanent tenancy laws.
• In 1829, at Pondicherry the second cotton mill was
opened, in 1830 another at Calcutta with its supply
• These mills were producing yarn primarily for china
market and had local advantage of reduced freightage.
• The task of displacing the weaver and the spinner was
being pursued by imported piece-goods especially at
• The task of collection and distribution of raw cotton
was done among others by the mill owners
• The multiplication of cotton mills came later in a
• The German war broke out, and with it started
the hemp supply from Russia to mills in
• Feudal Russia converted itself into a semi-
feudal one with its program of import of
continental capital and equipment and
• The disrupted cotton supplies from American
slave plantation, following civil war in USA
(1861-1865), stimulated a cotton epidemic in
• After the end of civil war, there were
bankruptcy but the mills survived.
• The bankruptcy of 1865 must have left a deep
and lasting impressing on Jamshed Tata, then
cotton merchant, who had been rescued by his
income from army supplies.
• In 1860 Jamshed Tata bought an old cotton mill at
Bombay and try to recondition it. In 1877 he
started the empress mills at Nagpur, well in the
interior of cotton growing area with Tata as
managing agents to it
• By 1989 there had been 17 cotton mills with 4
lakh spindles, 4600 looms and 10,000 as labour
force, along with European mangers, engineers
• Till 1900 domestic consumption totally from
handloom, mills mainly for china market.
• In 1927 cloth woven by handloom continued
to supply 26% of total cloth consumption in
• In 1930, Arno Pearse, a Manchester man,
made a study tour in India to observe its
cotton industry. “it is estimated”, he wrote:
“that there are in India intermittently at work
5,00,00,000 spinning wheels (charkhas) which
yield 48 lbs of yarn per spindle per year, and
almost 20,00,000 handlooms.
IRON WORKS AT RAMANAKAPETTAH
By Dr. Benjamin Heyne (1st September 1795)
• Report of the Letchemporam Iron Works; thinking that
Indian manufacture, may prove of essential benefit.
• Excursion to the diamond mines of Mallavilly, proved
• Learned on the road, that many places in the Noozeed
Zemindary, furnished iron for common use; nearest
place was Ramanakapetth.
• 3 coss from Noozeed in the vicinity of some fine large
tanks, from which in favorable seasons a very sufficient
quantity of water might be furnished to produce a
very plentiful harvest of paddy.
• Much better buildings than Noozeed. The streets very
broad, houses good and large.
• Famine of 1790-2 reduced the population from
1,00,374 in 1786 to 57,865 at the end of 1793.
• Before the famine there were 40 smelting furnaces, a
great number of silver and copper smiths, in a state of
affluence; their survivors now poor, in a wretched
• Furnaces now reduced to ten.
• I maund, sold for 2 rupees this place, found eminently
deserving of notice, in the event of adopting for any
large works of this kind, in the Company’s possessions.
The ore can be procured in any quantity, at a less
expense than anywhere else. The nearest hills afford
wood for coals in plenty; many people who would be
glad to be employed in a business.
• Six more in the Noozeed country where iron is
The MODE OF MANUFACTRING IRON IN
By Major James Franklin, Bengal Army, F.R.S, M.R.A.S., (1829)
• Opportunity afforded by the Government of
• Survey of districts of Jabalpur, Baragaon,
Panna, Katola, and Sagur.
• 170 sers of ore, smelted by 140 of charcoal,
produced 70 sers of crude iron in ten hours.
• Smelting furnaces, crude in appearance, very
exact in their interior proportions.
• men ignorant of principle but construct them
• unit of measure breadth of a middle sized man's
finger; 24 of which constitute their large and 20
their small cubit; a constant ratio of 6 to 5
• it is of the least consequence that their
dimensions are larger or smaller, so long as all the
parts are in the same proportion.
• length of these measures on an average 19.20
English inches for large cubit, 16 English inches
for small one.
• As no standard measure, fingers, span and
arm substituted by a piece of stick used in
• large one divided into six parts and small one
into five, of four fingers each
• length of these parts on an average 3.20
• Geometrical Construction of the Furnace:
• Draw a line A.B. equal to a large
cubit of 24 digits or 19.20 English
• divide it into 6 parts;
• at C erect a perpendicular.
• At C to E set off 6 parts, and it will
mark the central point of the
greatest bulge and consequently
the point of greatest heat.
• From E set off 6 more points, and
it will mark the point of cremation
• F to G, 6 parts more, will mark the
line, where it is necessary to
recharge the furnace, after the
burden has sunk thus low.
• G to D-two parts more; will give
the perpendicular height of the
furnace, in 20 parts equal to 5 feet
4 inches of English measure.
• To construct the interior, rule
lines parallel to the base,
through points E, F, G, and D,
and from D. (fig 1) set off three
parts to the left hand for the
• bisect it at J, bisect also the
bottom at H.
• draw H, J, right angled at K, the
oblique axis of the furnace (fig
1. K-J) bisecting all the parallels
corresponding with CD (fig 2).
• make the parallels AB six parts,-
E six parts, F five parts, and D
• rule lines through all these
• geometrical outline will be
• Appendages-Gudaira, Pachar, Garrairi,
• Akaira most extraordinary implement.
(Diagram I, figs 4 and 5; and Diagram II.
• externally a clumsy mass of clay
enveloping the wind tubes (Diagram I.
fig 9) the complete fusion of this mass,
and the perfect completion of the
smelting process must be simultaneous
• if it is too small, or too large, its effect
will immediately be perceived; in the
former case the masset of crude iron
will be full of impurity, and in the latter
the iron will be consumed, and if it
cracks during the operation of smelting,
no remedy-short of dismantling the
furnace and commencing the work
• mean length 4-1/2 parts, breadth 3 parts, and
mean thickness 1-1/2 parts
• exactly equal a twentieth part of the cubic
content of furnace.
• Guddaira-wedge of clay used to adjust the
vertical position of Akaira when placed in the
• Pachar an oblong plate of clay, used in walling up
the orifice after the Akaira is placed,
• Gurairy (diagram I, fig 6) a convex plate of clay;
perforated with holes and used as a grate.
• Made of a single goat skin, 7 parts in breadth
when doubled, and 8 parts in length; for
circular bellows of 5 parts diameter, rise 6
parts in height- having 11-1/4 circular folds;
the wooden nozzles through which the blast is
conveyed into the furnace through Akaira.
Nozzle of the Bellows
• Geometrically-rule a line AB equal 3
parts (Diagram III, fig 2).
• divide it into four, giving one of those
divisions to each of the legs, and two for
the space in the centre.
• set off a perpendicular from C to D equal
• bisect it and the middle point will mark
the apex of the central angle.
• through point D rule a line parallel to AB
and from it as a centre set off each way
3/4 of a part making together 1-1/2
• divide it also into four, giving one of each
to the legs, and two for the space in the
centre. Rule lines to connect all these
• Outline complete, the exterior of the
implement is plain but the interior is Diagram III
complex (Diagram II: fig 3).
• fastened to the bellows by
• blast forced through it at
an angle of 24 degrees but
when it is luted to the
wind tubes of the Akaira,
the blast enters the
furnace at an angle of 12
degrees, both vertically
those tubes are placed so
as to reduce that angle
(Diagram III fig 1 +)
•furnace closed up with clay, and
the bellows luted in, represented
in Diagram III and IV; the dotted
lines showing the chimney, A the
outer walls, B a mound of earth to
strengthen walls, C an upper
chimney of moveable bricks, D
planks laid across the trench to
support the bellows and the man
who works them, E a stone
supporting one end of the plank, F
fork branches supporting an iron
bar on which the other end of
planks rests, and G a simple
apparatus for preventing the
bellows from rising from the planks
when they are worked.
• “The angle of the blast is also worthy of
notice, as well as the simplicity by which both
it and the obliquity of the furnace is obtained;
all these serve to show that the original plan
of this singular furnace must have been the
work of advanced intelligence, and that its
geometrical proportions have been preserved
by simple measures; hence though its original
form may be changed by caprice or ignorance,
its principle never can be lost so long as hands
and fingers remain”.
• The refinery as crude in its
appearance, and as novel in its
construction as the furnace.
• Two refineries required for one
• To construct-arrange a number of
square un-burnt bricks, as in the
ground plan (Diagram V, fig 1),
a, a, a, a- the walls, C the seat of
the refiner, D the anvil.
• Fig 2- a side view, A the chimney,
B the refining furnace. E- piece of
crude iron under the process of
• Dimensions of chimney- about
one cubit broad, one deep and
six in length.
• Fig. 3 a front view- showing the
opening of the furnace.
• When the walls of the chimney finished- top covered with un-
burnt bricks of an oval shape, flat below and convex above.
• Diagram VI - refinery complete, refiner at work on his seat,
bellows-man plying the bellows, and various implements lying
about, A the outside of the chimney, B a mound of earth to
strengthen its wall, C the refining furnace, D a piece of crude
iron undergoing the process of decarbonisation (the dotted
showing the interior of the furnace
MODE OF SMELTING AND REFINING
• Indian smelters use charcoal only.
• Ore- pieces about the size of a walnut.
• fill the chimney of the furnace with charcoal and burn
until all moisture expelled.
• Then throw in small basket of ore, and a larger one of
• Allowed to sink as low as the line G (Diagram 1. fig 1
and 2) when it is again charged.
• Ore and charcoal alternately given in the same
proportions until the operation is complete;
• Scoria begin to flow within an hour, and by that time, it
is known whether the furnace will work well or ill-the
scoria being a sure indication; it is let out by piercing
the grate with an iron spike, and the orifice is again
closed with clay as soon as it is drawn off;
• Bellows worked by three men- by turns;
constantly playing until the process completed.
• Time ascertained by introducing a hooked piece
of iron through the wind tubes, into the
furnace, which shows how much of the Akaira
• The appendage should be totally fused before
the operation is complete.
• The metal never completely melted by this
process-the heterogeneous mixture of the ore
alone is fused and thrown off in scoria.
• Iron freed from it falls by its superior gravity to
the bottom of the furnace, and coagulates
into a mass;
• Bellows removed; front part of the furnace
demolished; red hot mass dragged out,
divided by large ades* before it has time to
cool, the parts of the furnace thus broken up
require daily renewal.
• Daily produce of four smelting furnaces,
from the 30th April to 6 June 1827, most
unfavourable portion of the year for
• Each furnace yielded upon an average
about 18-1/2 Panchseri (5 sers) of crude
metal which is 38% of the ore, every
hundred sers of crude metal yielded 63 sers
of malleable iron which yielded 56% when
wrought up into bars fit for the use in the
QUALITY OF THE IRON
• Captain Presgrave of the Sagar Mint (an officer
very capable of judging with regard to its
• “most excellent quality, possessing all the
desirable properties of malleability, ductility at
different temperatures and of tenacity for all
of which cannot be surpassed by best Swedish
COST OF THE IRON
• Particulars Cost (Rupee)
1. Excavation/mining 25
2. four smelting furnaces, 30
two refineries, one small round furnace
3. Skins, for seven pairs circular bellows 25
• Experiment lasted only five weeks, above outlay
calculated to last a whole season, so a portion of it is only
chargeable to the cost of iron.
• Hammers, anvils and other implement of iron, not being
perishable- chargeable only for reasonable repairs.
• Thus proper proportions of outlay is 15 rupees
6 men for each smelting furnace or 24 for 4 furnace
from 30th April to 6th June, or 1-1/4 month at 4 Rs. Each per mensen 105
Charcoal for the furnace for the same period 115
For digging ore 15
Carriage of ore 15
Carriage of charcoal 15
Total Cost of smelting 270
One Mistry at Rs. 8 and five lohars at Rs. 4 per mensen for
each refinery: this sum doubled for two and for a period of 5 weeks is 63
Teakwood charcoal for the refineries 53
Head man 4
Total cost of refining 120
Total cost of smelting 270
Total expenses 390
225 maunds of malleable iron produced, one rupee 12 annas per maund.
MANUFACTURE OF BAR IRON IN SOUTHERN INDIA
By Captain J. Campbell, Assistant Surveyor General. Madras
Establishment. (A.D. 1842).
• In the commerce between India and England, a source
of deep injury to the former country arises from
England having deprived her of the trade in cotton
cloth, the manufacture of which was, but a few years
ago, one of the most valuable and extensive of Indian
products; while from no other having been as yet
introduced as an export to balance the imports from
• Among the most extensive of the exports of England to
India, is the trade of bar iron, which to Madras alone
amounts to 1,000 tons per annum; and while India is
known to produce malleable iron of a superior quality,
• Informed by Captain Drummond, in journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, that carriage of suspension bridge
erected in Kernnon, alone cost about 80 rupees per ton, or
as much as the iron might have been made for upon the
• because English mode of manufacturing iron has been
found to be most profitable in England, it has been
supposed that similar process could answer in India.
• This process has also been styled 'scientific', but principles
of the mode of operation are still unknown and the
manufactures are unable to produce at pleasure a certain
• Quantities of the results produced depend upon the
weather, and other causes as yet not explained, or beyond
the control of the workmen.
• We do not as yet even know what cast iron is; nor with any
certainty what its component parts are; nor in what it
differs from steel, or the varieties of what are generally
called carburets of iron.
• Such being the state of our present Knowledge
of this subject, it may be doubted if a careful
examination of the principles of the long
established, cheap, and simple mode of
manufacture of the native of India, might not
lead to improvements and modifications,
which would be found to answer better, than
the operose methods of the English
manufacture, which require much capital,
costly building, Land, a considerable trade to
make them profitable.
• In England the fuel most generally used in smelting the
impure iron ores of the coal fields is coke.
• Ore after being first roasted to separate the volatile
impurities, as much as possible, is exposed to its action
in blast furnaces.
• Generally about forty-five feet in height, but varying
sometimes from thirty-six feet to even sixty feet.
• In middle, furnaces are about twelve feet in diameter,
at top contracted to about four feet, at bottom, where
the blast of air is introduced by pipes from powerful
blowing machines, the diameter is only about two feet.
• The pressure upon the air forced into the furnace is
about three pounds upon the square inch, and the
quantity of air amounts generally to as much as 4,000
cubic feet per minute.
• The cast iron as it forms, falls down into the bottom of the
furnace; which is always hot enough to maintain it in a state of
fusion; where it is protected from the action of the blast by a
covering of fused slag which floats upon it.
• These furnaces are kept in action unremittingly, night and day,
for several years together; the metal being allowed to flow out
every twelve hours in quantities of about six tons at a time.
• The material used in building the blast furnace is principally fire
brick, and a pair of furnaces cost upwards of £1,800 sterling.
• The proportion of coal used in making a ton of cast iron, varies
very much, from three tons in Wales, to sometimes eight tons
• But the use of heated air in blowing the furnaces has very much
increased the quantity of the products of the blast furnace, and
has also diminished the expenditure of fuel, but the quality of
the cast iron is said to be deteriorated.
• The estimated expense of making a ton of cast iron is about £3
• For converting cast iron into bar iron, the first process
generally employed in England is called 'refining', and
consists in fusing about a ton of cast iron at once in flat
open furnaces about three feet square, where it is
exposed for two hours or more to the action of a
strong blast, by which it is supposed a portion of the
carbon it contains is burnt off.
• Much gas escapes from the surface of the metal during
the operation, and a large quantity of black bubbly slag
separates, after which the metal when run out and
allowed to cool, has a white silvery appearance, is full
of bubbles, is very brittle, and has acquired the
property of hardening by being suddenly cooled. In
'refining' about four or five hundredweight of coals is
used to the ton cast iron, and the metal loses from
twelve to seventeen per cent; of its weight.
• The 'refined' cast iron, now termed 'fine metal', is then
exposed in a reverberatory furnace, called 'puddling
furnace’ to the action of the flame of a large coal fire, by
which it is first partially melted, then falls into a coarse
powder; and on being stirred up and presented to the
flame, becomes at last adhesive and tenacious.
• It is then formed into large balls, and after receiving a few
blows from a large hammer to consolidate it, is passed
between rollers which squeeze out much of the impurities,
and form it into 'mill bar iron'.
• This is however too impure for use, and it is necessary to
cut the rough bars into pieces and to weld them together
afresh, in a 'reheating furnace', and expose them to
another rolling, and even to repeat the operation a third
time, before good tough bar iron is produced.
• In the 'puddling furnace' about a ton of coals is expended
to each ton of 'fine metal', and in the 'reheating furnace',
about 150 pounds more are expended; and in each
operation a loss of about ten per cent takes place in the
weight of metal operated upon.
• Upon an average about nine tons of coal are expended
in England in forming one ton of finished bar iron, and
it is probable, that if the above processes were
attempted upon any smaller scale than that of the
English works, a still greater quantity would be used.
Some of these works cost £27,000, and turn out 120
tons of iron per week.
• The mode of smelting iron used by the natives of India
appears to be very much the same from the Himalayas
down to Cape Comorin.
• The material used for the native furnaces, is the
common red potter’s clay of India, which carefully
selected, sufficient to fuse cast iron, but by mixing it
with sand, and by concentrating the heat in the centre
of the furnace as much as possible by a projecting blast
pipe, the reduction of the ore is effected before the
furnace has become much more than red hot; the
operation being completed in about a couple of hours
• Josiah Marshall heath resigned from the East India
company in 1825 to set up an Iron and Steel Works in
India. In barest terms: a British firm in Calcutta,
presumably, a house of agency, advanced him a loan; he
spent four years in England gathering technical
information and came back with equipments and workers
to erect his works in 1830 at Porto Novo in Salem region. It
was about a ton per day unit with 2 large and 2 small
furnaces producing bar iron so produced received
approbation even in England. Josiah ran out of money; the
Government of east India company gave him Rs 1 lakh
desired and 25 years exclusive right as was given by the
British parliament to Bulton and Watt of England; but
there was difficulty using charcoal as fuel- 12 unsuccessful
trial runs were made. Again he was in financial troubles
and the Porto Novo works virtually came to an end by the
middle of the nineteenth century.
Ref- Man & Development, 1980, Indigenous Science
& Technology in India Authored by Dr. U. Trivedi
• The works did not terminate because the
financier foreclosed on debts or due to risk
because of technical difficulties; the works
continued for 20 years, the expected life of the
plant and equipments; other works came up in
1839 at Barker, Bengal, and another in 1855 at
Raniganj-both undoubtedly based on coal.
• Around 1830, East India company not only
financed an Iron and Steel Works, further they
paid Josiah the highest complement of analogy
with Boultan and Watt.
• James Watt was of an indigent family, an artisan
instrument maker and an avid collaborator and
supplier of researches of Joseph black in the
Science of heat quantifies. Boultan was relatively
petty entrepreneur-owner of a machine shop
noted for precision jobs.
• Boultan and watt even as they struggled and
innovated dreamt of the world as market for their
steam-engine and the Birmingham works in the
18th century were famous as the Science School
• James watt and Joseph Black became symbols of
emulation for the mechanics and artisans flocking
to the mechanics institute during the period
when Josiah was in England surely Josiah must
have been moved as he visited the iron works of
• There is a document dated 1841, authored by J. Campbell,
titled ‘Public Consultations. Madras Records-Indian Iron &
Steel Company of Porto Novo Weekly. This document
contains story of Josiah.
• Why did Josiah venture into iron and steel works? Why did
he chose Salem, and then port? Why did he choose
charcoal? And Why did not the works grow into a
movement despite apparent support?
• In the 19th century in the region of Salem there were
indigenous ironsmiths producing bar iron, using charcoal,
using furnaces built by them out of red potter’s clay and
• The bar iron of these virtually cottage industries here
cheaper than the cheapest bar iron imported from England;
the worst in quality was equal to the quality of England.
Indian iron was preferred by British for producing steel of
• Josiah must have compared and concluded that charcoal
was for India the cheapest fuel.
• Josiah must have gone through the economics
of the processes and concluded that the
product from larger furnaces of England
would be cheaper but the high transport cost
reduced its competitive quality in the Indian
• He might have foreseen the prospect of
reduced shipping cost by steam vessels
touching Indian in 1821.
• The other answer-growth and dynamism.
• Ready made distribution channels and extant users, the
internal market to be taken over to generate the
profits, to create the fabrication works on Indian soil,
to absorb the scattered iron smelters and blacksmiths
of Salem into new form of industry-to create the
Liebig’s and Lyon Plafair’s to scientifically the
efficiencies of blast furnaces to improve upon them-to
create on soils of India at the work at the Salem the
Science School of Soho? Visionary? Yes!
• Had not Josiah faced bankruptcy and faced bankruptcy,
and persisted in 12 costly unsuccessful trial runs in his
attempt to use the indigenously available charcoal and
overcome these difficulties, perhaps through his
doggedness of purpose, perhaps by employing the
indigenous species growing wild-the first ever example
of indigenous RDD on process industry.
• His initiative did not multiply and grow, his vision
did not take on the hue of tangible reality.
• The postulated internal market was not seized, nor
did the new mode of production take root.
• Had the times changed since 1825-undoubtly yes.
Had the merchant distributors, descendant of the
Shreshthis. Not cooperated, did they take fright at
this new mode of industrial production seeking to
organize the scattered divided smelter into forms of
organization and knowledge which meant the end
of their old age dominance as merchants over the
• did the smelters not came forth, or were they
shackled by their bondages to the merchants
distributors and unable to break a hold that
tradition had forged.
• And by same token was the supply of ore and
charcoal subject to hazards? The merchants
distributors did not rise to challenge the
English competition by the only tried and true
means-Advancement of production, the
creation of indigenous technology or
invention. The social distances were too great
unbridgeable to indigenously achieve this.
• It was less disturbing to retain their
dominance as merchant distributors and more
profitable distributing the imported English
steel. For this involved only the extinction of
indigenous iron smelter of Salem of India
• In 1875 the Bengal iron company had come into being
to meet the needs of railways for components
frequently required-wars had confirmed their necessity
• However in 1881 the point had yet to be grasped, the
Iron Works was in financial trouble-lack of demand.
“The shareholders have asked the government.......or
assist the present company with money or certain
concessions as the purchase of Government stores. It is
pity that a new industry of this kind should be ruined
for want of a little capital, and the government might
be little more liberal in interpreting the phrase,
‘development of the resources of the country”
• In 1882 the government took it over and seven years
later sold it to Martin & Co., to become the Bengal Iron
and Steel Co.
• By 1907 the issue was clear; permission was
given by the government for yet another steel
plant, and that too under Indian ownership; war
was in the air.
• In 1910 the construction of the iron and steel was
well in advance. It was reported:
“The success of the undertaking will be of great
importance to Bengal and to India. The
government of India has recognized this fact in a
practical manner by agreeing to purchase
annually from the company for a minimum
period of 10 years, at least 20,000 tonnes of steel
rail subject to government specifications being
complied with the prices comparing favourably
with the rates at which similar rails could be
delivered if imported into India”.
• And in 1912, Ratan J. Tata reported success:
“The company's big iron has secured a world
wide reputation and repeated orders are
coming ion from Japan, where the products
has found a large and unexpected market”.
The Sugar Refinery
• Established at Aska, a small estate in Orissa not
far from GopaIpur on sea.
• In the 1840s a house of agency of Madras, its
constituent partners, their London agents and a
London importer with long contacts with the
house of agency, invested their money to set up
the Aska sugar refinery.
• The Aska refinery was built around the 'most-up-
to-date machinery imported in the 1850s from
the well known firm of Glasgow.
• The quality of the sugar was good, and yet "the
Aska concern seemed perpetually in trouble”
• One learns that 'keeping down the native debts'
was not working, the debt piled up.
• The money advanced ‘to a contractor to assist in
the cultivation of cane' did not imply that the
contractor would supply the jaggery to the Aska
concern for refining into white sugar.
• He sold the jaggery to others.
• Nor did the Madras Board of Revenue permit the
sale of the land of the contractor-obviously a land
owner-to realize the debts.
• What is noteworthy also is that the Aska unit was
not an integrated one buying cane for crushing
• It was only a step in the processing chain,
buying jaggery for refining into white sugar.
Obviously without assured supplies, the Aska
unit would have idle capacity and be
‘perpetually in trouble'.
• One may well ask: Why did not the land
owning contractor not honour the contract by
supplying jaggery? Who was the other buyer
of jaggery? What compelled the landowner to
break his contract and sell to another?
• Who was the other buyer? Sugar had been an
item of export to Asian countries long before
the British arrived-well established traditional
channels already existed.
• The peasant would cultivate the cane, do
bullock-powered crushing on the field and the
juice was converted on the field or near it to
gur or jaggery with baggasse as fuel.
• The jaggery was consumed locally, and the
surplus sent on to a manufactory for
processing into the khand, and from whence
on to export through trade networks up to the
port and on the ship thereon.
• The jaggery unit was perhaps owned by a richer
peasant in Ryotwari areas, or by a zamindar or by
the manufactory owner, a merchant/money-
• To the manufactory owner, and the merchant
network the export of unrefined sugar by the
British may have meant merely the substitution
of one exporting community by another on
whom the taboo of sea travel did not apply-there
was no further basic change in internal
• But in the case of white sugar refinery, the case
was different, not only did the product have
greater commercial significance by virtue of its
longer shelf-life, the refinery was jeopardizing the
existence of the merchant-moneylender himself.
• The Madras Board of Revenue baulked at what
should have been a reasonable request; the
peasant had to pay his cash land tax, the
merchant-moneylender was crucial for buying up
the cash crops and supplying to the port
merchants for export, and in the reverse for
distribution of imports.
• Clearly the Board of Revenue would not be a
party to the dismantling of this mercantile
• Nor would the merchant-moneylender be a party
to his own extinction.
• Sugar to the peasant would be only one of the
crops, with jaggery-making a seasonal side-line
• The merchant-moneylender boycott of his
crops spelled the peasants extinction.
• The merchant-moneylender must certainly
have exercised, or threatened this dire
consequence bringing the break away peasant
into line, compelling him to sell the jaggery to
the merchant-moneylender, as observed.
• One of the options was to ensure through an
attached sugarcane plantation.
• Under European ownership, or that of the
refineries –and this was what appears to have
been done around 1856 when a name to conjure
with in the ‘Indian Planting world’ was inducted
to operate the refinery.
• There were other solutions to be applied almost
80 years later. Imported integrated sugar factories
owned by the higher echelons of the native
merchant-money lending network, assisted by
legislation banning gur and jaggery production of
supply areas, and additional measures to ensure
supplies from the peasant farmers.
• The indigenous manufactories in particular were
to extinguish thereby, gur for obvious reasons
was not easy to be rendered extinct.
The Indian Genius
• There was one Mohsin Hussain, an Indian artisan,
working in the region of Arcot in 1830.
• George Everest came back from England in 1830 as
Surveyor-General and brought with him the most up-
to-date Instruments and a skilled mechanic of London,
Heavy Barrow, as the mathematical-instruments maker.
• Everest also came across and engaged Mohsin Hussain
who proved his mettle in mechanical repairs and
adjustments, and the reconstruction of old
• Mohsin Hussain had impressed Everest as a
‘remarkable mechanic with inventive talents' ,Everest
said: 'He has both genius and originality".
• When Barrow left, Everest appointed Mohsin Hussain as
the ‘Mathematical instrument maker at Calcutta',
Undoubtedly, Mohsin Hussain, the mechanic-artisan,
must have had with his practical approach dismantled
the imported instruments, studied their working,
repaired them, fabricated components, reassembled
them and proceeded to fabricate instruments on his
own-his genius and originality and empirical
inventiveness giving rise to improvements in this
• Did Mohsin Hussain have the opportunity to benefit by
the 'introduction of the principles of mechanics and their
• Was Mohsin Hussain enabled to grasp the cognitive and
theoretical aspects embodied in these instruments, the,
basis for the spring to the next generation of
instruments? An affirmative answer seems doubtful.
• George Everest had also engaged eight- native
computers -incidentally, computers then, and
even till recently, referred to a labour intensive
operation by persons skilled in routine
manipulations of established formulae and
• One was Radhanath Sikdar: 'a hardy, energetic
young man who received an exceedingly good
education in mathematics at the Hindu College ...
as a computer he is quite indefatigable ... so
thoroughly skilful in the application of various
formulae, a convincing proof that the aptitude of
your country man for the practical, as well as the
theoretical parts of mathematics, is no wise
inferior to that of Europeans'. Well said’’.
• Did Hussain and Sikdar have opportunity to meet,
to sit together, to dream, dream of making
instruments, designing instruments, advancing
instrumentation? Did, theory and practice do
cognitive and practical invention synapse to
create technology and dynamic production.
• Be it as it may, what is of equal significance is that
the advance of technique in England was within
the ability of Mohsin Hussain, artisan of India, to
absorb, to make his own. Not too different from
the master artisans who were fuelling an
industrial revolution in the northern states of
USA, in France and on the continent.
East India Company- Craving for Independence
• Though wars with the Portuguese, the Dutch, and the French,
the British East India Company had gained a monopoly over the
exports of Indian manufactures to Europe, a monopoly which
then excluded Britain free merchants even.
• For a handful of English traders to maximize their profits on the
basis of the exports of Indian manufactures, it was inevitable to
have at their command a network of native merchants to
collect and supply the necessary good for export.
• To this end, in the context of extant techno-economic
development, it was necessary to gain territorial and political
control, which Clive proceeded to do.
• One reads of Mir Jafar, but seldom ever of Jagat Seth and his
like. Seths-the descendants of Shresthis of Buddhist and pre-
Buddhist times, the merchants who financed Clive.
• The British recruited the peasants of Oudh as sepoys, equipped
them with superior military organization, weapons and officers,
and with them went about the task of destroying the Indian
• The defeat of Siraj-ud-daulah looms large in the pages
of history, and the native merchants collaboration
seldom if ever, presumably because they never had
political power; nor were they to do so except as,
ancillaries to the East India Company.
• Under Warren Hastings the virtual supervisor of land
revenue collection was one moneylender, Ganga
• In 1785, Edmund Burke, in his opening fusillade against
Warren Hastings, on the Nawab of Arcot's debts
presented accounts with Interest turned into principal,
of principal superadded to principal, and the detailed
technicalities of gomastahs and soucars, the native
• With the acquisition of territory by the British' the
collaborating native merchants became land revenue
collectors and some in due course landlords
• Verelst, who briefly succeeded Clive, in 1767
noted: The immense commerce of Bengal might
be considered as the central point to which all
the riches were attracted. Its manufactures find
their way to the remotest parts of Hindustan.
• Internal trade was to be wrenched for export,
many a merchant rendered bankrupt in the
process; the peasants subject to payment of tax
in cash had to produce what could be sold to the
merchants, native or foreign, for cash, for
manufacture, for export.
• Clive in 1765 stated: 'It is scarcely hyperbole to
say that....the whole Moghul empire is in our
power'-but today power had to be consolidated.
Taking 1000 as total gross produce form agriculture and manufactures,
in 1750, Dharampal estimates the several allocation as follows:
Tax structure in India
Before EIC After EIC
1. Actual producers 700 350
2. Religious, cultural and Educational Institution
and Individuals 100 of which, 15
a) Exclusively Religious 40
b) Cultural 40
c) Educational 20
3. Economics services and Police 75 of which, 20
a) Economic services 60
b) Police 15
4. Militia and Political Aristocracy 75 of which, 25
a) Militia 60
b) Aristocracy 15
5. Central Authority 50 590
6. Grand Total 1000 1000
Diwani and After
• In 1759 Clive had written to the Elder Pitt suggesting the
acquisition of Bengal in full sovereignty by the English
nation-the revenue was stated to be attractive.
• In 1765 as part of the process of consolidation Clive
obtained the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa from the
shadow Emperor at Delhi, along with the districts of Kora
• The Diwani gave legitimacy Additionally, 'in 1767 began the
practice of making what were called Investments', that is of
employing a large portion of the surplus public revenue
collected from the province in buying goods, raw produce
and manufactures, for exportation to Europe'.
• The well known plunder of Bengal Was contributing to
some would say responsible for the Industrial Revolution
gaining momentum in Britain. The imported manufactures,
of India were competing with, and impeding the rise of
Industrial capital in Britain.
• In 1762 the British Parliament had reiterated their non
interference in the legal and exclusive property of the East
India Company, a body corporate.
• In early 1765, the body corporate took a position that their
possessions were held in virtue of grant from the Delhi
Emperor, in the nature of offices and jurisdictions
dependent on his Crown a very anomalous species of
power and property quite unknown to the ancient
constitution of England in the words of-Burke.
• The latter observed that thus far the East India Company
had negotiated the renewal of their charter with the British
Government in a spirit of equality.
• In maintaining this doctrine they acted on the advice of
Lord Clive who had acquired the Diwani but who also
nevertheless still affirmed that the declaration of political
independence would be very far from expedient. Perhaps,
the reason was that the Company needed time for
consolidating and stabilising its position in India gained so
recently and so rapidly.
• But what is startling and of greater importance is
the possibility of political independence thought
of by the Hon'ble John Merchant.
• This was perhaps a reason for such sentiments;
the North Americans were preparing for a Tea
Party from which they were to give birth to a
declaration legitimizing theirs, and also other's
political evolutions against tyrannical authority.
• The Revolution of 1776 crystallized the dangerous
ideologies abroad in France and which were to
explode once again with devastating force in
1789 with the storming of the Bastille, and 1793
ushering in an another age in Europe
• One learns:
.... in 1785, when he (Warren Hastings) was just leaving
Bengal, the French ambassador in London seriously
proposed to his government a plan of secretly
encouraging Hastings to make himself an independent
ruler in India by means of his native army and of French
support. The ambassador, having evidently in his mind
the success with which France had abetted the revolt of
the American colonists, argued confidently that a man
who held in India 'almost a royal position’ who had
been recalled with indignity, and was threatened with
impeachment would be found easily accessible to such
• In 1793 war between France and England was
declared, French possessions in India were seized by
lord Cornwallis; in 1799 Napoleon Bonaparte had
written to Tipu sultan from Cairo.
• Should John Company become independent merchant
Sovereign of India with its production base competing
against the mother country and its rising industrial capital
in dire need of expanding captive and secure markets?
Almost a century and a half later Montagu and Chelmsford
were to refer to this period in the following terse terms:
"At first the Company's settlers were responsible only to the
Directors, who derived their powers of control from
Charters given them by the Crown.... But when, the Battle
of Plassey compelled the company to assume the task of
reconstructing Bengal, the astonishing position was created
that a few commercial agents were handling the revenues
of a kingdom in the name of an emperor (Moghul) the
Company was emerging as the strongest power in the land
made Parliament resolve to strengthen its
control.....resolutions were carried requiring the recall of
Warren Hastings and the closer definition of the Governor-
General's powers. The Directors defied the Parliament and
retained Hastings. Fox introduced his Bill.... "
• It is in the above political-economic context that
one has to view the developments in the related
field of endeavour
• Governor General Warren Hasting in 1781 started
the Madrassa at Calcutta, interestingly at first at
his own expense and later charged to the
• This individual initiative was to secure well
qualified officers for the Court of Justice versed in
Arabic and Persian tongues and Muhammadan
Law. The Company with its- authority derived
from the Diwani had retained the administrative
• The Court of Justice was the creation of Lord
North’s Parliament at odds with Warren Hastings.
• Was Warren Hastings at the Court of Justice deriving
authority from native customs, practices, and
• In 1791 Jonarhan Duncan, Resident at Benares, even
after the departure of Hasting was to start the Benares
Sanskrit Pathsala which apart from theology,
philosophy, music, grammar, literature, law, and
history, was to teach medicine, mathematics,
mechanics and arts to natives in their own tongue.
• On 15 January 1784, a year prior to Warren Hasting's
return and two years before the arrival of Lord
Cornwallis. 'The Asiatic" Society' was born as a
consequence of 30 European intellectuals coming
together in Calcutta.
• The meeting was presided over by a Robert Charles more
importantly a second judge, of the Supreme Court, and was the
brain child of yet another judge, William Jones. In the words of
William Jones: -
"You will investigate whatever is rare in the stupendous fabric of
nature, will correct the geography of Asia by new observations
and discoveries, will trace the animals and even traditions of
these nations, who from time to time have peopled or desolated
it; and will bring to light their various forms of government, with
their institutions,' civil and religious; and you will examine their
improvements and methods in arithmetic and geometry, in
trigonometry, mensuration, mechanics, politics, astronomy and
general physics; their skill in surgery and medicine and their
advancement in anatomy and chemistry. To this end you will add
researches into their music architecture, painting and pottery,
you will not neglect those inferior arts by which comforts, and
even elegances of social life, are supplied for improved.
• The reference to 'inferior arts' may be noted;
surely the gentlemen-if not all, then William
Jones himself-would have had little to do with the
application of principles of mechanics to the,
devising of mechanical contrivances, or the
application of natural philosophy to the methods
• Yet what is one to make of this wide diversity and
range of intererts reminiscent of the 'universal
man' of the European Renaissance?
• To what end the enquiry into the traditions, the
various forms of government?
• Would the experience of the practical utility of
these to the administering of the Diwani have
provided the stimulus:
• Did the expansion along the Ganges into the
Deccan supply the impetus to gain knowledge of
the various nations so revealed?
• And to what end the investigations into the
science and techniques of production of these
• Mere records of anti-quaries and gentlemen
• Or more towards gaining knowledge of the
resources and manufactures of India, and their
subsequent control and/or utilization towards
commercial ends ?
• Would the precedents under Clive and Hastings
provide a clue towards political-economic power
derived from and of the Indian soil?
David Hare-The Orientalist
• There was a member of the society who was a practitioner of,
the Inferior arts, David Hare-a watch-maker and a
• Under his impetus two committees were formed, one for
natural history, physics, medicine, improvement of arts, and
whatever is comprehended in the general term of physics and
other on literature.
• In 1808 David hare was 33 years of age; he died in 1842 of
cholera at the age of 67:
" ......to the intense grief of all Bengal. For in that almost
unlettered watch-maker the country lost its ‘Father of
Education'. No man, native or alien, has ever before or since
been so truly mourned with demonstrations loud yet deep. High
caste Hindus who unceremoniously free from even a dead
relation as from a dangerous stinking pollution, bore with
loving alacrity the corpse of this poor 'Mlechha' mechanic to
touch the feet of the dead. Briton, in the teeth of Manu and all
the 'makers of Sastras and against the frowns of all the three
hundred and thirty millions of the Hindu patheon....”
• In 1793, through the Act of permanent settlement, Lord
Cornwallis had created a new class of Indians.
• In 1799, Joshua Marshman and William Ward, (joined in
1800 by William Carey), arrived at Serampore then a Danish
possession-the British East India Company discouraged
missionaries in its territories. Marshman was to preach, and
Ward was to print the Bible, all in the language of the
natives-Bengali. The mission was poor instructions in
English were, combined with preaching in Bengali, around
"Indians and, particularly Bengalis, were intensely curious to
learn English and qualify themselves in foreign arts. As the
sons of leading zemindars and rich merchants could not
obtain the schooling they wanted they went to the
missionaries at Serampore ... It is on record that sometimes
a rich Bengali would pay Carey, Marshman, and Ward as
much as £ 400 a month for tuition.
The Orientalist Vs Anglicists
• The act of 1813, renewing the charter marked further
concessions, but limited by the still powerful East India
company represented by Warren Hasting, Sir John and
• British merchants and missionaries were permitted but
under licence issued by the company’ director, or on
their refusal by the Board of Control, but the governor-
general and the local government additional had the
power to revoke the licenses.
• The Act of 1813 significantly created a fund (not less
than Rs. 1 lakh) for the revival and improvement of
literature, and the encouragement of the learned
natives of India, and for the introduction and
promotion of knowledge of their sciences among the
inhabitants of the British territories of India.
• The funds were to be apportioned from the net
surplus remaining after defraying the expenditure
on military, civil and commercial establishments,
and payment of interest on debts-so much for
• One learns that for the next 20 years the funds so
created were unexpended. The so-called
controversy between Orientalists and Anglicist
was waged with vigour.
• Revival and improvement on the one hand and
introduction and promotion on the other
represented the ambivalent balance of forces.
• The Sundry Rajas, creations of Lord Cornwallis, raised
over a lakh of rupees to found in 1817 what was to be
known as the Hindu College for promotion of Anglicist
• In the company of the Rajas were British sympathizers’
including-David Hare, Till 1824, it, continued under joint
management of Indians and Europeans.
• In 1823, the funds earmarked under the Act of 1813
were to be disbursed by an official committee with H.
H, Wilson, the oriental scholar, as its Secretary.
• In 1824, the Sanskrit College at Calcutta was created by
• The Rajas protested, and disapproval was voiced in
• A Raja, more known for his promotion of
mysticism, and of comparative religions voiced
the petition of the Rajas to Lord Amherst. The
"Humbly reluctant as the natives of India are to
obtrude upon the notice of government the
sentiments they entertain on public measure,
there are circumstances when silence would be
carrying this respectful feeling to culpable excess.
The present rulers of India, coming from a
distance of many thousand miles, to govern a
people whose language, literature, manners,
customs, and ideas are almost entirely new and
strange to them, cannot become so intimately
acquainted with their real circumstances as the
natives of the country are themselves........”.
• The argument was to become a classic one,
"When this seminary of learning (Sanskrit College)
was proposed, we understood that the
government in England had ordered a
considerable sum of money to be annually
devoted to the instruction of its Indian subjects.
We were filled with sanguine hopes that this sum-
would be laid out in employing European
gentlemen of talents and education to instruct
the natives of India in mathematics, natural
philosophy, chemistry, anatomy and other useful
sciences, which the nations of Europe have
carried to a degree of perfection that has raised
them above the habitants of other parts of the
• What did the good "Raja mean?
• Did the 'good Raja seriously believe that the
government in England would permit 'the
subject natives of India to gain perfection in a
mode of knowledge and techniques which had
enabled Europe to rise to world supremacy?
• Would the government in England permit such
a rise to supremacy of a nation to be
subjected, and not to be nurtured to challenge
the manufactures, of Britain in the world
• Perhaps what the Raja had in mind is revealed in the
Charter of 1833:
"that no native of the said territories, nor any natural
born subject of His Majesty resident therein, shall by
reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent,
colour, or any of them, be disabled from holding any
place, or employment in the said Company".
• Thomas Babington Macaulay who had piloted and
defended the Act of 1833, arrived in India as the law
Member of Govt of India in 1834. main Mission-
Formulation of Indian Panel code-but better known
today as chairman of General Committee of Public
Instruction for bringing English education-even more
for demolishing “native education”, which was
managing to survive somehow with no state support
even after 75 years of colonial rule.
• He was to state:
"that we ought to employ them (funds) in teaching
what is best worth knowing that natives are desirous
to be taught English, and are not desirous to be
taught-Sanskrit or Arabic;.....that it is possible to
make the natives of this country thoroughly good
English scholars, and that to this end our efforts
ought to be directed."
• Macaulay Observed:
“I have never found one amongst them who could deny
that a single shelf of good European library was
worth the whole native literature of India and
Arabia. The intrinsic superiority of the western
literature is indeed fully admitted by those members
of the committee [of public instructions] who
support the oriental plan of education.”
Education in India
• Schools at that point of Time- report of William Adams (1835)
• Indigenous elementary school by this description are meant
those schools in which instruction in the elements of
knowledge is communicated, and which have originated and
are supported by natives themselves, in contradiction from
those that are supported by religious or philanthropic
• The number of such schools in Bengal is supposed to be very
• A distinguished member of general committee of public
instruction in a Minute of the subject expressed the opinion
that if one rupee per month were expanded on each existing
village school, including the private houses where instruction
is given in the lower provinces, the amount would probably
fall short of 12 lakh of rupees per annum.
• This supposes that there are 100000 such
schools in Bengal and Bihar and assuming the
population of those two provinces to be
4,00,00,000 there will be a village school for
very 400 persons.
• Macaulay described this opinion of the
members (Macnaughten, James and H.T.
Princep) as “misconceived Notions” that
perhaps a fraction of the money allotted for
education could be used to support the
“native education” and also that English
would not be all that suitable for educating
the natives of India.
• And then he added:
“It will hardly be disrupted, I suppose, that the department
of literature in which the Eastern writers stand highest is
poetry. And I certainly never met with any orientalist who
ventured to maintain that Arabic and Sanskrit poetry
could be compared to that of the great European nations.
But when we pass from works of imagination to works in
which facts are recorded and general principles
investigated. The superiority of the Europeans becomes
absolutely immeasurable. It is, I believe no exaggeration
to say that all the historical information which has been
collected from all the books written in the Sanskrit
language is less valuable than what may be found in the
most paltry abridgement used at preparatory schools in
England. In every branch of physical or moral philosophy
the relative position of the two nations is nearly the
• Concluding, Macaulay refused to associate himself with any support of
assistance to Indian learning and declaimed;
“If on the other hand, it be the opinion of the government that the present
system ought to remain unchanged, I beg that I may be permitted to retire
from the chair of the committee. I feel that I could not be of the smallest use
to them I feel also that I should be lending my countenance to what I firmly
believe, to be a mere delusion. I believe that the present system tends not to
accelerate the progress of truth but to delay the natural death of expiring
errors. I conceive that we have at present no right to the respect able name
of a board of Public money, for printing books which are of less value than
the paper on which they are printed was while it was blank, for giving
artificial encouragement to absurd history, absurd metaphysics, absurd
physics, absurd theology, for raising up a breed of scholars who find their
scholarship an encumbrance and a blemish, who live on the public while they
are receiving their education, and whose education is so utterly useless to
them that, when they have received it, they must either starve or live on the
public all the rest of their lives, entertaining these opinions I am naturally
desirous to decline all share in the responsibility of a body which, unless it
alters its whole mode of proceedings I must consider not merely as useless,
but as positively noxious”.
• Remarks, observations, threats and declamations,
like those quoted above, have shaped all the
writing and teaching about India, and more or
less continue to do so, in the manner and
direction indicated by Macaulay and by his more
powerful precursors like William Wilberforce and
• Ignorance, apathy and utter mental confusion,
particularly about life and society in the
eighteenth century not only in India but in the
West Europe itself, are the natural products of
such writings and teachings.
• Funds were now solely reserved for the
Anglicists in all the presidencies.
• Even vernacular education promoted by
Elphinstone, Governor of Bombay, came to an
• The good Raja, the Raja-zamindars, and
merchants rich under the Company rule-the
• Consciously, or unconsciously, subjectively, or objectively
the good Raja assisted the closure of a possibility of
Indian production based on and improved by natural
philosophy and inventions, and in the prevalent context
whose produce would compete in the marts of the world.
• The good raja spoke of employing European gentlemen of
talents and education to instruct the natives of India; that
is of natives who had the leisure and the affluence to
acquire proficiency in a foreign tongue, and then only to
have further leisure and affluence to gain instruction
• The good Raja could never conceive of a Faraday, a poor
book-binder, a technical assistant, a self taught scientist,
and experiments par excellence; or of James Watt from a
humble family, an instrument maker; examples can be
• In any event what provoked our Raja to make him act as he
• Would the study and application of native traditional law
espoused by warren Hastings or William Jones desire to
bring to light their various forms of government result in
jeopardizing the very existence of a class brought forth by
Lord Cornwallis? Perhaps Jawaharlal Nehru was more
accurate in his assessment when he chose to quote Lord
William Bentink’s statement in 1829
• “If security was wanting against extensive popular tumult
or revolution, I should say that the Permanent Settlement,
though a failure in many other respects, has this great
advantage at least, of having created a vast body of rich
landed proprietors deeply interested in the continuance of
British Dominion and having complete command over the
mass of the people”.
• Here we have so far considered only the birth of those who
are amongst those called ‘Our Children’ by Montagu and
• On the 22nd of April, 1918, in Shimla. The signatures of
Edwin S Montagu and Chelmsford were appended to a
document which marks a turning point in history of
• The Report on Indian Constitutional Reforms 1918
opens its first chapter by recalling the announcement
made in the House of Commons by the Secretary of
State for India on the 20th August, 1917:
"The policy of His Majesty’s Government, with which the
Government of India are in complete accord is that of
increasing association of Indian in every branch of the
administration and the gradual development of self
governing institutions with a view to the progressive
realization of responsible government in India as an
integral part of the British Empire. They have decided
that substantial steps in this direction should be taken
as soon as possible....