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									Papers Related to Public
Value - Religion Category
- Most Cited All Time and
in the Last 10 Years

                                Authors     Year   Title

                                                   Pilgrimage and world
                                                   renewal - a study of
                                Davis, W. 1984
                                                   religion and social values
                                                   in tokugawa, Japan .2.

                                                   Religion and public values -
most cited articles all time                1985   a catholic-protestant

                                                   Boundaries dimly
                                                   perceived - law, religion,
                                Hiers, R.   1991   education, and the
                                                   common good - Mooney,
                                                   C. F.
                                                   Religion as social
                                Niles, F.C. 2004   capital:producing the
                                                   common good

most cited articles in recent
10 years
most cited articles in recent
10 years                                         Religion, terrorism and
                                          2008   public goods: testing the
                                                 club model
Journal, issue, volume,

History of Religions, 71(2), pp.

Review of Religious Research,
26(4), pp. 313-331

Journal of Religion, 71(4), pp.

Journal for the Scientific Study
of Religion, 43(3), pp. 460-461
Journal of Public Economics,
92(10-11), pp. 1942-1967

The argument concerns the contrast between Protestant and Roman
Catholics societies with respect to a whole range of public values. It lays
stress on the comprehensive nature of Catholic social bonding and the
attempt to provide an inclusive environment, together with Catholic parties
and unions. Catholic iconography provides an expression of the
conscience collective which is more explicit, tactile and ecclesiastical.
Protestant iconography leans more on the analogy of society with Israel.
Beyond that the Protestant norms pendant on that iconography are less
clearly articulated than Catholic norms and tend to be worked out either by
drawing on non-Christian systems (e.g. Stoicism) or by purely individual
initiative. One consequence is that Protestant action in the social field is
inclined to lose the explicit label marking its religious origins, to lack
dogmatic coherence and to operate by the creation of moral cultures and
transformations of cultural motifs. It is also argued that the massive nature
of the Catholic social pressure precipitates an intense conflict with the
enlightenment and liberalism, whereas in Protestant cultures liberalism
and Protestantism eventually coalesce. A subsection of the argument
concerns those conflict situations where rival expressions of the
Can rational models, once theological explanations are discredited,
explain why certain radical religious rebels are so successful in
perpetrating suicide attacks? The fundamental barrier to success turns out
not to be recruiting suicide attackers; there is a rational basis for
volunteering. Rather, the barrier is the danger of other operatives
defecting. A club model, portraying voluntary religious organizations as
efficient providers of local public goods, explains how they weed out
potential defectors by requiring sacrifices as signals of commitment. They
are thereby able to succeed in risky terrorist attacks. The model has
testable implications for tactic choice and damage achieved by clubs and
other rebel organizations. Data spanning a half-century on both terrorists
and civil war insurgents, much from Middle East sources and
Israel/Palestine, reveal that: a) missions organized by radical religious
clubs that provide benign local public goods are both more lethal and are
more likely to be suicide attacks than missions organized by other terrorist
groups with similar aims and theologies; and b) suicide attacks are chosen
when targets are "hard," i.e., difficult to destroy. Our results suggest
benign tactics to counter radical religious terrorism and insurgency.

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