The National Foundation for Elections Support Al nakib Center for by zhouwenjuan


									The National Foundation for Elections Support     Al Nakib Center for Training & Democracy Support

          The National Campaign for Parliamentary Elections Monitoring
                      Egypt Lawyers     Freedom Defenders

                                     Egypt in Our Eyes
                             Second Report : Pre- Candidacy stage

Since Mubarak stepped down on Feb 11th 2011 , reforming the setbacks caused by
Mubarak regime on the political , economic , and social levels is the main issue
tackled among all people in Egypt . In other words , Egyptians worked too hard to
end that system and they are still working too hard to build a new one . After three
decades that Egyptians lived and didn’t have but Mubarak as president , it is not
expected that Egyptians forget all those years just due to a statement where the
president stepped down . Those years included accumulated problems due to
oppression era many lived . Egypt was not like some Arab countries that have been
living in political darkness , nevertheless , that democratization that Egypt was
claimed to have was no more than an artificial thing as all authorities were in the
hands of the president . It is even too difficult to describe the political system that
was in Egypt as a presidential one , it was more of a municipality based on freedom of
speech restriction , political parties restriction and taming most of them , banning
many political trends from having a political party , unions and public assemblies
restrictions , domination over official media , desperate attempts to tame judiciary ,
dominating legislative authority through controlling electoral systems which mainly
resulted in those parliaments of clapping , passing and justification . They were 7
parliaments , 4 of them had decisions of being not constitutional , 2 of them were
dissolved , and the fifth one was that of 2010 which was dissolved because of the
revolution . Anyway , the parliament was no more than a way to dedicate authority
not to circulate it as known in all modern systems , all constitutional and legal bodies
were just politicized to support oppression , staying in power and later in that last
third of Mubarak rule to bequeath power .

On the economic level , indicators were not much better , individual income
decreased , prices increased , unemployment increased which resulted that Egyptians
were burned out . International development organizations stated that 40% of
Egyptians live beyond poverty line . Things got much worse due o merge between
capital and power which resulted in spread of economic corruption national fortunes
theft especially with the unprecedented level of privatization for public sector .

On the social level , society lived a state of leveling for a great sector of Egyptian
society which is the middle class . Egyptians were just divided into two classes , high
class represented by few number and controlling most of the fortune , and a low class
represented by great number and controlling just crumbs and a considerable number
of them live in graves and random areas . Many indicators of development
organizations just showed decrease in education level , health conditions aggravation ,
women & children conditions deterioration especially concerning nourishment and
health . Adding to all that mentioned , sectarian sorting in the society which was in
favor of Muslims , in cases of jobs , worship places and freedom of belief
deterioration due to church restricts over turning to Islam . Moreover , poverty crimes
increased to the levels that reached selling children , killing children fearing poverty .
All those indicators can give us a better picture of Egypt social conditions during
Mubarak .

Those political , economic , social conditions resulted in the Egyptian revolution with
the emergence of strong opposition through new movements like Kfaya in 2004 , 6th
of April in 2004 , The national assembly for change presided by Dr. Albarad3y . The
parliamentary elections in 2010 was the straw that broke Mubarak regime forever .

Now after the revolution , Egypt is about its first parliamentary elections , the
question is ,,,, what next ????/

Tackling Egyptian elections cant take its right course except if we tackle the
atmosphere of these elections which started since Feb until Oct 12th , 2011 which is
the date to open candidacy for Legislative authority elections .

Politically , SCAF , became in power after Mubarak Politically , SCAF took over
after by ousted Mubarak . Despite that commissioning , Egyptians thanked the army
for not using power against demonstrators to support Mubarak . Those events that
took place after the revolution due to SCAF attitudes which leave no doubt that this is
not a national organization only but a professional one meaning it has nothing to do
with politics . This historical incident is really appreciated due to non-interference in
political life . It is true that militants dominated power in july 1952 when the Free
Soldiers themselves asked army to stay away from political life . Meanwhile , lack of
political professionalism can be felt now in many locations .

It is necessary to refer to the call of the SCAF to amend the 1971 constitution ,
forming a committee presided by chancellor Tarek Al Beshry who ha islamic trends ,
and included a muslim brother deputy in the parliament in 2005 which totally irritated
the civil and some Christian powers . This committee focused mainly on four things
related to elections , president limit time to be in power and appointing a deputy ,
Parliament and Shura Council elections how to set and amend a new constitution for
the country in the future and the emergency law . Here , we can say that Tarek Al
Beshry committee was interested more in the urgent things that Egyptians suffered
from . It didn’t treat other essential issues related to the relation between authorities .
Nevertheless , and due to lack of political experience as said , SCAF issued a
constitutional announcement including 63 articles after a referendum on what was
decided by Albeshry committee on March 19th , and so decided to cancel
automatically what was decided to amend 1971 constitution through Albeshry
committee .

Anyway , referendum , despite its drawback , showed two important facts , firstly ,
polarization between powers which started the revolution and supported it . Those
who voted (yes ) chose religious trends and article no 2 about shariaa , (No) meant
refusing constitution 1971 and secularism of the Egyptian state which was considered
an atheist trend by supporters of (yes ) . The second thing that was revealed is the
unprecedented huge participation to vote despite the fact of absence of organization
for the electoral institution .

It is important to mention that the constitutional announcement 25 articles at the
beginning were just human rights principles that were copied from the ex constitution
, while there were other articles from the referendum ,others were divided and others
were just added . Away from those 25 articles and those of the referendum , there
were other articles that were added from 1971 constitution like percentage of farmers
and workers in the parliament , also it added to the authorities given to Shura Council
, before 2007 constitution , it didn’t criminalize setting parties based on religious
backgrounds although it stated that it is not allowed to issue parties based on religious
background . Nevertheless , the hegemony of the SCAF on both political and
legislative authorities until the parliamentary and legislative elections are set , is the
most distinctive feature of that announcement . The first elections were determined to
take place during 6 months under complete judicial supervision as Al Beshry
committee stated , finally , the announcement stated issuing a new constitution
through a committee elected by the parliament members consisting of 100 persons ,
and its work shouldn’t exceed 6 months .

Despite the confused political atmosphere for SCAF , due to being immaturity in
political work . The parliament took decisions that contributed in political openness
increase which resulted in complete comfort among huge sectors of the people . It is
correct that it was hesitant in some issues , it is correct that it refused to decide some ,
. which resulted in seeking judiciary decisions . Issuing some through Orders caused
a sort of relief among Egyptians as some were due to the policy SCAF followed in the
first four months for the Egyptian revolution through society dialogue with revolution
powers , which he managed himself sometimes and let others do it other times . Some
of those dialogues were attended by revolution youth powers but due to fragmentation
, lack of leadership , SCAF started setting them aside especially as they didn’t form
political parties . SCAF began to meet instead political parties , elites , opinion leaders
in the society , Those policies of SCAF were criticized greatly by those youth groups
especially as some of the laws & decisions were not due to real society dialogue .

At the beginning , SCAF agreed to step down Shafiq government, and to form a new
government by Dr. Essam Sharaf after feeling the legitimacy of Tahrir square for that
man . It was the first procedure taken by SCAF legitimizing Tahrir square . This
government was criticized strongly due to lack of authorities and having full authority
in the hands of SCAF which is in complete control of the political game . SCAF
started giving some authorities through the ministerial amendment in 2011 summer to
the government due to criticisms directed to SCAF , nevertheless , the relation
between SCAF and the government continued in the same way .

SCAF issued Order of law no 40 for the year 1977 concerning political parties , the
philosophy behind this amendment was to liberate issuing parties from any obstacles
through notification only not license which resulted in having more than 20 new
parties until elections candidacy date . Despite many criticisms directed to that law
due to the conditions of having 5000 member from different governorates and
banning state fund for parties . Nevertheless , pure judicial committee to decide on
parties issue that takes its decisions and challenge any decision by itself , is
considered a quantum leap . Political parties that were issued included different trends
whether religious like Muslim Brothers which party was a very important result of
that law Salafies and the Islamic group. Salfies were totally off the political
participation and the Islamic group were pro political work from a jihady point of
view not a political one . The second achievement of the law was that of releasing all
those trends that fought against the Egyptian state from underneath . That change
from secret work to public one is considered the most important trend of democratic
work in modern countries . The second trend of parties represented the Egyptian
revolution directly is a group of new liberal and leftist parties . In addition , many
other bodies that went after establishing parties before the revolution which represent
many trends like Alwast ( established before the revolution and before issuing the
law ) , Alkarama , Al isla7 w al tanmya . There were also those parties known in
media as remnants of the old regime that exceeded 7 until candidacy opening which is
considered one of the main contradictions for that law .

The dissolving of NDP decided by the High administrative court in April 16th is
considered a great achievement . This decision was taken based on the
authoritarianism of Mubarak regime , political corruption inside the party due to
merge between power and capital as the president of the party was the president and
many businessmen joined . This decion resulted in many other decisions including
removing Mubarak name from all public buildings , firing many of the editors in chief
, and chairmen of board of directors from many national newspapers but still the issue
of political isolation for the old regime icons is the most important which many voices
called for through activating the Treachery law that was legalized after 1952
revolution and so far didn’t succeed. This isolation includes all NDP icons , last
regime icons , opposition members and cultural elite like editors in chief of national
newspapers from the political rights practice including candidacy for parliament .
SCAF promised in its meeting with some political parties to activate political isolation
but so far nothing happened , especially as some of those meetings were attended by
ex NDP members . Not tackling this idea of political isolation officially since April is
a main factor to have those parties of ex NDP members , moreover , they issued
threats of violence in case this law is activated . They also had many public meetings
and there was no response from SCAF or the Cabinet .

SCAF kept the momentum of the revolution as they presented many of the ex regime
icons for trials in four main sections and some of those icons are accused in more than
one section . Those sections are : Firstly , what can be called economic corruption
related to second and third rows of state leaders and NDP leaders like Ahmed Ezz ,
Anas Al fqy and Al maghravy . Secondly : those who were accused of what is known
by media as camel battle like the ex-president of parliament Fathy soror and ex
president of Shura council Safwat el sherif and some of the NDP secretariat and
businesmen like Abul Enen , Ragab Hlal & Ibrahim kamel . Thirdly : the violations
by ministry of interior before Mubarak ousted and after Jan 25th where many officers
in many governorates were accused .Fourthly : killing demonstrators , fortune
expansion that Mubarak , his sons and Hussein Salem the businessman and close
friend to Mubarak and leaders in ministry of interior were accused . It is noticed that
despite the speed at the beginning of those trials , later there was slowness in waiting
for investigation reports on "Camel Battle " and so the fourth part of trials took place
due to pressures on SCAF and so started investigation with Mubarak and he was
called by to stand in front of trials . No decisions were taken so far against any of
those .

Due to complete pressure from people , localities were dissolved after a judiciary
decision , the minister of local administration refused under many justifications . The
SCAF violation of laws were totally ignored like silence for deans and university
presidents , dealing directly with the Muslim Brotherhood that held its elections for
the Guidance Office publicly as a real body , not to apply demonstrations ban law that
SCAF issued himself . The most important thing that can be touched by citizens is the
transformation related to police treatment . Police and national security used to be
known as direct responsible for Mubarak regime power through severe violations for
human rights . A great change took place in the relation between police and people , it
started being more respectful . It is true that there were some cases of violations but
they are still considered individual . This increased to the extent it was translated
among people as some sort of negligence for security of Egyptian people and as a
revenge of what has happened in Jan demonstrations as this mainly resulted in lack of
safety that spread like thefts , kidnap , murder ,traffic violations …….etc

In a nutshell , those million persons demonstrations had many pros but still their
increase in numbers since August 2011 resulted in decrease in the value of its
demands , decrease in enthusiasm with revolution especially as it resulted in violence
between military forces and the demonstrators . Nevertheless , this fragmentation
among revolutionary powers due to political powers priorities is the main factor that
made people fear the revolution destruction by its own motivators after many foreign
powers like Saudia Arabia , Emirates , ex regime remnants failed to stop the ex
regime icons trials . In other words , those demands by the demonstrations caused
many advantages at the beginning but later they turned to call for political demands
for each sector . It moved from political sectors to service sectors where categorical
demands increased around the country where sit-ins and strikes spread all over . This
gives the idea that with the parliamentary elections , the country is not only going to
face complete institutions paralysis but chaos , economic bankruptcy as logical result
for production wheel weakness , lack of investment , employment rates increase and
emergency laws existence .

It is necessary to tackle a very important component of the Egyptian entity which is
the Coptic issue , this file despite being away from scope for the past period , it was
imposed strongly due to attacks on churches in Atfeeh & Embaba . Later , what
happened Aswan and resulted in many victims who died in Cairo in front of Maspero
on Oct9th 2011 . This has set the question of the unified law for worshipping places
which was criticized by many Salafies , shall it be issued or shall they wait for an
elected government to issue it .

In a nutshell , all those circumstances caused by Mubarak regime that was in power
for 3 decades led to exclusion of many categories of the society m but once the regime
was stepped down , things just erupted and it is impossible to get things back even if
Mubarak regime came to power again . Those categorical demands harmed the
Egyptian economy , despite the fact that their demands are legal but they didn’t
choose a correct time or place for their demands . There is no elected government to
respond to their demands , they started their demonstrations in a random , chaotic way
under the claim of democracy and freedom despite the fact that the simplest rules for
demonstrations is to inform security forces for keeping security ………etc

The SCAF could just tackle the categorical demands grudgingly in a desperate
attempt to satisfy the majority but certainly the priority was for political gains . They
met with many political powers through dialogues , like the national dialogue
supervised by Dr Hegazy & National reconciliation by Dr. Al gamal , but none of the
conferences that were attended by ex NDP members attended , achieved any concrete
results . The second one lasted for few weeks which is longer than the first one that
just ended after few hours as the youth coalitions were not represented . There was
another public conference by Dr Mamdouh Hamza , it kept working until candidacy
opening , it tried to organize the revolutionary powers to face the ex NDP but it
totally broke any relations with the religious trend and there was no relation with the
state .

There was another fragmentation caused by the issue of constitution first or elections
first which lasted for weeks between civil powers asking for constitution and
religious powers asking elections first as they believe it certain to win . Here the civil
trends asked many logical questions , like what is the international trend to set
constitutions , by majority or correspondence ???? what is the role of the parliament if
this committee of the constitution is set ??? how will the parliament deputy swear an
oath for the constitution and which constitution 1971 or the coming one ??/what will
be the role of the deputy if the constitution is not set yet ??? how can a parliament that
workers and farmers represent majority in it to choose a committee to form law which
totally contradicts opportunities equality ???? what are the standards that this
parliamentary majority is going to choose the committee members on ?????will they
be specialized or farmers& workers ???form the parliament or not /???if the religious
trend depends on the referendum in March . It only included one article about the
constitution which is article 11 . If this committee amended the nature of the political
system ( parliamentary , presidential – or mixed ) , certainly this is going to happen ,
will this parliament be dissolved as the duties and of president and parliament that
they were elected upon changed . Moreover , the date of the elections which is Oct
12th , is the security in the streets that are totally characterized by thugs and violence
can handle elections . Are the political powers ready now ??? What are the guarantees
 of such quick elections where ex NDP can jump at ????

Anyway , despite SCAF sympathy with constitution first supporters , it totally
supported the other as despite the logic in their claim were not as strong as the
religious trends that put them in a dilemma of public will respect . There were
talking about SCAF support for supra constitutional articles that were suggested by
national council and presidential candidates : Al baradey , Mosa and Al bastaweesy
each one alone , Al Azhar and later Aly Al slmy , vice pri-minister who issued a
document that harmonize all the other . Despite all those efforts this document didn’t
get final approval as many questioned how obligatory it is . Moreover , there were
controversies over the 100 person committee that will set the constitution which
SCAF announced there shall be specific standards for choosing it which was totally
refused by religious trend who believe the parliament deputies shall only set those
rules believing majority will be theirs .
SCAF support for civil powers was only to guarantee that political game rules can
never be only in the hands of the religious trends after the transitional period . SCAF
could unite those revolution powers again , but this time facing SCAF itself . This
took place few weeks earlier to the candidacy opening and here we shall refer to many
situations where SCAF was seen clearly to be against the revolution powers :

- Refusing what all political parties and national political powers agreed on of having
the coming elections through the proportional list system , nevertheless they set the
mixed system between individual system and list system in different percentages after
the pressures imposed by those powers . At the beginning , they were 2/3 for list and
1/3 for individual to 1/2 for list & 1/2 for individual , then ended in 2/3 for list & 1/3
for individual after many powers threatened with boycotting the elections .

- Insistence on continue working with the emergency law and amending it to be much
more stricter than Mubarak era . This took place after the attack on the Israeli
embassy as a response for killing Egyptian soldiers .
- Continue sending civilians to military courts which resulted in tens of civilians who
are now in military courts despite the fact some ex militants from the ex regime are in
civilian trials .

- continuous interference in media freedom of expression which was clear in
September and October through banning one of the Sawt El Oma editions , attacking
Aljazeera on air office in Cairo for two times , and closing the office claiming that
they didn’t get a permission , attacking Alhurra channel and 25th Jan channel while
they were on air ……………etc

- SCAF accused 6th of April movement which is a component of the Egyptian
revolution of being affiliates for foreign powers and suspected its funding after they
called for a demonstration to the SCAF headquarters which was met so violently by
Abbasya people . Despite the fact that this call was very Cyclonicbut SCAF reaction
was so violent . This reaction encouraged the government to suspect the funding
resources of NGOs which caused a great problem especially now as many NGOs will
monitor the elections .

- Refuse international monitoring for elections despite confirmation by everyone on
the intention of having integrated fair elections and also refusing giving Egyptians
outside the right to vote .

- SCAF didn’t accept the calls by all presidential candidates to decrease the tranitional
period time and deliver power in 2012 . This argument that took place regarding the
constitution or the elections , despite the fact that each side had logical justifications
SCAF was supposed to have meetings with presidential candidates to reach a solution
to decrease the transitional period through a quick call for the elected deputies in
parliament in 2 month rather than 6 and decreasing th working time of the committee
to 3months rather than 6 .
Now , what next ???

Opening candidacy for parliament and Shura council elections where political powers
are divided into :

- Democratic coalition : including Alhurya w Aladala , the party of Muslim Brothers
and some small parties like Alkarama , Alnasry which are not equally powerful to Al
Hureya w Aladala .

- The Egyptian Block ( Al kotla al masrya ) : formed by equal parties : Leftists like
Almasry el egtma`y , Al gabha , Altahalof El eshtraky (under establishment )

- Remnants parties which are equal in power and they were all members in ex NDP .

-A group of parties that are going to participate in the elections alone like Alwafd ,
Alwasat . It is important to mention that Alwafd left the democratic coalition on the
night of opening candidacy due to disputes over number of seats and names orders in
those lists .

                                  Social Atmosphere

The social environment witnessed new and unprecedented changes on the level of
labor strikes and awakening sectarian strife between Muslims and copts .

Firstly Labor strikes : Egypt witnessed continuous increase in labor strikes and sit-
ins which reached its peak since the old system stepped down . including
( demonstrations , sit-ins , strikes , crowding , complaints , sharp criticisms to
government in all media )

The last period witnessed continuous strikes , in July there were 75 labor strike , 22
sit-ins , 19 strikes , 10 objection stands and 4 crowdings .

In fact , those strikes were in all governorates , Cairo in front of Alazhar , many
teachers sat in asking for having a syndicate and being permanent . At engineers
syndicate , 300 engineers sat in as an objection for the decision by the illegality of the
general assembly meeting . In scientific research academy , masters holders and PhD
holders demonstrated against corruption , bequeathing and having their wage bonus .

Ain Shams , Cairo , Helwan , and Mansoura universities had many strikes against the
management where a coalition of professors and teachers asked for laying off all the
deans and presidents and to increase the wages .

In Daqahlya : workers of Mansoura company asked for strikes against not having
temporary workers as permanent after medical check .

Alex , Cairo , Sohag , Assiut workers in office buildings stroke and stopped working
asking to separate between them and the ministry of Justice .

In July : tens of the first ranked students at Alazhar university held a demonstration
asking for being hired as teacher assistants and demonstrator s in the university ,
Doctors with No Rights movement also set a demonstration asking for real security
for all hospitals .
Port Said : 400 workers in sewage station administration asked for a demonstration
for their financial rights .

North Sinai : tens of workers of educational administration in Be`r Al abd set a
demonstration asking for 15% attracting labor bonus .

Qalyobya : 200 workers in cleanliness project in Shubra Alkhema asked for a
demonstration for wage increase .

All those demonstrations were mainly on asking for making temporary workers
permanent , wage raise that go with prices raise , firing all corrupted managers ,
 having just social life .

Those labor strikes decreased with Ramadan , there were few crowding due to
Mubarak trials as two sessions took place in Ramadan .

There was a demonstration on August 18th due to Asmaa Mahfouz , the political
activist set to military trial . Capso factory for textile workers also blocked the Abu
Qeer road asking for their delayed wages .

September witnessed an explosion for categorical demands , they came back
strongly among Cairo and 6 other governorates just like after Jan 25th . They had
negative effects on both security and economic levels . Cairo on Sept4th had
demonstrations in post office administration , ministry of endowment , metro , state
council , metro , Cairo water company , Alnasr for cars and those strikes extended to
Mahala , Mansoura , Beni Suef , Fayoum , until Aswan where the military forces
interfered to protect the governorate building from the protestors of Nuba .

There were other strikes in Mnya , Fayoum , Beni Suef , Luxor , Aswan , Sharqya ,
Ismailya , Nporth Sinai , , Qena , and Gharbya on Sept 6th for the workers asking for
bonus increase and making the temporary permanent .

-On Sept 8th , thousands of temp & daily workers in ministry of agriculture held
strikes infront of the ministry asking for being permanent and settling their positions
as the government promised before .

- 500 workers in irrigation ministry in Sharqya , stopped working and stroke against
low levels of income . In Kafr Alsheikh , workers in quarries demonstrated asking for
being permanent . Many teachers too stroke against being fired fro ministry of
education and started open sit-in .

- Teachers stroke since 2nd third of September asking for firing the minister ,
increasing bonus , and exams bonus . 5000 engineer sat in since mid September
objecting not getting the union residences to held elections . Many of endowment
ministry preachers and Imam asked for a stand ( dignity stand ) to get better wage ,
increase in per diem and having a union .
Many of the transportation workers continued sit-n asking for approval on providing
financial subsidies to raise their salaries and improve their levels .

At the end of Sept , they reached doctors who decided to stop working until they
from health institution and security for the hospitals . In education , teachers
continued their boycott for the educational process which kept on until October until
their demands are executed .

Strikes went on , in public transportation sector , it stopped at the beginning of
October but still there are obstacles that banned ending it .

Despite being different , all those demands had common features :

- working outside the parties and institutions frames like unions , syndicates
,coalitions and even away from political groups .

- Depending on direct demonstration actions like strikes , stopping work , sit-ins and
using street as their geographical scope .

- Coalition trend that overcomes ideologies through making membership in those
movements personal and not institutional .

- Most of them got affected by each other especially in the mechanisms of
organization & recall .

 Those strikes were mainly a response to the deterioration of their social positions ,
decrease in levels of living , aggravation when doctors and teachers boycott schools
and hospitals to hold pressures on the government to raise their wages .

Secondly :Sectarian Congestion :-

Jan 25threvolution was a separate point in the history of Egypt and a bright spot in
the Egyptian mind that reformed the cognitive map of our political and social reality
after decades of fragmentation & distortion .

It had the greatest effect on regaining our national unity memory uncovered with the
security fence between Muslims & Copts where national unity was crystallized in its
brightest image . All sectarian and religious mottos were hidden among all feelings of
proximity and love " Muslims , Christians are one hand " was the only prevailing
motto as people begin to recognize that sectarian strife was a political card played by
the regime and that Egypt forms one texture for one nation with one destiny .

In Tahrir square , it was impossible to recognize Muslims and Christians except
during praying time . There was a perfect scenery of Christian demonstrators
protecting the Muslim Brothers while praying making a cardoon around them them on
the Friday of
 ( Departure ). It was also magnificent watching the mess on Feb 6th on the souls of
the victims of the ( Mules ) battle . This was just embodiment for national unity
where the priest prayed with 1000 demonstrators and a Sheikh holding a Quraan
stood by him and everyone cheered ( All for one ) .

Sectarian strife started again after the scenery of destroying Atfeeh church last April ,
it was justified then that it is hidden powers and NDP members that want to abort the
revolution . This justification was accepted then . SCAF could handle things when
they rebuilt the church in record time .

In October , the governor of Aswan ordered to destroy the Marinab church saying it
was only a building for services and they are transforming it to a church which is
illegal and so Christian demonstrations broke out . As an unexpected reaction , there
were demonstrations in Maspero on Oct 9th where violent clashes took place between
copts and military troops after some of them beat some soldiers who were ordered o
protect the Tv building . Incidents ended with about 25 civilians dead and 1 military
officer dead in addition to tens of injured .
Sectarian violence after the Egyptian revolution were mainly because of lack of
correct intervention by SCAF and government and focusing on religious and security
that are considered ancient solutions rather than law or penalty procedures .

This resulted in strives , sectarian violence among citizens and sectarian groups in
addition to deepening Christian fears & suspicions with the increase in Islamists
power after Mubarak stepped down .

Thirdly : Loose security :

There are atmospheres of congestion , pride , hatred between police and people
during the past decades which made rebuilding a straight relation a difficult dilemma .
Jan25th took place and added complications to the scene that is already tense . This
reached a blocked path after attacking peaceful demonstrations and sit- ins , and what
happened later from security loose and letting thugs and criminals to destroy the
country .

Despite serious and unprecedented efforts to restructure police , they are still , with
their great appearance , just time soothing to decrease the pains of a strong disease
that needs prompt accurate surgery to be eradicated .

It was natural that all efforts exerted to restructure police after several separate
attacks by police on citizens or peaceful demonstrations . In addition , there was a
video for The ex- chief of Behera directorate " Magdy Abu Qamar" insulting citizens ,
Maadi accident where a police officer caused the death of a driver at the end of last
Feb . and many other violations inside police stations which totally erupted people
feelings against police institution .

Things have gone too far during the Ballon events that took place on July 28th , which
started as a quarrel between a group of about 50 persons and the security officers in
charge of the theatre as the security officers banned them from attending a ceremony
held by ministry of Culture for the families of 25th Jan martyrs due to the increase in
number .
Fourthly : Establishing the First Farmers` union
Last May , Egyptian farmers established the first union for farmers in Egypt titled (
General Union for Egypt farmers ) which includes large number of farmers in 19
Egyptian governorate .

It is expected that framers are going to have a clear effect in determining the coming
electoral process as they represent a large sector of Egyptian society that was exposed
to injustice and marginalization for the past decades .

The previous atmosphere to candidacy opening date for the coming parliamentary
elections has witnessed a great change concerning the legal , constitutional , political
and social environment . Nevertheless , law no 38 for the year 1972 concerning
parliament elections still suffers from stagnation as there is an insistence that half of
the parliament members should be farmers and workers .

The new electoral system may also open the chance for the remnants of the dissolved
NDP to come back again in another picture especially as the political isolation law or
( Treachery law ) may find many obstacles in application . Tackling the constitutional
and legal environment , it is recommended to revise the report issued by National
Campaign for Elections Monitoring titled ( Obstacles on the Freedom Path ) on
NCTDS website

The National Campaign for 2011 Parliamentary Elections Monitoring

Cairo 15/10/2011

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