GLOOMY SITUATION IN FRELIMO
by Uria T. Simango
Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) was formed in June 1962 as a
result of fusion of three political organizations: UDENAMO, MANU e UNAMI. The
persons who finally brought this unity which, for years was desired, are: Messrs
Matew Mmole, president of MANU; Adelino Gwambe, president of UDEMANO
and many others who were in Dar es Salam at that time.
The unification of these organizations was a very important achievement
for the Mozambican people in their struggle against the Portuguese colonialism.
This decision not with a strong opposition from individualist elements who thought
this process would diminish possibilities of getting important positions in politics.
This process aimed at bringing together and strengthening nationalist striking
force against colonialism and imperialism did not please the enemies of freedom
and independence. Despite all the efforts to prevent the formation of a Liberation
Front the Liberation the desire of Mozambican people was realized.
The goal to be attained, independence of Mozambique from colonial rule
was the guiding principle in accepting members into the Front. This means that
every Mozambican irrespective of his creed or sex or political belief could be
given membership if accepted, the rules and programme of the Front. In the
opinion of the founders the Front was to lead the black masses of Mozambique
yelling under the Portuguese colonialists in the struggle against them for freedom
and independence. The unity and struggle were based on Mozambican and
This orientation which guided the founders of the Mozambique Liberation
front helped to rally all members of former organizations and others in the
consolidation of the Front and the struggle.
1966, A YEAR OF DIFFICULTIES
There were two main sources of difficulties: The Mozambique Institute
and Cabo Delgado Province.
1. Mozambique Institute:
The students at the Mozambique Institute were against the physical
presence of Portuguese nationals as their teachers for obvious reasons. To them
this was a further form of colonialism, most dangerous one, brain wash
(indoctrination). It should be said here however that perhaps they were not
aware of the real danger that was encroaching the movement. Although they had
come on technical basis the Portuguese were determined through cunning ways,
to infiltrate the Central Committee as members. Marcelino dos Santos played a
very important role to achieve this, on the basis that they are also Mozambicans
as the black masses – that they should not be discriminated against – a
definition which was not established by any (?organization).
It must be made clear that the students were not against white
teachers as some tend to spread. There were other white teachers from USA,
India, GDR, and Checoslovaquia but they did not demand their removal. To them
it was not a problem of race but a group of people who could be in the
organization on the Portuguese government mission. They convinced themselves
that these elements were for this purpose.
The participation of Father Gwenjere in the Mozambique Institute
problems and in other affairs of FRELIMO was an expression of sympathy and
solidarity with his own people.
It is necessary to give a short remark on races. The meeting of the
Central Committee of September, 1968, discussed the question of
employing foreigners in the organization for technical tasks. Although some
members were against employing people of Portuguese nationality the majority
approved with a condition that they will have to accept the policy of FRELIMO
and not to interfere in internal affairs of the organization. Some comrades
doubted, even refused to accept this, not on employing foreign people from
friendly countries, but only Portuguese people. As was seen in the meeting
nobody was against having white people help in the organization as such. Those
who refused based on previous experiences many problems appeared, they
(Portuguese) wanted to be members of the Central Committee. To say that there
is racism in FRELIMO is not true, but there is the spirit of vigilance in order to
prevent imperialist infiltration and interference, in defense of the revolution and
The question of definition as who is a Mozambican in order to
establish a clear legal status of many nationalities found in Mozambique:
Portuguese, English, French, Swiss, Belgian, etc., was decided by the meeting of
September, 1968 that it would be discussed by the meeting of March, 1969,
which unfortunately was not discussed.
2. Cabo.Delgado Province:
One year later after the formation of FRELIMO we created an
organizing secretariat and James Msada-lah who until then was secretary for
finance was appointed secretary for organization.
After one year the work of political organization was divided in two
parts: interior and exterior. It was on this basis that Lazaro Nkavandame was
appointed regional chairman of Cabo Delqado Province, a position today known
as provincial secretary. According to our constitution a provincial secretary is the
maximum leader of the province, politically and militarily. Below the provincial
commander of the army in each province would be second to the provincial
Many complaints of ill treatment and unnecessary capital punishment
to the fighters and people in general reached the headquarters. They reached an
alarming stage at the beginning of 1967, particularly from Cabo Delgado
Province. When asked the military leaders refused to be practising this.
Towards the end of 1967 the political leaders of Cabo Delgado
(chairmen and provincial secretary) accused the leadership of FRELIMO of giving
instructions (permission) to the army to kill as they pleased.
The number of deserters from Cabo Delgado and Nyassa rose
sharply. There were many factors, but one of the reasons given was that there
were merciless assassinations of fighters and severe punishments for minor
offences, even on personal basis. This was more frequent in Cabo Delgado
The situation became more serious in the end of 1967 and beginning
of 1968, when the chairmen of Cabo Delgado and their initiative announced that
there would be no more such punishments which were being applied in the
province. Cooperation between the political leaders and the army decreased
greatly. Those who ran away from the army to the villages got support and
protection from the masses so much so that they could not be recovered. As fear
increased the chairmen- requested the Central Committee to call a Congress to
discuss problems in the organization. When the Congress was held in July 1963
the Chairmen and Provincial Secretary did not attend. The Chairmen alleged that
there was a plot to kill them if in the Congress they disagreed with the opinion of
the military delegation of Cabo Delgado. Everything was done to convince them
that nothing of the sort would happen to them but they maintained their position.
They refused to endorse the decisions of the Congress and they called a
conference at Mtwara and invited members of TANU to be present. They rejected
the leadership of FRELIMO (Dr. Mondlane) and demanded that he withdraws and
if continued they would separate themselves from such a leadership and lead the
struggle in the province in the name of FRELIMO and would continue to
contribute for the liberation of the whole country. Because of the same reason,
mass assassination of fighters and population and that was impossible without
the blessing of the leaders, they refused the advice TANU exerted that it was a
wrong principle to succeed.
Subsequent meetings tried to persuade them to return to the
provinces and occupy their posts but they could not be convinced of the
alternative, it became a dead lock. Following this they organized themselves to
prevent any leader of FRELIMO from going into the province and that is how
comrade Kankhomba was killed, December 1968.
In February 1969 Dr. Mondlane died of a bomb explosion in a girl
friend's house near a beach at Oyster Bay in Dar es Salaam.
Problems in FRELIMO began at the beginning of the organization
in 1962, with Adelino Gwambe, Paulo Gumane, David Mabunda, Leo Milas, etc.,
who are not at the moment in the organization; but they reached a more serious
degree towards the end of 1965 and in 1966 with the pressure to remove Filipe
Magaia from the military leadership and replace him with Samora Moises Machel.
These efforts were strongly opposed, until he was killed in September 1966, in
Mozambique, by our soldier whose case is still pendent.
We reached a certain time that only a few people met to take
decisions and announced that the Central Committee had decided; unfortunately
were all elements from one region, the South, Frank discussions bf problems
also regular meetings of the Executive or Central Committee ceased to exist.
The above was intended to give a connection with the present
events in the organization, which are not less serious.
There are people in the organization who tend to give/develop a
theory that there are two groups in the organization, one led by Dr. Mondlane and
the other by Uria Simango. I refute this theory and say that there is one group,
the first one, events below described will prove this to be true. However it should
be said that there are many people in the party who think that some of our
policies are not correct. Such people do not constitute an organized group
against anybody, but whenever they are informed of such bad policies they say
their opinion* It is possible that they may be two or more who do not agree with
certain decisions at the same time. Problems which divided the Central
Committee are such as the Mozambique Institute which some maintained an
opinion that it should be directed and controlled by FRELIMO and others
sustained that it should be independent. Because the first group was right - the
Institute was nationalized in 1968, when FRELIMO for the first time had the
prerogative to appoint the Principal of the Secondary School. However, there are
distortions of decisions about the Mozambique Institute and there are certain
things which still need to be settled. How finally these problems will be resolved is
still a question mark.
There is a swing to say that we are divided on ideology. This can only
mean difference on economic, religious, social policies (class), etc. I agree that
ideology is very important but it should never be considered as a uniting or
dividing factor of the nationalist liberation forces of Mozambique at this stage, if
all agree and accept fundamental principles: a) liberate Mozambique from the
Portuguese colonial domination and b) through the armed struggle. Our struggle
today is not principally an ideological or class one* iris a struggle of masses of
people against foreign domination, Portuguese colonialist, for freedom and
independence of these masses. The question of scientific socialism and
capitalism in Mozambique should not be allowed to divide us if it becomes a
must, of course at a later stage of the struggle* This should not be interpreted as
to mean that we should allow or develop a bourgeois or capitalist oriented group
in FRELIMO, for our objective is to emancipate our people completely...this is our
commitment. The people with religious background should participate in the
administration of the country is a problem that will be seen later too. It is wrong to
say that we are implanting socialism in the country, to say so only reveals our
ignorance of what socialism is. To say that we are not building socialism now
does not mean that we may not in the future realize it. Therefore if there is an
indigenous bourgeois class at the moment and if it is willing to contribute' for the
liberation of the country we must accept its cooperation because since our
struggle is divided in various stages, the first stage is a liberation one by a
national liberation movement by all the people without discrimination based on
sex, creed, wealthy condition, etc. Fortunate enough there is no indigenous
bourgeois class that should contend with. On the other hand we are not yet
strong enough to fight the Portuguese and their allies and at the same time wage
a war against a national bourgeois class. If they (bourgeois) existed we would
rally them to fight with us against the common enemy. Within the organization,
certainly we must fight all forms of corruption, reactionalism and bourgeoisie,
using our machinery of political education. It therefore, become; ridiculous to
waste our energy to a point of destroying our unity of fighting pretended enemy,
bourgeois class, with an intention to impress somebody, if there is anybody who
can be impressed.
Our organization continues affected by a MALADY. It would be
hypocrisy to say that the serious crisis of 1968 is resolved in our movement. One
can feel the presence of a general demoralization amongst many members of the
Central Committee and their quitting of the organization. Some may quickly say
that they are undisciplined or anti-revolutionaries. It is good to say so but we
should look before we leap. Without expression of true unity and enthusiasm in
ourselves we can hardly lead the struggle to a successful end. This disease
affecting our movement and our liberation struggle must be cured. To ignore this
situation is to be ignorant of what we want and of how to achieve it.
This situation is a manifestation of existence of sharp
contradictions among members of the Central Committee. This situation is
unavoidable as long as exist a group within that is determined to liquidate others
physically for political and material gains. Absence of good will to eliminate
contradictions and presence of imperialist influence and external instigation
makes the situation worse. It happens that instead of fearing the Portuguese
colonialist, we go insecure and distrustful of one's own brother, for he does not
care to kill others. Had there not been a decision at Oyster Bay about this action
and nobody had been killed we would not be worried by this situation. It is sad
that we are going through crisis of this nature.
We would like to spend our time, effort and energy on fighting and
defeating the enemy instead of fighting and killing one another, as is the present
situation, using the weapons given by friendly countries to fight colonialism and
As long as activities of this nature are paid up by imperialists it is
with difficulty that we shall solve these problems. It is a pity that our struggle is
being faced by problems which appear to be childish.
In spite of all this, ways should and will be found, unfailingly, to
solve these problems, once and for all.
There is a very strong feeling of sectarianism, regionalism and
tribalism. We must accept the existence of these evils and we should
courageously combat them and the spirit of individualism manifested in the
frequent utilization of the pronoun "I" (eu). At this moment of serious crisis we
must use such emergent measures to correct that is wrong in the organization in
order to avoid a collapse too prejudicial to our cause, the liberation of our country.
Personally I know that there are some people who are responsible for the past
and the present situation and only through admitting this fact and accepting the
following conditions that I can feel morally capable of continuing to cooperate.
These people are not serious and do not stand for unity of Mozambican people,
for the realization of quick emancipation of our people. Their individualistic
attitudes and cooperation with doubtful forces for self interests makes
participation and cooperation vain and impossible. Working in this manner is not
for the advantage of the people. These activities can only evidence the true
nature of these elements, seek for personal gains, materially and politically. They
do not even spare the most evil means to achieve these ends, including
assassinations. Before tabulating these conditions let us have a look at a serious
crime they committed, THE DEATH OF SILVERIO RAFAEL NUNGU.
That there was frequent, cold blooded and deliberate killing in our
army is a matter that was of heated discussions inside and outside FRELIMO.
Deserters always said this was being done and the chairmen of Cabo Delgado
came up with this as the main reason for their adamant demand for secession.
Our military officers always refused this allegation and this created two different
opinions on the problem. Everybody sought for evidence. The death of comrade
Nungu has given light to the whole affair, has proved all these allegations to be
Nobody is against the application of capital punishment to those
who deserve it, those who collaborate with or are our enemies. Even so each
case should be examined and found necessitating to give such a punishment,
otherwise it would be vandalism. With regard to assassinators of comrades:
Filipe Magaia, Mateus Muthemba, Paulo Samuel Kankhomba and Silverio
Rafael. Nungu should accordingly be punished, no mercy should be shown on
the involved for they are really enemies of the revolution and of the people of
Towards the end of February and beginning of March this year,
after the death of Dr. Mondlane, late President of FRELIMO, several people from
the southern region of our country, amongst them Samora Moises Machel,
Joaquim Chissano, Marcelino dos Santos, Armando Guebuza, Aurelio Manave,
Josina Abiatar Muthemba, Eugenio Mondlane and Francisco Sumbane, held
several meetings at Janet Rae Mondlane's house at Oyster Bay. She also took
part in the meetings. They studied the circumstances surrounding Dr. Mondlane's
death as a person from their tribe, as to who had killed him. Janet told the
meeting that Filipe Magaia, Sansao Muthemba and Dr. Mondlane had been killed
by the people of the north (from Beira to Ruyme river) because they are against
us of the south. She was corrected, the death of Magaia, being told that he was
killed by a person from the south and not from the north. They also discussed
how they could defend for and safeguard the interests of the people of the south.
The meetings concluded that Uria Simango, Silverio Nungu,
Mariano Masinye and Samuel Dhlakama were their enemies, were responsible
for Dr. Mondlane's death and should therefore be eliminated. This decision was
criticized by two elderly men, Francisco Sumbane and Eugenio Mondlane, cousin
of the deceased. They insisted that they should all cooperate and work with
Simango on the contrary it was tribalism. Their advice was not given heed.
It was decided that during the following meeting of the Central
Committee action should be taken. If is became impossible to persuade Simango
and Nungu to go to Mozambique, force should be used (kidnap). Marcelino
advised the meeting that killing Simango at this stage would produce bad effect
because he was internationally known, however he agreed to kill Nungu now, and
eliminate Simango politically first in the international field.
In July after receiving report on Nungu’s death they discussed how to
proceed with the killing of others, the next person being Simango. It was
decided that members of the Presidential Council should go into the country
separately to inspect work in the three provinces we are waging the armed
struggle, Cabo Delgado, Niassa and Tete. If he goes, Samora and
Marcelino declared, will not return, that will be his end.
Meanwhile they speak about a letter supposed to have been
sent from Cabo Delgado in August to invite Simango to visit the Province to solve
certain problems. A meeting which took place at Mtwara in the same month, at
which Samora Machel, Aurelio Manave and Janet participated discussed about
On their return Manave spoke publicly about the letter and
Simango’s trip to Mozambique.
As all of the group of conspiration know that I and others have
details of the assassination plans, they will not hand in the letter because my
death will be associated with the letter, clear evidence that my death was
organized by them.
Three days of the last Central Committee meeting of April 1969
were devoted to attacking and destroying Simango and Nungu and indirectly
Mariano and Dhlakama. No vote would such premeditated decisions. Personally I
spoke for seven consecutive hours and another eight hours divided in various
periods to reply to such unfounded attacks. It was a decisive moment, whether
FRELIMO would everything to keep all of us together - I sacrificed for sake of
unity. The meeting did not understand, I suppose, why I was cool and calm,
presided over throughout the eleven days of the meetings.
We formed the Presidential Council of three people and elected me
as coordinator of the Council, a decision which surprised me indeed. In spite of
all my suspicions 1n this arrangement I decided to cooperate, work towards
diminishing our differences and consolidate our unity for the cause of freedom
and independence of our country. My colleagues, from the next day of the closure
of the Central Committee meeting, after I had left for a meeting with the
Government of Tanzania in the South, embarked upon a campaign against me,
amongst our fighters, people and abroad in foreign countries. If I worked against
them let them produce evidences.
After demotion of comrade Nungu it was decided that he should go
to Mozambique to work at the Central Military Base in Cabo Delgado Province,
and these conditions were established:
a) On consideration of his health he would not
participate in combats;
b) He would help to organize administration of the army and of
the provincial secretariat;
c) He would help to give practical training to other comrades in
d) He would organize census on district level in the liberated
areas, some comrades would help him in doing this.
We believed the words of the comrades, that nothing would happen
to him - assurances were given in the words in Samora and provincial secretary
of Cabo Delgado, Raimundo Pachinuapa, so off he went, at the beginning of May
(3rd May) a scene of Judas Iscariot, disciple of Jesus Christ.
At the beginning of July we were informed by military leaders of the
Cabo Delgado Province that Nungu had died of hunger strike, had refused to eat
for eight days, after he was interrogated on organizing a group against the
organization and on wanting to run away to hand himself to the Portuguese
The following copies of his letters to friends show the contrary to what we were
officially informed, show that he was happy and concerned about the struggle his
true nature…motive led to his imprisonment together with Magaia in Beira and
reason of running away from Mozambique at the beginning of 1962 with Magaia,
Feliciano Gundana and others. Nungu is one of the first revolutionaries and
militants in the struggle against the Portuguese colonialism. He joined the first
underground political organization of which I happened to be one of the leaders
and enrolled him, Magaia and others, belonging to the Beira branch, long before
the formation of UDENAMO, MANU and UNAMI. He actively participated in the
formation of the Mozambique Liberation Front in Dar-es-Salaam,
HOW HE REALLY DIED?
On his arrival in Mozambique he was well received and in
conformity with his qualities soon became popular. He wrote several letters
to friends narrating his trip and that everything was all, right, advising them to
send clothing whenever they could because many comrades were without
clothing or were badly dressed. Read annex I and II at the end of this
THIS IS WHAT HAPPENED:
On a given day, it should be 16th June, he was brought to the public and accused
of being responsible for nakedness of the people because on receiving clothes
for the organization he sent them to his store and used all the money donated for
work of the organization which could be used be used for buying clothing for
fighters for personal purposes. No particular sum of money or special
consignment of clothing were indicated. "He is your enemy and enemy of the
revolution" they said, and demanded that they (people) should decide what to do
with him. Drama of Christ before Pilate, the Roman ruler! There came a deep
silence from both the fighters and the people. They retreated with him.
At the camp he was submitted to a long and harsh interrogation on
personal and private life. Was forced to write a declaration if he wanted to live. As
it was getting dark he was severely beaten to unconsciousness and draggled and
left a few yards away. When he became conscious he crawled back and slept in
the verandah. When they saw him alive at day break they beat him again,
suspended him by the neck, pierced his stomach side by bayonet removed and
put him in a cell by himself, where he died. On 18th as it got dark they removed
his main clothing, was draggled by the legs, and buried behind the kitchen in a
shallow grave. HE WAS ASSASSINATED, HE DID NOT DIE OF HUNGER
He was not an agent of the Portuguese colonialists as < his
assassinators want to convince us of and the world; neither was he anti-
revolutionary. He was killed because of his stand in defense of freedom,
democracy and equality and for being a staunch fighter of colonialism,
imperialism and neocolonialism* and vigilant militant against imperialist
WHO KILLED NUNGU?
What happened in Mozambique is just a fulfillment of the plan drawn and decision
taken at Janet's house at Oyster Bay by the clique of criminals on obedience of
imperialist plan, which they considered to be capable of satisfying their interest
too. All those who participated in the meetings, are responsible for Nungu's cruel
deaths their hands are bloody they are criminals. They are also responsible for
many unnecessary executions of fighters and people. They must bear the
responsibility for the most desertions and present situation of our movement*
We cannot say "Let the by gones be by gones”; those responsible
for these crimes should bear the responsibility on their shoulders the
uncommitted to work for the imperialists must defend the lives of the fighters and
of the people and their rights and interests.
As I have said above, personally I cannot accept to be part of
crimes against our people. Only with radical and complete change of such a
situation that I can morally feel to cooperate; otherwise it is an honor to dissociate
myself with the actions of the criminals for you cannot trust them, they are vipers
- tools of imperialism.
To solve these problems I demand:
a) The right of the people to participate in running their affairs and
in the solution of national problems must be restored. More and more we must
establish and develop people's admiration (councils) in the liberated areas. This
demands therefore the speed up of training of personnel, politically and techni-
cally, so that they can fully assume their duty. Restoration of people's right - the
voice of the people, is a historical demand.
b) Abolition once and for all nepotism, tribalism, regionalism,
corruption and black-mail which certain elements use to achieve their ends and
of their masters.
Since 1966 there has been a tendency of a group, unfortunately
composed by people from the south which Included the late president of
FRLIMO, to meet and take decisions by themselves and impose them on other
people through maneuvers. The late President of FRELIMO was criticized by
some conscious people from the south, what such kind of method of work would
in the final analysis cause. No considerations was given to this advice. This group
continues with this method, many meetings take place at Janet's house, only
people of the tribe participate. We must understand that there is no tribe in
Mozambique which is superior to others. We are fighting in order to eliminate
race superiority of white men or right of a given group to oppress and exploit
other groups. All tribes should be given equal treatment, opportunity and right,
now during the struggle and after independence.
It should not be understood as a struggle or discrimination against
people from the south, but against tribal or any other groups which can fatally
disunite us and establish perpetual contradictions among us. When we speak
about the group from the south it is necessary to say with must emphasis, some
elements of Gaza!.
I must say here that there are many people from the south who are
against tribalism and oppose strongly activities of the criminal group in question,
they themselves happily work with others.
This group goes as far as cooperating with Paulo Gumane in
fighting people of the north just because he comes from the south. He was
requested to cooperate on killing Simango and Francisco Kufa, our
representative in Lusaka, Zambia, at the payment of American dollars.
c) Disregard and non-adherence to our basic laws contained in our
constitution has done us a great harm* The proponents of constant and unstable
changes do so with a view to obtaining personal gains. This spirit cannot be
considered as unitary and collectivism This kind of spirit in many countries has
led people to commit unaccountable serious crimes. This spirit cannot help us to
liberate Mozambique. The principle of strict respect of and adherence to our con-
stitution should be restored. We must go back and begin from the decisions of the
second Congress of July 1968.
d) The tendency to consider our students studying abroad as
reactionaries and agents of imperialism because they do not agree with some of
our policies and therefore establish preference to employ foreigners in the
organization to our graduating students should energetically be combated and
eliminated. A good climate should be created for them to come to contribute,
acquaint and integrate themselves in the revolution. Priority should be given to
them in the technical responsibilities they are qualified for which we require
foreigners to do. This United Front, the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO)
should have place for all Mozambicans who want to give genuine contribution to
the liberation of our country. We ought therefore to reestablish contacts with them
and open a gate for them to participate as militants of FRELIMO in the national
liberation struggle against our direct and common enemy.
All students who were studying at the Mozambique Institute should be accepted
back when the school reopens. Those who are already studying and would not
like to come back should not be forced to but should be considered as students
of FRELIMO and be received when they return on finishing their studies unless
they themselves decide on the contrary.
There are many children of school age, below 18 years old, in
centers of FRELIMO. Places in the schools of Tanzania and other countries
should be found to place them so that they may study, until our secondary school
is reopened. To retain those who have finished primary education and yet could
be studying in other schools is not in conformity with our principles - preparing
cadres for future responsibilities in Mozambique and even during the revolution. It
we cannot find places for them in secondary schools of other countries we should
give liberty to them or their parents to find schools for them where-ever they can
find them. In doing so we shall be creating conditions to consolidate our
revolution - now during the armed liberation struggle and after independence.
e) POLITICAL AND MILITARY DESERTERS:
In some neighboring countries of Tanzania, Kenya, Malawi and
Zambia there are FRELIMO deserters from military and political structures. Some
left on justifiable grounds and others not. Whatever the case may be a dialogue
should be opened with them and establish a general national reconciliatory
atmosphere on which ground those who are willing to return to participate directly
in the struggle should be accepted unconditionally, of course on the basis that
they will conform with the principles and discipline of the organization.
Our enemies will oppose this measure because it is envisaged to consolidate our
unity and unification of all nationalist Mozambican forces. This measure will also
increase the fighting capacity of the national liberation movement of our country.
All attempts of our enemies to divide and maintain us divided should be foiled.
Agents of imperialism will hesitate to accept this and may even go further in
cooperation with their masters to obstruct the operation of this national
This programme does not include those proved to be working for the
f) Massacres of fighters should be terminated. Unity must be
restored. Further assassinations amongst ourselves should be stopped forthwith.
Cabo Delgado should cease to be a place of slaughter. Those responsible for the
assassinations have done worse than the imperialists.
On these grounds:
i - Janet Rae Mondlane, because of her direct participation in the
assassination of Nungu and in the general planning of assassination of others,
Uria Simango, Mariano Matsinye and Samuel Dhlakama, and because of her
being agent and financial channel of imperialist activities to paralyze in a more
subtle way the struggle of the people of Mozambique against colonialism and
imperialism for freedom and independence, and because she is the source of
massive corruption in FRELIMO, particularly of the people from the south and
military leaders, she must quit immediately and return to the United States of
America and cease having any dealing in Mozambique affairs.
ii - Because of direct participation of Samora, Chissano and Marcelino in planning
the death of Nungu and of those mentioned above and for execution of many
comrades unjustly, they are criminals and they must therefore forthwith resign
and enter trial. They are enemies of unity and independence.
These three and Armando Guebuza are partly responsible for some
mistakes Dr. Mondlane made which created many problems for the organization
and himself* The advice Dr. Mondlane was given by some people from the south,
not to constitute his council of people only from the south was not taken into
consideration because of these elements.
iii - The Director of the Mozambique Institute will be a
Mozambican (an African).
iv - Many comrades, including Domingos dos Santos, Hassani and
Jorge Candeado who are in prison serving sentences whose lives are in danger,
should be brought for trial and their crimes made known. Since their crime is of
not supporting the policy of the assassins they should be released immediately.
All these measures are intended to correct the errors which have
existed in the organization for many years and to give a new brotherly and
revolutionary spirit and to revitalize the movement. These measures can afford us
to build unity and mutual confidence in the organization and to wipe corruption,
imperialist interference and infiltration into the organization, to build a true
nationalist liberation movement capable of carrying out the task of the first stage -
liberation of Mozambique.
This process to revive the revolutionary and nationalist spirit and to rehabilitate
FRELIMO does not go in counter with or for altering our Foreign Policy contained
in the document of the Second Congress.
I dissociate myself with the above crimes. Failure to comply with
these demands will mean my immediate resignation.
Mozambique must be free. Determined armed struggle
by all the Nationalist Forces is the only way.