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Land Tenure in the Sudan:

An Overview



By

Mustafa Babiker

University of Khartoum

Introduction

 In the1986 volume of the journal World

Development, British historian Anthony

Hopkins published an article questioning the

knowledge base that informed a 1981 World

Bank report titled “Accelerated Development in

Sub-Saharan Africa: An Agenda for Action”,

better known as the Berg Report

 An phrase in that article, “A little knowledge

promotes easy generalisations; too much

paralyses the mind”, is nowhere is as valid as in

the case of the literature on land tenure in the

Sudan

 Lacking thematic, geographic and historical

focus, the literature is either based on very little

knowledge and hence flawed with too many

empirically unfounded and history-distorting

generalisations or packed up with too many

contradictory accounts reflecting a

symptomatic confusion of the de jure (the legal

provisions in law) with the de facto (the practice

in the real world))

 These problems raise grave doubts on the

potential role for the available knowledge in

influencing land tenure policy and legislation in

a manner that would ensure the equitable and

sustainable use of land and other resources

 One such a defective generalisation is that

the British colonial government invariably

aspired to abolish communal land tenure

and to introduce instead individual absolute

ownership of the land, as happened in

England

 As a matter of fact the institution of

individual private ownership of the land

along the Nile and its tributaries predated

by centuries the British conquest of the

Sudan

 Moreover, in the vast rainland

areas, rather than the introduction

of private landownership, the

British struggled to maintain, if not

to impose, one form or another of

communal land tenure

 This was especially the case in

areas that their potential as

suppliers of cheap export crops or

as seasonal wage labour reserves

were highly valued by the colonial

authorities

 Thus, contrary to the wild generalisations

advanced by the “instant history” of the Sudan,

the staggering paradox is that it was the

colonial authorities—the primary agents of

capitalism—that advocated „communal‟ land

tenure, whereas members of the Sudanese

agrarian societies championed the cause of

„individual‟ private ownership of the land.

 This “reversal” was dictated by the

requirements of one of the central guiding

principles of colonial administrative policy, i.e.

convenience and economy

 Moreover, the sheer size of Sudan land

area (2.5 million km2) and the mechanical

low population density, invite the

propagation of the mistaken belief that

land is abundant and by implication the

issue of land tenure and rights should arise

 However, statements about land

abundance are not only questionable, but

yet another reflection of the lack of

detailed geographic specific ecological and

land use knowledge

 It is important to note that out of Sudan‟s

total area, 45.0% is desert; the floodplain

covers 12.0%, while hilly and gravel soil

occupy 9.0%

 Only 34.0% is low rainfall savannah on

sand and clay soil and high rainfall

savannah on ironstone

 This last category, together with the

floodplain, are the agriculturally high

potential areas in terms of arable land,

pastureland and forestland

Present Situation

 Individual ownership of riverain lands

and communal landholding in the

rainlands have over the centuries

remained the main feature of the land

tenure system in the Sudan

 At present, private landownership (about

2.5 million ha, or 1% of the total area of

the country) is largely confined to the

banks of the Nile and some of its

tributaries northern Sudan

 Here security of tenure is ensured by the

provisions for the registration of titles in

all legislation since the colonial time

 The bulk of land in the Sudan (248 million

ha or 99% of its total area) is owned by the

government

 Communally held lands are legally owned

by the government subject to usufruct

rights vested in tribal or village

communities

 This form of tenure is found in the sand-

dunes and clay plains running across the

centre of the country and in the whole of

southern Sudan

 Given the sheer size of the communally held land

(95 % of all agricultural land in the Sudan,

including farmland, pastureland and forestland),

more than 80% of the Sudanese farming and

pastoral communities depend on it for their

livelihoods

 However, there are no legal provisions in all

legislation for the registration of communal

usufruct rights

 Thus, lack of security of tenure and the

associated official alienation of communal land

rights is perhaps the main reason behind the

natural resource based conflicts plaguing the

contemporary history of the Sudan

 Official alienation of communally-held lands for

irrigated and rainfed farming, forest

reservation, and, more recently, oilfields

development, has been a common phenomenon

in Sudan for more than a century

 The unplanned and unlawful expansion of

commercial production into tribal homelands

has resulted in reduction of land available to

traditional farmers and pastoralists

 Often farmers have become tenants on these

commercial farms as a means of ensuring their

food security, or workers for daily wages

 Moreover, commercial farming tends to take

over dry season pastureland and blocks

pastoral migration routes in the wet season

 These factors constrain pastoral mobility and

exacerbate conflicts

 In many parts of the country rainfed

mechanized schemes have been established

without the approval (or consent) of the

relevant authorities, or have been extended

beyond the boundaries demarcated for the

licensed scheme

Policy Guidelines

 It is high time to address the causes of

conflict over land through a revision of

the policies, amendment of laws, and

innovation in institutions governing the

acquisition, development and

utilization of land, especially in the

rainlands

 There is a clear need for legal reform to

allow for the registration of usufruct land

rights

 Customary rights in the communal tribal

(unregistered) lands, where rights of

cultivation, pasture and woodcutting, etc.,

have been exercised for centuries should

be secured by law and government

appropriation of such rights without

compensation should be reconsidered

 Of course there might be sound objections

against the registration of such land rights in

the name of individuals since the exercise may

prove to be costly and time consuming

 However, there should be no objection to the

registration of usufruct rights in the name of the

collectivities holding the land (tribe, village, etc.)

 Civil society organizations, local NGOs, etc., can

play a positive role in this regard by conducting

awareness campaigns on “land settlement and

deeds registration legislation” and to assist all

landholding collectivities to safeguard their

interests through settlements and registration

 If any uncultivated (unoccupied) lands

are to be allocated for commercial

purposes, then the usufruct rights of

pastoralists and cultivators have to be

given due consideration (secured);

subject to payment of compensation in

cash or in kind (land)

 It is expected that the National Land

Commission, to be established according

to the provisions of the 2005 Interim

Constitution, to deal with this issue

 The disputes arising from the unplanned

expansion of rainfed mechanized agriculture

could be mitigated by the enforcement of the

conditions of the lease, especially the

observance of good husbandry practices

 The present chaos in the allocation of land for

commercial farming could only be avoided

through institutional coordination the central,

regional and local levels

 It is, again, the duty of the National Land

Commission to see that the conditions of land

lease agreements are not violated and that

institutional coordination is achieved



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