The _Re_naissance of the Music Industry in Sub-Saharan ... - UNESCO

Take Note!

The (Re)naissance of the Music Industry in Sub-Saharan Africa







By Development Works





Paper prepared for The Global Alliance for Cultural Diversity

Division of Arts and Cultural Enterprise

UNESCO, Paris

June 2004









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The Global Alliance for Cultural Diversity Tools





UNESCO‟s Division of Arts and Cultural Enterprise would like to introduce the latest in its series of tools

for the use of Global Alliance members, designed to help them effectively promote cultural industries.

Those engaged in cultural industries, above all in running or planning for the growth of micro and SMEs,

have an urgent need for information, both on the practical aspects of their enterprise and on the broader

outlook for the industry within which they are working. This need has not hitherto been well met, either

because it involves independent global analysis or conversely attention to the specific concerns of micro

and SMEs. Global Alliance tools will address this problem both with „how to‟ guides that outline how to run

SMEs successfully (writing business plans, dealing with intellectual property concerns, setting up collecting

societies) and broader pieces of effective analysis on world and region wide trends in cultural industries.

Other tools will provide perspectives for public policy makers that might not otherwise have been taken into

account (a paper for instance comparing public policy measures in Europe and their market effect).



All these tools constitute a valuable extension of the work of UNESCO‟s Global Alliance for Cultural

Diversity, a six-year initiative launched in January 2002 to help safeguard and promote creativity in all the

varied forms it takes around the world. The Alliance recognises above all the social and economic value of

creativity when incarnated in cultural industries, which include books and publishing, music production,

cinema, video and other audiovisual industries, craft and design. It believes that societies need to develop

their cultural industries as vehicles for their creativity and their vision of the world and that they are

therefore an integral part of that cultural diversity without which we would all be the poorer.



Promoting cultural industries, especially those in the developing world, requires meeting a whole range

of needs, from the initial creative act to production and distribution. The Global Alliance therefore recruits

partners from a whole range of stakeholders, including governments, non-governmental and international

organisations, industry associations and cultural enterprises themselves, to work on projects to supply

necessary skills and resources. Partners from the Alliance‟s extensive network (over 140 members to

date) are already or soon to be engaged in over 20 projects of differing scale and nature, all of which will

create end to end strategies for the growth of cultural industries. They will share technological expertise,

training in business skills, assistance in assessing markets and policy making resources to help cultural

industries better satisfy domestic and regional markets and figure more competitively in international

markets. The methodology acquired by the Alliance from these pilot schemes (notably those in Algeria,

Lebanon, Uganda and Zimbabwe) will result in a large increase in the number of projects it undertakes from

Autumn 2003. Specific projects aside, the Alliance is also determined to work with other agencies and its

partners for a more vigorous enforcement of copyright through a legal framework without which those

engaged in cultural industries will never obtain fair recompense for their creative efforts.





For more information consult www.unesco/culture/alliance or email globalalliance@unesco.org





The author is responsible for the choice and presentation of the facts contained in this paper

and for the opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of UNESCO and do not

commit the Organization









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Table of contents



1.Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 5



2. How large is the African music economy? .............................................................................. 6

2.1 At first glance Africa is the smallest market globally… ....................................................... 6

2.2 But the basis for assessing the size of the market appears questionable… ...................... 7



3. What are the major differences between the status of the music industry between

countries? ....................................................................................................................................... 8

3.1 Close to a third of the countries in the region do not have a music industry…................... 9

3.2 30% have not broken through the embryonic stage… ....................................................... 9

3.3 More than 35% (and growing) have a music industry .......................................................10

3.4 Live performance, not recording, is driving the music industry .........................................10

3.5 Piracy as the primary African music economy? ................................................................10



4. What are the major music genres? ..........................................................................................12

4.1 African music markets are driven by local repertoire ........................................................12

4.2 Three common genres across the region: Congolese music, Gospel and Hip Hop ..........12



5. What contextual factors define the music industry in the region .........................................14

5.1 Different roles of music in culture and tradition .................................................................14

5.2 Music and political aspirations ..........................................................................................14

5.3 Music, political oppression and conflict .............................................................................15

5.4 Music and economic development....................................................................................16



6. The Recording industry – How does it function? ...................................................................16

6.1 Local production of recorded music ..................................................................................16

6.2 The limits of the “export” markets .....................................................................................18

6.3 The predatory habits of the “import” market ......................................................................18

6.4 The near absence of a legitimate pan-African circulation network ....................................18

6.5 An informal sector-driven delivery system ........................................................................19

6.6 Limited feedback opportunities .........................................................................................20



7. Live performance – How does it work? ...................................................................................20

7.1 Live performance a key source of income negotiated informally ......................................20

7.2 Risks and rewards of producing live events ......................................................................21

7.3 The role of festivals and song contests in the live performance economy ........................21



8. The role of the broadcasting system- What is it?...................................................................22

8.1 Radio as the primary broadcaster .....................................................................................22

8.2 Broadcasters can play a key role in supporting the industry by promoting talent and

creativity… ..................................................................................................................................22

8.3 And supporting local repertoire… .....................................................................................23

8.4 … But often ignore the copyright protection framework ....................................................23





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9. Opportunities for and constraints to industry growth ...........................................................23

9.1 Opportunities exist alongside a lack of an „opportunity-seeking‟ culture ...........................24

9.1.1 World Music......................................................................................................25

9.1.2 African Diaspora market ...................................................................................25

9.1.3 Local and trans-regional markets .....................................................................26

9.1.4 Complementary industries ................................................................................26

9.1.5 Socio-economic development “market” ............................................................26

9.1.6 Commercialising the industry ...........................................................................27

9.2 Inadequate levels of understanding of the inter-dependency between role-players .........27

9.2.1 Inability of role-players to collaborate and lack of leadership to support industry

growth locally… .........................................................................................................27

9.2.2 … And limited regional co-operation, although the fight against piracy

represents an avenue for joint action ........................................................................28

9.3 Artists rights and obligations not intimately understood ....................................................28

9.3.1 Industry context gives rise to abuse of rights and obligations ...........................29

9.3.2 The ability of musicians‟ organisations and other organisations to overcome the

situation is limited… ..................................................................................................29

9.3.3 … But some are addressing the situation .........................................................30

9.4 Pirated materials and pirate operational strategies have a comparative advantage .........30

9.4.1 Pirate operators have several competitive advantages, beyond pricing, over

legitimate operators ...................................................................................................30

9.4.2 Anti-piracy strategies that confront these competitive advantages are an

exception… ...............................................................................................................31

9.4.3 Instead, attention is given to legal reform… .....................................................31

9.4.4 And the identification of legitimate products… ..................................................31

9.4.5 But insufficient attention is given to mobilising political and institutional will in

support of enforcement..............................................................................................32

9.5 Exclusionary costs of production in an environment where music competes with priorities

and luxury items .................................................................................................................32

9.5.1 Extreme difficulty to access the tools of the trade.............................................33

9.5.2 Difficulties to access seed capital … but some positive signs ..........................33

9.6 Music perceived as an art sector and not as an industry ..................................................34

9.6.1 Lack of professional and technical support to the industry… ............................34

9.6.2 Amplified by a lack of formal education opportunities to build capacities and

professionalism… ......................................................................................................35

9.6.3 But… informal and ad hoc learning opportunities are available ........................35

9.7 So where is the industry going? ........................................................................................35









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1. Introduction



In most of sub-Saharan Africa there is no evidence of a music industry. Instead, a range of

economic practices exist, relating to the production and consumption of music. The level of

development and formalisation of these economic practices varies tremendously between and

within countries. Regional economic hubs tend to be places where production and consumption are

most developed (e.g. the Gauteng Province in South Africa). Yet, this does not always hold true as

some of the strongest economies in the region (e.g. Botswana) are by no means music industry

strongholds. Conversely, economically distressed countries, such as Mali, have rich and vibrant

music production and consumption practices.



Varying levels of development also characterise the various components that slot into the music

production and consumption value chain. For instance, although in Nigeria the essential role which

music plays in daily life makes for a fertile creative environment, evidence of formal and legal

production and circulation of recorded music products is extremely limited. Uneven industry

segment development is likewise reflected in the dichotomy between what is often a thriving live

performance sector and a generally embryonic recording industry. The region also comprises a

parallel and competing music economy driven by the pirate operators. In a few countries this is the

only music industry.



Given this heterogeneous picture, describing and analysing a hypothetical sub-Saharan African

music industry is virtually impossible. Nevertheless, an attempt has been made to highlight the

salient characteristics of the music sector and its economies in the region.



As is the case in respect of most cultural industries, a dearth of reliable and consistent economic

data affects the extent to which the music industry is appraised within and across the countries of

the region. For instance, information about key economic indicators, such as the number of people

employed in the sector, its contribution to GDP or exports, the economic value it generates, are

often simply not captured or considered.



In order to overcome this situation this paper seeks to capture both diversity and similarity in the

music economies of the region in terms of key themes, as follows:



 The first theme to be explored is the size of the African music economy, as reflected in terms of

available, and somewhat questionable (given the aforementioned data limitations), market

value assessments.



 The second theme identifies the major differences pertaining to the status of the music industry

in different countries in terms of evidence of the developmental stages which both the

recording and live performance sectors have achieved. This evidence-based indicator locates

each country along a spectrum bounded by two categories: countries with an established

industry and countries with unclear evidence of a music industry.



 The third theme investigates music genres issues in terms of the share of the market captured

by local repertoire and common music genres across the region.





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 The fourth theme delves into the contextual factors that define the condition of the music

industry in the region. These include socio-cultural, political and economic factors.



 The fifth and sixth themes are overviews of the production and consumption patterns in the

recording and live performance industry value chains respectively, in terms of different

markets, value chain segments and role-players.



Having sketched out this broad-brush portrait, the paper then hones in on the constraints and

opportunities to industry growth affecting countries in the region. These highlight the dual nature of

the underlying characteristics of the industry in the region and include:



 An abundance of opportunities for industry growth that remain untapped because of a lack of

an „opportunity-seeking‟ culture;



 Inadequate levels of understanding of the inter-dependency between role-players and

stakeholders;



 Insufficient understanding and hence promotion of the rights and obligations of artists;



 The competitive advantages of pirate practices and strategies in a context where mainstream

operators are not particularly strategic or competitive;



 The exclusionary costs of production and consumption in an environment where music

competes not only with life-sustaining priorities but also other luxuries; and



 The stubborn perception of music as an art sector as opposed to a bona fide industry worth

supporting and investing in from an economic development perspective.





2. How large is the African music economy?



As yet, there are no consolidated sources for measuring the size of the African music industry

(Development Works, 2001). In itself, this situation presents substantial obstacles to considering

industry growth opportunities. For one, it means that, unable to ascertain the relative weight of the

industry in their respective economies, African governments and development role-players are in

no position to appraise the cost and benefits of music industry support interventions.



2.1 At first glance Africa is the smallest market globally…



In the absence of such consolidated information, partial sources have to be used, such as those

compiled by the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI, 2001).









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Table 1: Comparative size of regional music industries (Source: IFPI, 2001)

Region Global sales Value $

Contribution %

North America 37 8.4 to 14.2 billion

Europe 34 - 13 billion

Asia 20 7.8 billion

Latin America 6 2.4. billion

Australasia 1.8 707 million

Middle East/ Turkey - 345 million

Africa 0.6 207 million



The organisation asserts that Africa's music market is the world's smallest regional market, worth

only US$ 207 million in 1998, representing a mere 0.6% of total global sales. The organisation

posits that over the 1990s unit sales have grown by an annual average of 5%, and real value at

1%. It attributes this situation to growth in the dominant regional market, South Africa, which

represents 94% of sales in the region. This growth was short-lived, as in 2000 there was a 12.4%

drop in annual sales value and a 16% decline in annual unit sales. By 2002, the SA industry was

21.3% down on the 1999 figures and 6.3% down on 2000 figures (RISA, 2003).



2.2 But the basis for assessing the size of the market appears questionable…



The availability of IFPI figures, in respect of an economic sector which suffers from a dearth of

economic data is welcome. However, one could venture that these figures are only a partial

reflection of reality. For one, IFPI membership in the continent is primarily South African-based.

This means that the information used to calculate not only the relative weight of the South African

market in the African market but also the overall size of the African market may be extremely

partial.



Secondly, much of the African music economy is driven by live performance. In turn, this means

that narrowing down the African music market to the recording industry is even more partial.



Thirdly, given that much of the region‟s record market is conducted on the basis of informal (but

legal) and pirate operators it is unclear whether formal mainstream market indices are able to

estimate the African market size accurately. In fact, one could argue that the basis on which the

size and dynamics of the African market are measured by the IFPI may need substantial rethink to

accurately reflect the role and status of the informal sector.



While it is understandable that given its membership‟s interests, the organisation may emphasise

the legal, mainstream market, it may also be that including estimates of the pirate sector market, as

an as yet untapped market, in calculating the potential size of the African market would make for a

much more reliable measurement.



Broadening the range of indicators would certainly provide a more nuanced understanding of the

relative size of the music industry in national and regional economies. For instance, a World Bank

study in three West African countries, namely Ivory Coast, Senegal and Mali, notes that the music

industry stands as the third highest contributor to the national economy (cited in Ouest Afrique

Economie, 2003). This finding alone suggests that the size and potential of the African market is







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actually significant and deserves, at least, much closer scrutiny than it has historically been

afforded.



3. What are the major differences between the status of the music industry between

countries?



Table one below provides a broad overview of the state of the music industry in sub-Saharan

Africa. It differentiates between the live-performance and the recording industries. Five categories

have been identified. These categories reflect the spectrum of the stages of development of the

music industry between two extremes: “countries with an established music industry” and

“countries with unclear evidence of a music industry”. While it makes for a fairly blunt instrument,

this categorisation has been developed in order to provide a quick „at-a-glance‟ perspective, and

aside from the two extreme categories mentioned above, it comprises a further three categories:



“Countries with emerging (or previously established) music industries”;



“Countries with embryonic music industries”; and



“Countries where music production and consumption is undertaken on a craft-like scale”.



The first category refers to countries with an established industry. To fall within this category, a

country‟s recording industry needs to include a range of established composers, artists, managers,

producers, publishers, editors, sound engineers, manufacturers and plants, distributors and

retailers. In respect of the performance industry, the term „established music industry‟ refers first

and foremost to the existence of a live-music culture supported by established performing artists,

managers and agents, promoters, roadies, sound and lighting engineers, equipment rental and

management, suitable venues. In respect of both the availability of an effective and supportive

regulatory environment is critical. At the other end of this spectrum, the category of “countries with

unclear evidence of a music industry” refers to countries where the existence of several of the

basic institutional and capital infrastructure characteristics required for the emergence of a music

industry is unclear. Importantly, this categorisation is not necessarily a reflection of the significance

of music in society, but of the near absence of an economy dedicated to supporting music.

Locating a particular country between these two extremes then becomes a matter of assessing the

extent to which the industry in that country reflects either category‟s characteristics.









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Table 2: Music industry development spectrum

Established industry Emerging/ previously Embryonic industry Craft-like scale Unclear evidence of

established industry industry

Congo (Republic) Botswana Benin Angola Burundi

Congo (Democratic Burkina Faso Cape Verde Niger Chad

Republic) Cameroon Central African Seychelles Djibouti

Kenya Gambia Republic Togo Ethiopia

Mali Equatorial Guinea Ghana Malawi Eritrea

Performance industry









Senegal Guinea Bissau Mauritius Gabon Lesotho

South Africa Ivory Coast Mozambique Swaziland Liberia

Tanzania Madagascar Namibia Mauritania

Zambia Uganda Rwanda

Zimbabwe Sierra Leone

Somalia

Sudan

Total 16 % 24 % 17 % 16 % 27 %

South Africa Cameroon Benin Gabon Angola

Zimbabwe Cape Verde Botswana Gambia Djibouti

Ivory Coast Burkina Faso Niger Burundi

Kenya Central African Seychelles Chad

Madagascar Republic Togo Ethiopia

Mali Congo (Republic) Eritrea

Mauritius Congo (Democratic Lesotho

Senegal Republic) Liberia

Tanzania Ghana Mauritania

Recording industry









Zambia Guinea Bissau Rwanda

Equatorial Guinea Sierra Leone

Malawi Somalia

Mozambique Sudan

Namibia Swaziland

Uganda

Total 3% 26 % 27 % 11 % 32 %

Average 9% 26 % 22 % 14 % 30 %







3.1 Close to a third of the countries in the region do not have a music industry…



Key issues emerge from the table above. First and foremost is the fact that in thirty percent of all

countries in sub-Saharan Africa there is very little evidence of the existence of a music industry. Of

note is that the majority of these countries have been subjected to prolonged economic and

political turmoil, such as Liberia or Sudan. The remainder adjoin countries that have large

economies and fairly established music industries. For example while landlocked Lesotho has rich

social traditions that are musically orientated, the significance of the South African economy

together with the strength of its music industry have probably combined to discourage the

emergence of a Basotho music industry.





3.2 30% have not broken through the embryonic stage…



A further thirty percent of all countries comprise music industries that have not broken through the

embryonic stage. In the recording sector, this is the stage which the majority of African countries

find themselves at. For instance, to reach gold in Botswana an artist must sell 2500 copies while

platinum is only 5000 copies (Master-Dee in The Reporter, 2004).









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Importantly, in most of those countries, while relatively small and fragile, the music industry is

growing. In fact, among those countries, evidence of a music industry was inexistent in several,

only a decade ago.



3.3 More than 35% (and growing) have a music industry



Finally, in thirty five percent of all countries one can confidently refer to the existence of a music

industry, although among those the minority a countries can boast an „established industry‟ (and

only two an „established recording industry‟). The common (and combined) denominators of the

countries that make up both categories include relatively strong economies and accessibility to

varied broadcasting networks as well as the significance of music in daily life.



3.4 Live performance, not recording, is driving the music industry



Evident in the table above is the dichotomy between the development of the live performance and

the recording industries. A number of factors can explain this situation, including the relatively

higher capital costs of the recording industry compared to those associated with the performance

industry. Nevertheless, it is important to stress that in the majority of cases the existence of a

strong live performance sector often acts as a precursor to the growth of the industry. In countries

where the recording industry is either embryonic or artisanal or has to contend with widespread

piracy, it is often the primary music economy.



3.5 Piracy as the primary African music economy?



The global growth of music piracy is facilitated in part by technological advances. The IFPI

estimates that, globally CD piracy is worth US$4.5 billion per year (IFPI, 2003). It identified that the

root of the problem is the massive over-capacity of CD manufacturing plants. In contrast to global

trends, in the African region, cassette piracy the major plague.



According to its survey of sound carrier piracy in 1998, IFPI reported that the level of domestic

sound carrier piracy expressed as a percentage of the legitimate market in Africa was over 50% in

Kenya and Nigeria, between 25% and 50% in Zimbabwe and between 10% and 25% in Ghana

(IFPI, in Hardy P, 2000). In South Africa, where the market is worth $150 million, the pirate market

share is estimated at around 15-25%. Artists targeted mainly by pirate syndicates are South

African, Congolese and Zimbabwean because they are the most popular in Southern Africa. In the

countries which have very little of the facilities and institutional infrastructure required to set up a

music industry, the share of the music business held by pirate operators is obviously much higher.



Piracy remains a substantial draw back for artists and record labels alike. For example, in early

2001, three pirate operators were arrested and admitted to having sold more than 6000 tapes of

Zambian Hip Hop stars, Black Muntu, within the first two weeks of the release of the album- a

substantially higher figure than what the legal retail and distribution systems had achieved within

that time-frame (Development Works, 2001). Within weeks of any release by Youssou N‟Dour,

pirate operators will have more than ten thousand copies made in Asia available on the streets of

Dakar (Ouest Afrique Economie, 2003).









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Piracy hinders considerably the ability of artists to make a living from their trade. In the African

region, this forces some artists to release their records outside their country of origin. In the Congo,

music piracy has even led to a particular deviation on the music industry‟s value chain where, at

close to US $ 10 000 a go, name-dropping in songs forms the primary income generation

opportunity for artists (Development Works, 2001).



In most of the region the formal production and distribution sectors are non-existent, unaffordable

or inaccessible and intellectual property rights protection does not exist or rights are poorly

enforced which means that the only way consumers access music products is through informal and

pirate networks. In most countries distribution channels for international repertoire are almost

inexistent. Where legal music recordings are available, their price is at least twice that of pirate

products. This situation generates consumption patterns that function beyond the ambit of the

mainstream music industry value chain.



For instance in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Benin, Burkina Faso, Tanzania and in

Zambia, pirated tapes where the titles are hand-written are distributed widely. In Lusaka, pirated

tapes are being sold on the doorstep of music retail outlets, at a fraction of the price, with little or no

police intervention (Development Works, 2001). This has accustomed consumers to buy into the

pirate market and results in artists shunning the local recording industry in favour of alternative

production, circulation and distribution networks, as they are aware of the devastating impact which

piracy may have on their long-term gain in their country of origin.



The production of pirate materials occurs through different channels. Often a master tape is sold

“informally” to a separate producer who reproduces the tape and passes it on to retailers and

distributors. Some artists or their agents even partake in the process where the contractual

arrangements between the musician and the recording company are not perceived to be

adequately advantageous for the musician and where the artists and producers lack confidence in

the copyright protection and collection system (Ibid.).



Live-broadcasting events and performances can also be recorded illegally by pirate operators and

then distributed via informal operators. Such practices are sometimes undertaken under the aegis

of promoters for whom it represents a secondary source of income.



Alternatively, the owners of production plants make copies illegally of materials and distributes

them through an informal distribution network. In some countries, availability of affordable CD

burning and tape copying infrastructure means that this is a widespread process. In others, pirated

tapes are imported from South East Asia and the Middle East.



In the absence of effective enforcement of intellectual property legislation, recording companies

can also source published materials and recruit artists and musicians to perform cover versions

without the permission of the rights holder and distribute the “illegal” products in the formal

distribution process.



Piracy can also take place as part of the circulation segment of the industry‟s value chain. For

example, stocks of recorded material are declared stolen or “deleted” (officially discontinued) and

then re-distributed through formal or informal sector distributors. Record labels also circulate and







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distribute artists from their repertoire in different countries without informing the artists and by

withholding royalty payments (Ibid.).



The range of pirate activities suggests that often the pirate and the “mainstream” role-players act

side by side and co-operate. Such is the prevalence of piracy in the region, that it clearly

constitutes a hindrance to industry growth. Anecdotal evidence also suggests that international

criminal networks have carved up a significant share of the piracy-driven recording industry

(Development Wokrs, 2001).



4. What are the major music genres?



4.1 African music markets are driven by local repertoire



Not unlike other emerging markets (Table 2 below), African music markets are dominated by local

repertoire. Excluding South Africa, local repertoire dominates the region, with an average of 65%.

In South Africa, the international repertoire accounts for over 75% of sales, although the share of

the local repertoire is growing. Even there, local music genres, such as kwaito and Afrikaans pop

have dominated the charts, by capturing more than 80% of the best-selling albums‟ market share.



Table 3: Comparative share of domestic repertoire (Source: IFPI, 2003)

Country Repertoire

United States Mostly local

Canada Increase to 12% due to Canadian superstars

Western Europe (France, Mix, strong efforts to promote local repertoire

Germany, Italy, Spain and UK)

Eastern Europe incl Russia) Western European music mostly

Japan 75% domestic and regional

Latin America 70% Domestic and regional

Middle East Turkey Arab/ Domestic 60%

Australasia International but historic effort to promote local repertoire

Africa Local



4.2 Three common genres across the region: Congolese music, Gospel and Hip Hop



The sub-Saharan African music scene is as diverse as its people. There are three broad music

genres which are common across the region. Congolese rumba and Zairoise Moderne are played

throughout much of the region and have inspired local variations and interpretations. Historically,

Congo‟s rhythms and tunes have had considerable influence over most popular sounds emerging

in individual countries, and collectively referred to as Afropop.



More recently, two other genres have been making their mark on the African score: Gospel and Hip

Hop. As a genre gospel music is particularly popular in countries with strong Christian traditions,

however, the particular tune of gospel music varies both within and between countries. For

instance, musically, the respective interpretations of gospel music in Ghana, Madagascar and

South Africa are different, yet all fall within the same broad genre.



Hip Hop is a relatively late-comer to the region‟s air waves and makeshift stages but is making

great strides. Although undoubtedly an imported sound, Hip Hop, rapped in the regions‟ various





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vernaculars is clearly the fastest growing music genre in both East and Southern Africa and

perhaps to a lesser extent Western and Central Africa where it has had to contend with the well

established musical traditions of Soukous and Rumba.



Other genres, aside from the three discussed above, exist. “Traditional” music is still very much

part of the local music-scape although increasingly reinterpreted into local popular sound or

contained in the practice of social rituals. Jazz and Afro-Jazz are gaining strength in particular in

the Southern African sub-region.



In the individual countries of the region, creativity among the youth is generating further diversity

and dynamism. The rapidly growing urban youth sound of Kwaito has come to rival the position of

gospel as South Africa‟s top selling genre, in just under ten years. Similarly, in Tanzania, after

decades of following Congolese rhythms and sounds, a Tanzanian genre going by the name of

Bongo Flava is making headway. In Cameroon, bantowbol, nganja and bend-skin are making

waves at home and abroad.



Below is a table providing an at a glance record of major artists in the various countries of the

region by country of origin.



Table 4: Major artists in selected African countries

Country Major artist

Angola Valdemar Bastos

Benin Angélique Kidjo

Burkina Faso Adama Dramé

Burundi Khadija Nin

Cameroon Manu Dibango, Wes

Cape Verde Cesaria Evora, Mayra Curado Andrade

Charlotte Mbango

Chad HenriH‟sao

Dikongue

Congo (Republic) Tshala Muana

Democratic republic of the JB Piana, Werason, Papa Wemba, Sam Mangwana, Franco, Awilo Longomba

Ethiopia

Congo , Hamelmal Abate

Gambia Djali Nyama Suso, Tata Dinding Jobarteh

Ghana Osibisa, A.B Crentsil and the Highlife Stars

Ginea Bissau , El Hadj Djeli Sory Kouyaté et Kandia Kouyaté Sory

Ginee Konakry Sekou Bembeya Diabate

Ivory Coast Magic System, Alpha Blondi

Kenya Safari Sound Band

Madagascar Rossy, Tarika, D'Gary

Mali Mori Kante, Ali Farka Touré

Mozambique Remy Ongala

Niger Mamar Kassey

Nigeria King Sunny Adé, Fela Kuti (deceased)

Senegal Positive Black Soul, Youssou N'Dour, Sheik Lo, Ismael Lo, Doudou N'Diaye Rose

Seychelles Raymond Clarisse

Somalia Miriam Mursal

South Africa Brenda Fassi (Deceased), Myriam Makeba, Lucky Dube, Arthur , Ladysmith Black Mabazo, Hugh

Sudan Hamza El Din

Masakela, Jonny Clegg

Tanzania Remmy Ongala & Orchestre Super, Lady Jaydee

Uganda Geoffrey Oryema

Zambia Maureen Lilanda, Danny

Zimbabwe Thomas Mapfumo, Oliver Mtukuzi









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5. What contextual factors define the music industry in the region



Three broad categories of contextual factors are influential in defining the music industry in the

region, they relate to:



Culture and tradition;



Political regime and governance; and



Economic development.



5.1 Different roles of music in culture and tradition



The diversity of music genres cuts across ethnicity and nationality. They reflect primarily the role of

music in culture and tradition. Some of the region‟s cultures are embedded in vibrant musical

traditions. This includes the tradition of oral history in music brought forth by the Griots of Mali and

Guinea and the practice of religious worship in Southern Africa. Similarly, cultures that have strong

long-standing Muslim influences have musical traditions that are generally derived from the Muslim

gospel style known as Madeeh.



It is also important to stress that some cultural identities in the sub-region have historically been

much less steeped in musical tradition and instead combine a range of other expressions. In such

contexts, music may form part of the expression of tradition, yet, it is but one of the array of cultural

identifiers.



5.2 Music and political aspirations



Over and above this socio-cultural canvas, several contextual layers have been painted which

have influenced the extent to which a particular culture or a given country (noting that often the two

do not overlap in the region) are proving to be fertile breeding grounds for the emergence of a

music industry. Among these factors are the background of colonialism and the existence within

the former colonial country of a music industry as well as the nature of the cultural exchanges

between the colonised and the coloniser.



The different colonial practices of the English and French in Africa have had an important impact

on the propensity of a local music scene to support the establishment of a music industry and in

particular a recording industry. In contrast with the indirect rule applied by the British, the direct rule

policy of the French linked up colonial economies tightly to that of the metropolis (Collins, J. 2001).

As a result prior to and after liberation the English-speaking countries went their own way and tried

to create their own industries, whereas in the French-speaking countries remained tied to Paris.

Thus, until the 1990‟s musicians from francophone Africa generally remained patrons of the French

recording industry.









14

Music was and remains an instrument in the fight against colonialism and the post-colonial push

towards Africanisation and democratisation. The words of Zimbabwean singer Thomas Mapfumo:

“I had to use my music as a weapon for liberation for I did not have the gun to shoot”, exemplify the

importance of music in the freedom fighting movements that accompanied the struggle for

independence of many of the region‟s countries (in Development Works, 2001).



Although often riddled with conflict of interest, political co-option of the arts has had some benefits

for the music economies. Mobutu‟s emphasis on building a strong Zairian identity and political

patronage of the arts was key in fostering the emergence of a distinctive Congolese sound and the

pervasiveness of music in today‟s Congolese society. In a similar vein is the Tanzanian experience

of setting up music groups as quasi parastatal institutions to bolster national cultural identity.



5.3 Music, political oppression and conflict



On the other hand, political regimes have also had disruptive effects. In the sub-continent, several

artists have suffered from state censorship and scrutiny of the arts. The intensely political Nigerian

Fela Kuti frequently clashed with the authorities. A significant number of artists were displaced from

their country of origin through violent conflict or political oppression. This is true of numerous

artists, such as Miriam Makheba, who fled their birth country to escape apartheid. More recently, a

high number of Congolese and Angolan artists have relocated themselves to cities such as

Gaborone, Harare, Johannesburg, Cape Town and Lusaka (Development Works, 2001).



The incidence of major economic crisis and political conflict has also played a substantial role in

undermining the emergence of an industry dedicated to music production and consumption.

Countries that have experienced prolonged political conflict in their recent history include Angola,

Mozambique in Southern Africa, Chad and Sudan in Central Africa, and Liberia and Sierra Leone

in West Africa. There, the capacity of these countries to support a music industry has been close to

annihilated. In Ivory Coast, the recent political upheaval has considerably shaken what had

previously been considered to be Africa‟s Nashville (Ngange, 2002).



On a less dramatic scale, poorly governed states, and resulting political and economic systems

affect the performance of the music industry. Freedom from intrusive state censorship and control

of the media has a direct impact on the condition of the music industry. In most countries, political

infringements on basic human rights and freedoms can have lasting impacts on both the

production and consumption of music. For instance, in Ghana during the 1980‟s, the imposition of a

curfew ended the live music scene for almost three years (Collins, J. 2001). This, together with

other ill-fated interventions set the scene for a near-meltdown of what had historically been an

incredibly creative and economically viable music economy.



Conversely, the shift in political processes which took place in some countries in the region,

notably Malawi, Tanzania and the Democratic Republic of Congo over the past five years has led

to a de-regulation of the broadcasting system. This has provided a remarkable boost to local artists

as new stations are requiring additional musical materials to broadcast, which in turn has given rise

to the establishment of numerous small recording studios and production companies (Development

Works, 2001).









15

5.4 Music and economic development



Countries which have undergone substantial economic meltdowns such as Zimbabwe have seen

previously fairly established industries coming under strain. In countries which have been set on

the path of economic recovery and political stabilisation, signs of recovery can also be seen in

respect of the music industry.



The prevailing economic conditions and regulatory trade framework has a substantial bearing on

matters such as reliable and affordable access to telecommunication networks, technology and the

tools of the trade. The latter aspect appears to be particularly problematic in the sub-Saharan

environment where most of the equipment and instruments required to produce, circulate,

distribute and consume music, whether in the form of recorded products, live performances and

broadcasting, are imported.



This context also plays itself out in terms of the medium in which music is supplied and consumed.

In terms of volume, music is consumed mainly through radio broadcasts. Live performance is a key

point of access, in bars, restaurants, motels, hotels, community halls and to a certain extent stadia.

Music products are also consumed in the form of cassettes, as opposed to Compact Disks (CD),

although to a much lesser extent than through broadcasting. The firm exception to this rule is

South Africa, where in the 1990s, the importance of the CD increased, with CD sales now

representing almost 65% of all albums sold (RISA, in Development Works, 2001).



6. The Recording industry – How does it function?



6.1 Local production of recorded music



The existence and quality of production facilities is unequally spread across the region. The

manner in which different role-players are involved in the production networks for specific products

is largely influenced by factors such as musical genres (the growth of Kwaito in Botswana and

Zimbabwe) or the rise of Hip Hop music in East and Southern Africa, institutional systems (i.e. the

collection system), technological infrastructure (i.e. the availability and quality of recording studios)

and socio-linguistic factors.



Currently, three poles, each with their specific “anchors” can be identified. In east Africa, production

facilities are mostly found in Kenya and Tanzania. In West Africa, Ivory Coast, Senegal, Nigeria

and to some extent Mali stand out. In Southern Africa the primary production facilities are found in

Zimbabwe and South Africa.



Although production facilities are found in most other countries within and between these poles,

their quality and the extent to which they are drawn upon by local artists vary. In the last five years

a host of small independent studios has emerged in most countries of the region, this has enabled

musicians to make use of local facilities. As such they are key role-players in terms of scouting and

grooming musicians and performers.



There are three main categories of role-players:







16

Independent studios and labels set up by business orientated role-players: A significant trait of

numerous independents is that they are being set up and driven by individuals who are business-

oriented. These entrepreneurs have prior experiences running commercial ventures. This enables

them to source sufficient capital to set up production facilities. These individuals have often been

educated outside of their country of origin, in Western Europe and in the United States, and been

exposed to the workings of the entertainment and music business in areas where it has been

successfully operational (Development Works, 2001).



Independent studios and labels set by commercially successful artists: Given the high cost of

acquisition of studio, editing, processing, reproduction and circulation, only a minority of artists from

the continent are able to set up fully operational recording studios and labels. Among those are

Alpha Blondy of Ivory Coast, Oliver Mtukuzi of Zimbabwe and Ringo of South Africa. Even once the

capital infrastructure required for setting up such facilities and services are mobilised, the success

of such enterprises remains tenuous, if insufficient attention is given to ensuring that they are used

to support a range of artists.



Self-producing artists and state broadcasters: In the majority of countries where there is either no

evidence of a music industry or where it is embryonic, artists have to mobilise resources in order to

produce their records. To record master tapes, the most accessible resource for musicians in the

region is the country‟s national broadcaster‟s studios. For instance Radio RTK in Mozambique,

Radio Tanzania Dar Es Salaam, the South African Broadcasting Corporation, and the Zambian

Broadcasting Corporation offer their services to musicians at relatively affordable rates

(Development Works, 2001).



Of note is that historically, whereas most artists from the region would have been forced to make

use of European recording, editing and reproduction networks; today they have the option of using

regional networks and their respective facilities. For example Ugandan artists, who lack access to

the necessary infrastructure in their own country to produce records, travel to Kenya to record their

songs. Kiswahili, being a regional lingua-franca for east Africa, facilitates the intra-regional

migration of artists sharing common languages.



Language remains a substantial factor in determining which countries regional artists will migrate to

for recording purposes, although decreasingly so. For instance, Congolese superstars, such as JB

Piana, are increasingly making use of South African production facilities. Similarly, Angolan and

Mozambican artists can easily resort to South African facilities.



Until recently, South Africa was the only country in the region where a fully-fledged CD burning

facility was available. Such facilities are now found in a few other countries in the region, although

advances in technology mean that burning CD‟s, albeit on a craft-like basis, is becoming

increasingly accessible.



Most of the available re-production facilities are still cassette-based. This situation is not only

influenced by the availability of infrastructure and equipment but also corresponds to the means

available to the local market to use the products delivered. In the region, few households have the

means to purchase tape players, let alone CD players. The cost of a cassette is also more

affordable than that of a CD, and aligns with the cost of living (Ngange, 2002).







17

6.2 The limits of the “export” markets



Most African music is consumed locally. However, some artists have managed to break into the

highly competitive international market. The latter is driven through local role-players but often

requires the involvement of role-players active beyond the boundaries of the region, such as

international record companies, primarily those based in France (Lusafrica, Barclay, Melody),

Germany (BMG) and Britain (Real World, Melt 2000). The international consumption market of

local products is a specialised, niche sector. In general, there are no specific music genres that are

developed and produced for this market. South African Jazz, heavily influenced by its northern

American counterpart under the aegis of the likes of Myriam Makeba and Hugh Masakela,

Congolese Rumba and the Afropop and Afrojazz developed in the Lusophone countries, by artists

such as Angola‟s Waldemar Bastos, and Congo‟s JB Mwenda and Papa Wemba, have tended to

be well received internationally (Development Works, 2001). Other international artists from the

region include the likes of Mory Kante, Lucky Dube, Manu Dibango, Fela Kuti, Salif Keita, Alpha

Blondie. These have been able to achieve record sales of over 5 million albums in countries as

varied as France, Australia and Sweden; considerably more than they could hope to achieve in

their respective countries of origin (Ibid.).



6.3 The predatory habits of the “import” market



The international rise of global oligopoly across the music industry value chain is currently only

affecting the African music industry to a limited extent. The majors are not really active in the

continent save for South Africa (and indirectly the Southern African sub-region), although

historically they had a presence in countries such as Ivory Coast, Nigeria and Ghana. The

presence of the majors in South Africa is primarily geared to fulfil their role as distributors and

representatives of their international counterpart in the sub-region. Recently, a few independents

across the region have begun negotiating and entering into contracts with major labels to produce

music products under license. At present, Ivory Coast‟s Showbiz draws on the catalogues of EMI,

Musisoft and BMG to make up close to 30 % of its turnover. Similarly, Youssou N‟Dour‟s Gololi has

entered into an agreement with Sony.



As the industry develops and becomes increasingly profitable, its role-players may become prey to

the majors. Indeed, there are signs that they may be considering targeting growing specialised

markets. For example, the French division of Warner Record has given considerable support to the

rising East African hip hop music industry and there may be potential for marketing and distribution

of the Kenyan music abroad. Nevertheless, for some time to come, music industry role-players in

the region remain primarily home-grown.



6.4 The near absence of a legitimate pan-African circulation network



Closer to home, the circulation of music products across boarders and regions is often contingent

on reciprocal licensing and distribution deals signed between record companies in different

territories or between record labels and distribution agents. As is the case in terms of other

consumer products, pan African circulation mechanisms appear to be extremely poorly developed.





18

Few music buyers, exporters and importers are active in Botswana, Mauritius, South Africa and

Zimbabwe. They focus on the distribution of imported products often under licence from

international companies. In countries such as Benin, Niger, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,

Tanzania and Zambia where the market is primarily performance and/or piracy-driven, the legal

circulation networks for recorded music are almost non-existent, although intricate circulation

networks have been developed for parallel processes.



Overall, it is important to stress that in the absence of formal licensing agreements and supply

arrangements that allow access legal music products, the majority of the African market has no

alternative but to use pirate networks.



6.5 An informal sector-driven delivery system



A multiplicity of delivery mechanisms exists. Delivery mechanisms are those structures that make

music available to the market, thereby laying the foundations for returns on investment. The

delivery mechanisms range from retail, broadcast and live music. In terms of the retail component,

this section comprises intermediaries between the record companies and the retail outlets. These

include:



Formal retail outlets. Specialised music retail outlets appear to be more the norm in Francophone

than in Anglophone Africa. However, In South Africa, three chains operate currently: Musica, the

Compact Disc Wherehouse and Look and Listen (Development Works, 2001). In Zimbabwe,

Express Toll is the only music retail outlet and is only present in Bulawayo and Harare. In Zambia,

Sound Investments is the market leader in the retail of music although most music products are

retailed through informal vendors (Ibid.). In most of the region, the purchase of music in formal

retail outlets takes place in supermarkets as in Namibia, Burkina Faso and South Africa and even

clothing stores as in Zimbabwe or petrol stations as in Senegal and Zambia.



Informal retail networks. These networks are extremely significant in terms of the role which they

play in bringing legal products to consumers (from 25% of market share in South Africa to 99% in

Malawi). Wholesale distributors who sell to hawkers and small retail outlets, such as Reliable and

Jumbo Cash and Carry in South Africa, and Portuguese Shopping in Malawi, play a critical role in

the circulation process. Informal traders retail music products at a more affordable price than

formal retailers, and distribute products in parts of the region that are not serviced by the formal

retail sector (Ibid.). However, they often obtain their music products via the intermediary of pirate

producers. As such, they are a key distributor of pirated products. In parts of the region where

intellectual property legislation and the enforcement thereof are lacking, the distribution of pirated

products takes place unashamedly and in direct competition with the legal distribution process.



Internet distribution networks active in promoting and exposing artists to new markets are quasi

inexistent in the region. However, a few artists have begun using this medium as a means to

distribute the records which they themselves produce.



Self-distribution. A number of artists are complementing the income which they derive from live

performances by selling their products directly to the public in the course of concerts. This practice

is particularly important where there are no or limited recording and producing organisations.





19

6.6 Limited feedback opportunities



Chartshows and awards include the likes of the DRC-based Ngomo Africain, the Zambian Ngoma

Awards, the Kora Awards and the South African Music Awards. Although they provide

opportunities to raise the profile of artists, these awards have been criticised for their lack of

representation and the extent to which recording industry role-players (or even politicians in some

countries) have influenced their outcomes (Ibid.). Music journalism whether in radio, print or

electronic format has a key role in providing a medium for feedback. Music journalists are often

criticised for their lack of critical and objective representation, and for their use of press releases

only as the basis for reviewing artists and performances. Finally, although the media covers the

creative side of the music industry, little, if any, attention is given to its business and development

aspects.



The increasing use and availability of internet based media appears to present an opportunity for

raising the quality and versatility of reviews and, in the long-term, will certainly help establish

constructive feed-back mechanisms. It is unclear, however that in the absence of dedicated

economic analysis of the music economy in the region and its countries its financial and

institutional aspects will receive the necessary coverage to locate music on the economic and

development map.



7. Live performance – How does it work?



Delivering music to a live audience requires arranging a live venue and setting up public address

and sound engineering systems. Lighting and special effects engineering, as well as event and

stage management functions can also be performed to enhance the quality of a live performance.

These means of production and delivery are not pre-requisites for production and are only found in

a minority of countries. In most countries in the region, artists perform at small venues with

rudimentary PA equipment. This, however, limits the size of their audience, and in turn, their

livelihoods.



7.1 Live performance a key source of income negotiated informally



The live performance industry is central to the music economy and supports the recording industry.

In South Africa, for instance, those local artists that are most active in the live performance sector

are also those who often achieve the highest record sales. Conversely, in parts of the region where

opportunities for live performances are few, such as Angola, the promotion of artists and the

development of the local music industry are extremely limited (Ibid.).



Live performances are generally the primary means of income generation for artists. The profile of

the artist and the country and context in which they perform influence drastically the income which

musicians can derive. Contractual arrangements relating to remuneration are generally determined

in the course of negotiations between promoters and venue owners and musicians. These range

from US $ 15 000 for artists such as Yvonne Chaka Chaka, Papa Wemba and Lucky Dube when

performing outside of their country of origin, to US$ 500 in small local venues and night-clubs, to





20

between US$ 200 and 50 for emerging artists performing in private functions, to a percentage

proportion of gate takings in which bands have to divide between each others (Ibid.).



A number of hotels, motels and restaurants have resident bands, performing on a regular basis.

Often, these arrangements are based on verbal agreements and, on average, musicians‟ earnings-

although more regular- tend to be lower than earnings which are generated from once-off concerts

or performances.



Bureaux or employment agencies do not exist, although some musicians unions organise gigs for

their members. Generally, the band or group leader takes the responsibility for sourcing new

touring or contract opportunities. Arguably, this detracts from the musicians and composers‟ focus

on artistic creation and practice. It also means that where band leaders are not equipped with

adequate negotiation and organisational skills, this may impact negatively on the band‟s overall

success (Ibid.).



7.2 Risks and rewards of producing live events



Full time promoters are the exception and are primarily concerned with bringing international artists

to the local scene. The role of promoters can be both extremely lucrative and risky. Losses of

between US$ 100 000 and US $ 350 000 per tour have been known to occur (Ibid.). One of the

reasons why this activity can be risky is linked to the lack of professionalism of artists (who

sometimes whimsically fail to honour their contracts) and of promoters (who do not secure

sufficiently formal agreements from artists or miscalculate the costs of production of live events).



On the other hand, promotion can also involve significant profit making, where promoters contract

musicians to perform for an unlimited number of performances in a given country and then resell

performance rights to smaller local promoters. For instance, promoters can pay a band up to US$

20 000 to come tour for a month, host a major concert where he will recoup his initial investment

and more, then sells-out the band to other promoters for smaller events (Ibid.).



7.3 The role of festivals and song contests in the live performance economy



A growing component in the live performance sector of the industry has been the emergence of

numerous music festivals across the region, in particular in South Africa, which now counts more

than 20 different festivals, ranging in styles from Jazz to Rock, Kwaito and classical music.



Festivals are generally as important in providing opportunities for artists as they are for providing a

platform to their sponsors who seek to leverage specific brands or products. In the region, national

breweries are key sponsors of music events.



The running of song and performance contests, such as Francophonie‟s Decouvertes, the Shell

Road to Fame in South Africa, the Malawi Gin Song Contest in Malawi and Radio RTK Competition

in Mozambique have played an important role in fostering exposure of new talent and provide a

key inlet for up and coming musicians, both in the region and internationally. They are often tied to

a recording contract. For instance, the Mondo Music Corporation in Lusaka has held several music









21

competitions since its beginnings in 1999. This enabled the company to “discover”, a number of

artists such as hip-hop cats Black Muntu and female duo Shatel, and enrol them in its stable (Ibid).



8. The role of the broadcasting system- What is it?



8.1 Radio as the primary broadcaster



The nature of the broadcasting system, its scale and content are diverse. Across the region, the

number of radio stations and television stations vary although airways have been opened up in

countries where political transformation has occurred. Importantly, although the number of radio

broadcasting receivers in the region stands at less than half the global average (See Figure 1

below), the primary broadcaster across the region is radio. Access to the television broadcasting

network remains a privilege of the fairly well-off.



Figure 1: Number of radio broadcasting receivers per 1, 000 inhabitants (Source: UNESCO Yearbook, 1999)



450



400



350



300



250 Africa

World ave.

200



150



100



50



0

1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997







8.2 Broadcasters can play a key role in supporting the industry by promoting talent and

creativity…



The manner in which broadcasters relate to musicians in terms of promotion can and does affect

their popularity and their levels of record sales. Where broadcasters are supportive of local

repertoire and artists, this provided a significant boost to the local music industry, both in terms of

record sales and by enabling performing artists to popularise their music (Ibid.). In several

countries in the region, specific radio programmes are dedicated to scouting and exposing new









22

local talent. In Zimbabwe, for instance, there is a weekly radio show dedicated to the broadcasting

of demo music which enables emerging artists to gain exposure to a large audience.



Television networks are emerging as new role players in the talent-search game. Under the aegis

of Endemol, the South African owned, but regionally broadcasted (albeit contract-based), M-Net

has run a regional version of the British reality talent show “Idols”. A band-focused South African

interpretation of the “Coca Cola Pop Stars” initiative has also recently taken place. In the pipeline is

a broader industry focused “Fame Project” which will, like idols seek to draw on regional

contestants.



8.3 And supporting local repertoire…



The promotion of local content broadcasting can be an important opportunity for fostering the

development of a local industry. The local content drive which politicians in Tanzania have pushed

for from the early 1960s, in term of broadcasting has enabled the nurturing of audiences receptive

to and supportive of local music. More recently, in South Africa, the introduction of local content

regulations also appears to have fostered greater consumption of local repertoire in the market

(Development Works, 2001).



A major aspect of local content drives is that in those countries where they are effectively applied,

they have also been linked to a quasi-monopoly of the state in broadcasting. This means that in

countries where liberalisation has taken place, regulating local content may be less efficient in

promoting local music than measures to facilitate broadcasters‟ support.



8.4 … But often ignore the copyright protection framework



However significant broadcasters are in providing exposure to musicians and composers, the

licensing agreements which broadcasters have with collection agencies are not always effectively

applied, especially in contexts where small community radio-stations proliferate. For example, in

Ghana although numerous FM radio stations have sprung up they rarely pay for the use of

copyrighted material and several FM stations do not even carry announcements about the songs

that they play. They chose to play the whole record, thus encouraging people to tape them (Colins,

2001). As a consequence cassette sales have slumped (Ibid.). Even government-controlled

stations in some countries avoid paying royalties.



The limited resources available to local television broadcasters mean that little is set aside for

music programmes and the screening of music videos. Low-cost talk shows dominate. Even where

national television stations are well resourced, as in South Africa, and are able to screen music

videos, they frequently fail to submit play lists to collection agencies.



9. Opportunities for and constraints to industry growth



The previous sections provide a picture of the region‟s music economies from a range of

perspectives. In many ways, this composite picture evokes diversity, transition and an overall

sense of development. At the same time, this picture is also tempered by evidence that gains









23

acquired over time are vulnerable to factors that are often beyond the reach of music industry

stakeholders.



Whereas the music economy stands before a threshold, its propensity for moving up and forward in

each country will depend on the extent to which role-players and stakeholders are able to surmount

(or at least by-pass) obstacles to industry growth and seize opportunities.



The following section discusses the key obstacles and opportunities relating to industry growth in

sub-Saharan Africa. This discussion aims to reconcile some of the key trends emerging and

characteristics of the music economies in the region. Most of these trends and dynamics have

been categorised according to the following themes:



1. The existence of numerous opportunities for industry growth alongside a lack of an

„opportunity-seeking‟ culture;



2. Inadequate levels of understanding of the inter-dependency between role-players and of

the manner in which the industry operates;



3. Poor understanding of the rights and obligations of artists;



4. Pirated materials and pirate operational strategies have a comparative advantage;



5. Prohibitive costs of production in an environment where music competes with priorities and

luxury items; and



6. Music is perceived as an art sector and not as an industry.



9.1 Opportunities exist alongside a lack of an „opportunity-seeking‟ culture



The absence of in-depth sectoral studies and indicators necessary for the formulation of national or

regional strategies are a major hindrance to developing enhancement strategies for growing the

music industry in the region and overcoming its challenges (UNESCO, 2003). One of the critical

obstacles is the weak understanding of the capacity and preferences of the various segments of

the potential market for music products both in terms of recorded music and live performance.



As discussed in the first section of this paper, data collection and dissemination is fragemented and

poorly formatted. Often industry data is only kept by recording companies who may have a vested

interest in “under-estimating” sales and profits alike. Similarly, record sales are monitored by

recording companies in terms of artists, not in terms of where a sale has taken place in the region.

Collection agencies fail to differentiate between specific countries in monitoring royalties and

license rights payments. This is especially important where albums and singles are introduced into

a country by importers and wholesalers, and cuts out an important opportunity for artists to receive

feedback to inform their future works.



Similarly, there is little if any evidence that governments monitor and accordingly adjust the impact

of regulatory and legal interventions in sectors directly or indirectly related to the music industry. A







24

partial exception to this finding seems to be South Africa‟s cultural observatory establishment

process, as well as the existing Observatoire de L‟Art et de la Musique in Senegal, and at the

regional scale, the Observatory of Cultural Policy in Africa.



Given the dearth of music industry information, both regional and country-specific, investment

decisions and regulatory interventions by both public and private sector role-players are

undertaken on the basis of perception as opposed to reality. This lack of empiricism and certainty

in the music sector does not favour strategic planning practices in support of industry growth. In

turn, this means that insufficient attention has been given to developing and implementing long-

term strategies that seek to aggressively grow and penetrate the market(s). Instead, most practices

emphasise short-term gains.



9.1.1 World Music



A first area of potential is the international growth of world music and an increasing market

enthusiasm for African popular music. To date, the emergence of an amorphous music genre

loosely labelled “World Music”, in which regionally developed music is finding a niche has not been

substantially explored (Development Works, 2001). World Music is not traditional music per say,

but fuses local tradition with exogenous influences. Artists from the region that are considered

world musicians include Ismael Lo of Senegal, Wes of Cameroon, Ongala of Tanzania, Orchestra

Marrabenta Star of Mozambique, Kende Bongoman of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and

Oliver Mutukuzi of Zimbabwe.



With the rise to fame of such artists internationally, interest is also generated in other local products

and music genres, which further enhances production in the artists‟ country of origin. Unfortunately,

for these artists to be recorded, produced, circulated and distributed in the richest and most active

markets- Western Europe and North America- the involvement of foreign role-players is often a

pre-requisite.



Whereas a particular local musician may be recorded and produced by a local company, the

intermediary of role-players such as Real world music, Lusafrica, Sonodisque, EPIC, Melt 2000,

BMG or EMI becomes necessary for the artist to be distributed internationally. The outcome of this

situation is that local role-players risk losing much of the commercial value generated in the

process of circulating and distributing local music products internationally, especially since

internationally popular artists do not always plough back the rewards of their international

successes in their country of origin. In other words, while a potential exists for growing the overall

market for music products from the region, much greater attention needs to be given to how to

ensure that African role-players are able to penetrate this market whilst retaining the commercial

value within the continent‟s economy.



9.1.2 African Diaspora market



The African Diaspora market is also a growing opportunity. For instance, it is estimated that more

than five million Congolese are spread in countries ranging from Belgium and France, to Canada

and the UK, and Southern Africa. Similarly, an estimated two million Ghanaian live abroad. The

African Diaspora market exposes the residents of their host countries to the music genre and







25

artists of their countries of origin. An artist‟s popularity with the African Diaspora market is often

dependent on popularity in the artist‟s country of origin. For example, even Congolese stars who

reside outside the DRC undertake extensive tours and concerts in Kinshasa as a means to

popularise their releases.



9.1.3 Local and trans-regional markets



While the international market remains largely untapped, the extent to which the local and trans-

regional markets are being exploited remains insufficient. Across the region, pan-African co-

operation and licensing agreements are the exception rather than the norm. First and foremost, this

represents a lost opportunity in terms of revenue generation. In addition, this situation is also

responsible for fuelling piracy. For instance, whilst regionally acclaimed artists such as Yvonne

Chaka Chaka may have a substantial following and thus potential market across the region, in

most countries, no provisions have been made to supply the market with legal products under

license to local suppliers. As a result, the primary means of obtaining her cassettes and CD‟s is via

the pirate network.



9.1.4 Complementary industries



Substantial opportunities exist for pairing the music industry with complementary cultural industries

to explore mutually beneficial growth opportunities. Music is a core component of the cultural

industries, as it provides a suitable medium to support the multi-disciplinary sector. It is a core

element of cinematographic production. Even soap operas rely on the obligatory opening musical

segment of the programme. More recently, the use of popular songs as cellular phone ring-tones

has also opened up a potentially significant market. Music provides an opportunity to promote local

cultural products locally and internationally. It is increasingly recognised by tourism role-players as

part of the overall tourism destination selling proposition. This includes community-based tourism.



Festivals, where music is at the core of artistic events, play a critical role in exposing musical

genres and artists to new markets (both at home and abroad), and promote specific countries and

regions as attractive tourism destinations. By drawing audiences to specific locations, music

tourism also enables the entire domestic tourism industry to grow. Secondly, by showcasing music

performances together with visual arts and crafts, as well as other performing arts, they act as a

multi-faceted platform for a range of artistic products in a single event.



9.1.5 Socio-economic development “market”



The use of music to support communication and education processes in respect of social

development issues is gaining momentum. Music has also been used as an instrument for

fundraising for development and poverty alleviation. Today, several international organisations and

non-governmental organizations are sponsoring music productions in support of issues such as

HIV and AIDS, social conflict resolution and literacy. While it represents a level of co-option of

musicians‟ creative process, this practice also represents an important income generating

opportunity especially in countries where there is little if any formal music industry.









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9.1.6 Commercialising the industry



Merchandising, endorsements and greater engagement with the advertising industry are not

sufficiently exploited. Yet, this relationship is often mutually beneficial. On the one hand it

facilitates branding and the definition of corporate identities; on the other it opens up opportunities

for composers and musicians to gain exposure to music markets and generate an income in the

process. For example, Ladysmith Black Mambazo‟s Heinz backed beans commercial has not only

upped Heinz‟s sales considerably, but it has also propelled the South African band to the top of the

UK music charts. Similarly, in South Africa, Miriam Makeba‟s “click song” also formed the theme for

a highly successful Bic advertisement. Recently, the theme songs of two competing beer

commercials took Kinshasa night clubs by storm.



This practice needs to be carefully managed and considered as, where excessive, it risks diluting

the consumer impact, and hence attractiveness, of merchandising and endorsements to

advertising spend. For instance in much of Central Africa, where musicians have endorsed

“lifestyle” consumer products, such as beverages and tobacco products, over the last five years,

marketing agencies are increasingly requested to avoid musicians and music themes as part of

advertising campaigns, on the basis that the market has been over-exposed.



9.2 Inadequate levels of understanding of the inter-dependency between role-players

In order to grow music economies in the region efforts must rely on successfully aligning the

performance and recording industries and mobilising the broadcasting system as a direct and

indirect contributor to the music industry. In addition, given the limited organisational capacity of

role-players, it also requires co-ordination and co-operation in order to maximise the resources

available and develop shared impact.



9.2.1 Inability of role-players to collaborate and lack of leadership to support industry

growth locally…



Realising this objective appears to be particularly difficult, not least because role-players in the

industry do not fully appreciate their mutual dependency. The relationship between artists and

recording companies as well as promoters is particularly strained, although competition and conflict

also mars the relationship between most role-players, including record companies, broadcasters

and collection agencies.



Misunderstanding of the relationship between role-players by the role-players themselves fuels

mistrust and conflict, is fomented by largely unequal organisational capacity and results in a

situation where the responsibility for growing the industry is not equally shared or resourced. In

turn, this means that the interests of some role-players take precedence over the interests of the

industry as a whole.



A potential avenue for supporting co-operation with a view to achieving common agendas may be

the setting up of collaborative, multilateral structures representing the whole range of role-players

and stakeholders.









27

However, in the region, such structures are few and far between. Where attempts have been made

to set up collaborative structures, insufficient attention to operational and action planning has

meant that they have often amounted to little more than “talk shops”. The South African Moshito

music industry growth initiative, comprising a range of stakeholders from the musicians union, to

the recording industry, the Department of Arts and Culture, the broadcasting regulator and the

NGO sector, stands out as an exception. It remains to be seen whether this relatively new initiative

will fare better than previous government-led attempts to mobilise the industry and generate

growth, such as the Music Industry Task Team.



Government leadership in respect of co-ordinating support interventions is often lacking. In several

countries, there is not even a ministry whose portfolio includes culture, let alone cultural industry

development. In this situation, it is not clear whether other ministries, such as those related to trade

and industry accord music industry development much attention.



9.2.2 … And limited regional co-operation, although the fight against piracy represents an

avenue for joint action



In addition to national co-operation and co-ordination, regional initiatives are clearly required,

especially in relation to copyright protection as well as the exploration of the trans-regional market.

Yet, governments and even regional bodies and initiatives such as SADC and NEPAD, have

remained, until recently, fairly aloof in response to the urgency of co-operation. Instead, cross-

border co-operation is led by collection agencies and societies. South African collection societies

such as SAMRO and SARRAL have taken the lead. The role of UNESCO and the World

Intellectual Property Organisation in providing assistance to governments has also been important.



Evidence of cross-border collaboration is fairly limited beyond this. In particular, the apparent lack

of engagement between Francophone and Anglophone countries on matters broadly related to

intellectual property rights and piracy but also more generally on achieving industry growth and

undertaking mutually beneficial industry-related activities is glaring. Even when such co-operation

occurs, this seems to involve role-players that share colonial histories and hence language. For

example, organisations representing musicians of both Ghana and Nigeria have collaborated in

order to curb the effects of piracy that hard hit musicians of these two countries. The agreement

between (PMNA) Performing Musicians Association of Nigeria and (MUSIGA) Musician Union of

Ghana is being heralded as a positive example of cross border co-operation.



9.3 Artists rights and obligations not intimately understood



As it forms the creative foundation of the industry, the musician corps has a critical role to perform

in growing the music industry in the region. Yet, its ability to perform this role is undermined by an

overall lack of understanding and, at times blatant disregard, for artists rights as well as obligations.



Abuses of artists rights (wilfully and otherwise) continue to occur, both in respect of the recording

and the live performance sector. Chasms in the expectations of the artists and those of the

recording company and/or (generally informal) promoters give rise to conflict. The informality of

contractual arrangements and the lack of confidence of role-players in the ability of the formal

system to protect their rights amplify this situation.







28

9.3.1 Industry context gives rise to abuse of rights and obligations



Artists‟ rights and intellectual property rights are areas of the value chain that role-players in the

industry- including the musicians themselves- are not intimately aware of. This results in situations

where abuses of artists‟ rights are rife and engender losses in income in terms of recording

contracts (Seligman, G., 2001). For instance, in countries where the collection societies are

ineffective and piracy is rife, artists resort to once-off payments and give up their rights to the

record labels.



There are currently no guidelines on the nature of the contracts or the manner in which musicians

and composers should be remunerated. These vary from 5% to 20% of the retail-selling price

depending on the status of the artist, where mechanical rights are protected. Even in countries

where mechanical rights are protected and enforced, musicians who compose their own songs are

forced into ceding their composing rights to recording companies, in the process of negotiating for

the production of an album. This system entices artists to increase the frequency of their album

releases and to explore a range of income generation opportunities which at times involve ignoring

exclusivity arrangements. In turn, this foments mistrust and suspicion between role-players.



Similarly, live performance conditions of employment often do not meet minimum international

labour rights conventions, in terms of workplace safety and contractual obligations of the

employees. This occurs in spite of the existence of labour legislation and labour movements in all

the countries in the region (Development Works, 2001). It is true that the legislated conditions of

employment do not necessarily accommodate the practices of role-players in the industry which

include, irregular working hours and free-lance work. Nevertheless, even within this context,

abuses arise.



For instance, resident band members often find themselves bound to perform on a daily basis

without leave, for fear of loosing their jobs. The incidence of promoters failing to pay performers

after a regional tour or concert is high. On the other hand, instances where artists fail to honour

their contractual obligations, resulting in no-shows, are plenty. Again, this does little to establish a

climate of reciprocal trust and co-operation.



It is not only the rights of artists but also their obligations that are poorly understood, by artists and

those who work with them alike. Artists‟ obligations extend beyond the mere scope of contractual

obligations, and include their obligations to sustain their careers and livelihoods, by managing their

resources and assets. Yet, the prevailing practices do not equip artists with the ability to perform

their roles in support of the development of their careers nor does it allow those who work with

them to support them in this respect.



9.3.2 The ability of musicians‟ organisations and other organisations to overcome the

situation is limited…



Musicians‟ associations or unions exist in most countries in the region. They are generally weak

and lack administrative and technical support to effectively organise the musician corps, let alone

ensure practices that are supportive of the realisation of musicians‟ rights or the development of

the industry. The extent of the unions‟ success in this respect has been somewhat limited.





29

This situation is symptomatic of the low profile which such institutions hold in the region and the

fact that their bargaining power tends to be limited (Ibid.). In some countries, the legitimacy of their

leadership and use of financial resources is contested. The conditions in which union membership

and leadership is structured is also at times disputed. For instance, in Zimbabwe the musicians

association is headed by three individuals, with little membership recruitment drive.



9.3.3 … But some are addressing the situation



Some musicians‟ unions and associations have achieved high levels of mobilization to support

artists‟ rights and provide services to their members which include supporting them develop their

careers. In South Africa, the musicians‟ union has been active in promoting the development of

legislation and a collection system which acknowledges neighbouring rights. In Namibia, plans are

afoot to set up a musicians‟ co-operative linked to the union. In the DRC, musicians‟ co-operatives

are affiliated and have established a strong relationship with the union. In Zambia, the musicians‟

union organizes gigs for its members. In Senegal, steps have already been taken by the union to

develop a social protection system for members in the form of a provident and medical insurance

system.



9.4 Pirated materials and pirate operational strategies have a comparative advantage



Not only does piracy undermine the industry directly by drawing returns away from investors

(including the artists themselves in terms of creative investment) but it also discourages investment

to develop both new products and the sector as a whole (Ibid.). Indeed, it entrenches the

perception of the industry as a risky business environment where short-term as opposed to long-

term gains can be made and on the basis of low-risk investment. This gives rise to practices such

as once-off fee payments and encourages frequent album releases, thus limiting the shelf life of

each album. As such, piracy generates practices that limit upfront the potential return on

investment.



9.4.1 Pirate operators have several competitive advantages, beyond pricing, over

legitimate operators



Pirate operators have low set-up costs, minimal capital investment requirements and effective

linkages with informal distribution networks. For the consumer, it is an efficient, affordable and

accessible source. Pirate operators gain access to markets which are not penetrated by

mainstream operators either because of cost or spatial factors.



In several countries in the region, pirate operators and the products which they offer represent the

only source of supply of recorded music products- in other words, they are often not just a parallel

industry, but actually represent the industry. In such contexts, this means that the setting up of

viable music business initiatives does not start from scratch but that would-be formal/legal

operators need to catch up to pirate operators.









30

9.4.2 Anti-piracy strategies that confront these competitive advantages are an

exception…



These characteristics are the key competitive advantage of the pirate network over other

production and consumption networks and as such they should be taken into consideration by

formal/legal role-players, in formulating their own approaches to dealing with piracy. Yet, most

legitimate role-players continue to fight piracy on terms that ignore these factors.



The notable exception to this general statement is the action taken in Zimbabwe since the late

1990‟s, by recording industry role-players who initiated a process to regulate the distribution of

music by informal traders (Ibid.). This initiative is twofold and involves the issuing of permits to

informal traders to control trade and enabling licensed traders to purchase tapes at the reduced

wholesale price of US$ 2. Producers such as the Zimbabwe Music Corporation, hold “hawkers

days” for this purpose. The price of the legally acquired music together with the policing of informal

trading places that ensure that traders are licensed has made the legal route attractive to traders.

This has however required a change in operating strategy for recording industry role-players who

have had to reduce their profit margins considerably to operate entirely on increasing the scale of

turnover. In turn, this has also enabled more diversity in musical consumption and production

which is also enhancing access of musicians to the recording market. To this day, this initiative is

still regarded by Zimbabwean role-players as profitable.



9.4.3 Instead, attention is given to legal reform…



In other countries in the region, most strategies focus on transforming the legal framework

pertaining to copyright protection and, to a lesser extent, mobilising enforcement capacity. It is true

that in the sub-Saharan context, the regulatory frameworks pertaining to copyright protection are

grossly inadequate, even where government are signatories of international copyright conventions.

Most laws date from the colonial era and have not been amended after independence. In several

countries legal overhauls are afoot. Yet, once adjustments to the regulatory frameworks are made,

these are being slowly put into effect. For instance, four years ago Zimbabwean lawmakers drafted

what they thought was a legislation that would protect artists' rights on their works and curb piracy.

Though the Copyright and Neighbouring Rights Act of 2000 went through the parliament process, it

is awaiting presidential ascent to be enacted.



9.4.4 And the identification of legitimate products…



Alongside processes of legal reform, a floury of activity has taken place in the region to facilitate

the identification of legitimate music products and differentiate between legitimate and pirate

products. This has taken the form of banderoles, stickers and hologrammes (Ibid.). The success of

these initiatives has been mixed. Some of the identification methods are fairly easy to reproduce

and are thus not fully effective, whilst others have had the desired impact. More critically, in

countries where licensing arrangements have not been passed with local role-players in respect of

international repertoire, identification measures only apply to local repertoire.









31

9.4.5 But insufficient attention is given to mobilising political and institutional will in

support of enforcement



Irrespective of legal reform and attempts to identify legitimate products, the fit between the

legislation and the institutional capacity available locally is often overlooked. Only once

enforcement capacity is mobilised can impact be realised. Indeed, banderoles and stickers mean

little if the authorities are not geared to take action against pirate operators. For this to occur,

political and institutional will has to be unlocked. SADC Culture Sector‟s co-ordinating unit

established a steering committee on copyright and neighbouring rights that deals with copyright

violations at a regional level (Sithole, J., 2001). The committee includes representatives from all

SADC member states and will meet annually to review progress and to define future activities. In

Ivory Coast a decade ago the market was saturated by pirate materials. Today, thanks to the joint

efforts of government and private sector the share of the pirate sector is estimated to amount to

less than 35%. Recently, Senegal has also tightened up its enforcement practices against pirate

operators. In South Africa, high profile interventions are being made to effect a crackdown on such

networks.



To achieve this level of mobilisation, lobbying and the collective harnessing of institutional

resources is necessary. Multi-national recording industry organisations actively co-operate to fight

piracy by monitoring, negotiating and supporting countries to stem pirate activities; however they

have not actively been involved in the region, save in South Africa. As a result, little if any

monitoring of piracy activities has taken place. In fact, the web-based summary of the IFPI global

piracy report, does not even report on the state of piracy in the region. In response to this support

vacuum, IFPI has agreed to co-ordinate anti-piracy activities in the region. It remains to be seen if

this agreement will have the desired effect in the absence of an acknowledgement of the

competitive advantage of pirate operators and resulting transformation in the operational strategies

of legitimate operators.



9.5 Exclusionary costs of production in an environment where music competes with

priorities and luxury items



At present, music and especially music industry development does not feature as a priority among

development regulators, enablers and consumers alike. In many respects it is seen and treated as

a luxury. Governments argue that poverty should be the focus of their action and are unable (or

unwilling) to measure the economic weight of the industry in their respective countries. This makes

if difficult to justify the costs of supporting the industry (through a range of interventions) against

hypothetical benefits. In fact the cultural industries, let alone the music industries, are generally

overlooked as a contributor to the Gross Domestic Product and employment figures. Even in areas

where governments could provide support relatively easily, in terms of procurement policies for

events that are supportive of the local industry, such measures are seldom considered. From the

perspective of consumers, purchasing music competes against priorities such as food and shelter,

but also luxuries such as mobile telephones. This situation plays itself out in a number of ways.









32

9.5.1 Extreme difficulty to access the tools of the trade



First, the tools of the trade in the industry are not locally produced and have to be imported.

Because the performance and recording industries are highly technology dependent, they are

extremely vulnerable to the extent of regulation and openness of the economy (Development

Works, 2001). Where strong import regulations exist, the availability of imported music

instruments, public address, recording and reproduction equipment is generally limited.



Recent trade liberalisation processes have facilitated the acquisition of the “tools of the trade”. In

Zambia, this is the primary factor, which is enabling the birth of the recording industry. In Tanzania,

the establishment of new bands was greatly facilitated by the economic liberalisation programme,

which allows importation of musical instruments by private businesses. In Zimbabwe, where severe

foreign exchange regulations have recently been set up, recording industry role-players and

musicians alike are already deploring the difficulty of importing music equipment.



Even in countries where economic liberalization has taken place resulting in the lowering of import

duties for industrial equipment, music equipment remains treated as a luxury. For instance, in

Zimbabwe, most industrial equipment is treated as capital goods. However, music equipment is

treated as a luxury good and carries a 25% import tax. In Ghana, import duties of up to 160% were

once placed on music instruments and the government also embargoed tax waivers for private

companies for sponsoring artistic or cultural event (Colins, J., 2001). Because of this situation,

musicians have turned their back on instruments and live performance. Instead they resort to

computer generated instrumentation which limits the range of genres which can be produced to

electronica, dance and hip hop.



9-5-2 Difficulties to access seed capital … but some positive signs



Secondly, seed capital for music entrepreneurship is mostly unavailable. Independent record

companies often have little disposable income to invest in improving the quality of sound

recordings or in marketing campaigns to build the profiles of domestic artists. A low investment in a

sound recording means that the recording is not comparable to that of an international artist whose

record company can draw on a greater revenue stream for the development of new artists.



Whereas most financiers either public or private have historically shunned the music industry,

recent initiatives suggest that the situation may be changing. As a result of research undertaken on

the potential of the music industry in developing economies, the World Bank has extended loan

finance for development of the industry in the region. In Senegal, the first country of

implementation, a loan of $5 million has been negotiated between the World Bank and the

Government of Senegal (World Bank, 2003). The loan will be used to effect legal reform,

restructure the collecting society and support investment in SMEs (such as bands, and studios).

The project is in various stages of rollout to Ghana, Mali, and Cape Verde. The Observatoire

Senegalais de l‟Art et de la Musique has also begun extending credit to music-related initiatives.



In the broadcasting sector, the World Bank is making available resources to support community

radio projects in Ghana, Malawi, Nigeria and Zambia. In the live performance sector, bilateral and

multi-lateral donor organisations and the private sector are supporting the establishment of cultural





33

centres that are being used as venues for live performances. Recently, a UNESCO convened

workshop, in response to a NEPAD Secretariat request, suggested the possibility of developing a

subsidy system to assist producers of shows and festivals (UNESCO, 2003). Hopefully, these kind

of interventions are not only sending out a strong signal that the music industry is worth investing in

but can be replicated elsewhere.



9.6 Music perceived as an art sector and not as an industry



At the core of all the issues discussed above a common thread emerges. Building a music industry

in the region requires recognising that music is a business, as opposed to simply a cultural activity.

This kind of paradigm shift is yet to manifest itself in the manner in which role-players in the region

relate to the industry. Signs of governmental commitment to growing the cultural industries as a

means to effect sustainable economic development and contribute to the fight against poverty are

emerging (ACP, 2003). Yet, much still needs to be achieved in practice.



9.6.1 Lack of professional and technical support to the industry…



In the main, because the music economies in the region are poorly developed, specialisation of

role-players is almost inexistent. Ownership of the means of production and consumption tends to

be vertically integrated (Development Works, 2001). Together with a dearth of available technical

skills, this means that the various processes that go into either producing a record or setting up a

live performance are often perform by the same role-player.



Although there is availability of support skills for industry growth in the region, those involved in

managing the industry such as the leaders of record labels, lawyers, agents and stage managers,

have not been exposed to music business education. For example, in South Africa, where

professional skills are more abundant than in the rest of the region, there are currently at most

twenty lawyers that understand the entertainment industry, and of these, few are involved in the

music industry. Those that are, are working for record companies. The outcome of this situation is

that little professional support is available to musicians, in particular in respect of negotiating

contracts for live performances and recording purposes.



Technical support capacity is also extremely limited. Sound and light engineering as well as stage

and events management are sorely lacking. Yet, they are key to the music product that is offered to

consumers.



Artist management capacity is almost non-existent. This hinders the circulation process for

musicians who have to market, administer and co-ordinate their entire professional activities

without any form of support. Paradoxically, where management capacity exists (in the recording

industry) it does not generally seek to support musicians in their profession, nor to provide

musically informed direction through the production process.









34

9.6.2 Amplified by a lack of formal education opportunities to build capacities and

professionalism…



There is no evidence that educational systems are geared to support the growth of the music

industry. Currently opportunities for music education are informal in nature and occur through

mentoring and on-the-job learning. In contrast, formal music education systems (music schools)

are primarily focused on music appreciation and performance. In some countries, such as Niger

and Ghana, music education has even fallen off the school curriculum. For Botswana‟s school-

going children, music education can only be chosen, as an elective subject, from a choice of three

topics, the other two including Moral and Religious Education and Physical Education. This has

several implications from an industry perspective. In effect, this means that most composers and

performers are functionally “illiterate” (Adéwusi , A., 1998) and that the processes for creating and

enhancing music business professional and technical capabilities are organic and not easily

replicable at scale.



9.6.3 But… informal and ad hoc learning opportunities are available



In most African countries music is omnipresent in daily life, as a recreational activity imbued with

the weight of social rituals (Ibid.). In Kinshasa for instance, popular passion for music and local

stars means the sight of people queuing for an opportunity to attend (and pay for!) concert

rehearsals is extremely common. From a creative perspective, this makes for a particularly fertile

environment.



Some initiatives aiming to overcome the lack of both formal and regular on-the-job music business

learning opportunities are worth noting. These are run on the basis of partnership between

professional organizations. For instance, the South African Roadies Association has mobilized

donor support to send its members to courses run abroad. Similarly, South African collection

societies are also extending technical support to their counterpart in the region. The IFPI and

WIPO have run short workshops with role-players in the region on the issue of piracy and

enhancing collection systems. Sound engineering and editing clinics are being run on an informal

basis in several countries in the region.



Finally, trans-regional musicians‟ workshops dealing with issues ranging from self-management, to

healthcare, and in particular musical techniques, are increasing in number. In the short term, while

these perform the role of a stop-gap much greater attention would need to be given to developing

the institutional skills required to support the industry than is currently the case.



9.7 So where is the industry going?



The music economy is very much in its infancy. Its means of production, circulation and distribution

are mostly undeveloped. On the down side, this means that much still needs to be done to unleash

the economic potential of the music industry. On the up side, this also means that country and

regional music industry production and consumption mechanisms are incredibly responsive to

strategic interventions. For instance, in Zimbabwe, record sales of 100 000 units per album were

never heard of until the early 1990s, when significant investment was made to enhance production,

circulation and distribution by Zimbabwe‟s major record labels. Today, in Senegal, a distributor can





35

sell more than 4 million cassettes per year. In countries as diverse as Tanzania, Zambia and Mali

experience suggests that the music economy can increasingly be a viable industry, provided it is

cared for and adequately regulated.



In order to unlock the economic potential of the music industy, action is needed. Such action does

not necessarily have to come in the shape of large capital investment, although that kind of

intervention would go a long way towards equiping the industry‟s role-players with the means of

production, circulation and distribution which they currently lack. Instead of, or perhaps prior to,

such intervention, efforts must be made to develop the comercial capacity of the African market

through means and platforms that are appropriate to the local and regional context instead of

seeking to duplicate or partially adapt western European and northern American production and

consumption models, and their specific policy and regulatory mechanisms.



This is not to suggest that African role-players and stakeholders should shun technological

inovation in production, circulation and delivery. Instead, that they should begin to look inwards and

to engage one-another to map out a home-grown industry development trajectory that is aligned to

their specific context. Much greater levels of collaboration and co-operation must be achieved

between the range of role-players and stakeholders to define this home-grown industry

development agenda than is currently the case within and between the countries of the region.



While there is no dearth of creative talent, efforts will have to target institutional mobilisation to

ensure that the region‟s music economy becomes a viable industry, supporting creative aspirations

and promoting economic recovery.









36

37

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