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effective use of these two tools. In these countries, bankruptcy procedures are
often extremely slow and cumbersome. For example, in many countries, cred-
A holder of debt. itors (holders of debt) must first sue the defaulting debtor for payment, which
can take several years, and then, once a favorable judgment has been
obtained, the creditor has to sue again to obtain title to the collateral. The
process can take in excess of five years, and by the time the lender acquires
the collateral, it well may have been neglected and thus have little value. In
addition, governments often block lenders from foreclosing on borrowers in
politically powerful sectors such as agriculture. Where the market is unable to
use collateral effectively, the adverse selection problem will be worse, because
the lender will need even more information about the quality of the borrower
in order to screen out a good loan from a bad one. The result is that it will be
harder for lenders to channel funds to borrowers with the most productive
investment opportunities, thereby leading to less productive investment, and
hence a slower-growing economy. Similarly, a poorly developed legal system
may make it extremely difficult for borrowers to enforce restrictive covenants.
Thus they may have a much more limited ability to reduce moral hazard on
the part of borrowers and so will be less willing to lend. Again the outcome
will be less productive investment and a lower growth rate for the economy.
Governments in developing and transition countries have also often
decided to use their financial systems to direct credit to themselves or to
favored sectors of the economy by setting interest rates at artificially low lev-
els for certain types of loans, by creating so-called development finance insti-
tutions to make specific types of loans, or by directing existing institutions to
lend to certain entities. As we have seen, private institutions have an incen-
tive to solve adverse selection and moral hazard problems and lend to bor-
rowers with the most productive investment opportunities. Governments
have less incentive to do so because they are not driven by the profit motive
and so their directed credit programs may not channel funds to sectors that
will produce high growth for the economy. The outcome is again likely to
result in less efficient investment and slower growth.
In addition, banks in many developing and transition countries have
been nationalized by their governments. Again, because of the absence of the
profit motive, these nationalized banks have little incentive to allocate their
capital to the most productive uses. Indeed, the primary loan customer of
these nationalized banks is often the government, which does not always use
the funds wisely.
We have seen that government regulation can increase the amount of
information in financial markets to make them work more efficiently. Many
developing and transition countries have an underdeveloped regulatory appa-
ratus that retards the provision of adequate information to the marketplace.
For example, these countries often have weak accounting standards, making
it very hard to ascertain the quality of a borrower’s balance sheet. As a result,
asymmetric information problems are more severe, and the financial system is
severely hampered in channeling funds to the most productive uses.
The institutional environment of a poor legal system, weak accounting
standards, inadequate government regulation, and government intervention
through directed credit programs and nationalization of banks all help
explain why many countries stay poor while others grow richer.
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