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Sustainable Livelihoods and Biodiversity in Developing Countries Su ST REPORT FROM 1 STAKEHOLDER TH FIELDTRIPS: INDIA, 7 – 15TH DECEMBER 2009 Pictures: A. Allan, M. Claasen, A. Guignier, Shruti [..................], Y. Yasuda. Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007- For more information visit our website: http://www.livediverse.eu 2013) under grant agreement No. 211392 Table of contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... 3 2. Map of Case Study/ Field Trip sites ....................................................................................................... 4 3. Key engagements during the field trip.................................................................................................... 5 3.1 Academic engagements: ....................................................................................................................... 5 3.1.1 International Workshop on Ecosystem Management: Experience sharing by the case study countries of the LiveDiverse project, University of Pune, 8 December ..................................... 5 3.1.2 International Workshop, Vilas Rao Lore Sabhagrah Engineering College, Waranagar, 11 December........................................................................................................................................................ 7 3.1.3 [Local college meeting in basin area – Vijahsinha Yadhav Arts and Science College?], 13 December........................................................................................................................................................ 8 3.2 Stakeholder engagements: .................................................................................................................... 8 3.2.1 Visit to Mr. M. K. Rao, Chief Conservator of Forests, 10 December .................................. 8 3.2.2 Visit to Khundlapur Village on boundary of Chandoli National Park – 12 December ...10 3.2.3 Visit to bauxite mine, Chandoli, 13 December .......................................................................12 3.2.4 Visit to Udgiri Sacred Grove and temples, 13 December .....................................................14 3.2.5 Visit to Shahuwadi Village Jyotiba temple ceremony ............................................................14 3.3 Other basin experiences: ....................................................................................................................15 3.3.1 Visit to confluence of Warana and Krishna rivers, Haripur, 10 December .......................15 3.3.2 Jaggery factory, near Kolhapur, 11 December........................................................................16 3.3.3 Chandoli National Park, 12 December ....................................................................................17 1. Conclusions of the field trip ..................................................................................................................18 1. Introduction The India field trip had several objectives: to raise awareness on the Livediverse project; to identify and understand the key issues related to biodiversity and livelihoods from different perspectives (national, provincial, local; governmental/ non-governmental); and to identify existing initiatives and projects within the case study areas that complement the aims and objectives of LiveDiverse project. The field trip was organized by the Society for Promoting Participative Ecosystem Management (SOPPECOM), LiveDiverse case-study partner and leader of WP 7. The participants of the field trip included SOPPECOM staff, Dr. K. J. Joy, Dr. Suhas Paranjape, Dr. Suchita Jain, Mr. Raju Adagale, Mr. Ravi Pomane, Mr. Vinit Raskar, Ms. Shruti. Mr. Hoang Xuan Phuong attended from NIAPP in Vietnam, with Prof. Geoffrey Gooch and Yumiko Yasuda from Linköping University, Sweden (with Prof Gooch’s son Jesper), and Dr Karen Nortje and Dr. Marius Claasen attending from CSIR in South Africa. The University of Dundee was represented by Ms Armelle Guignier and Mr Andrew Allan. Dr. Alexander Lopez had been due to arrive from Costa Rica, but unfortunately inclement weather in the USA prevented him from boarding his connecting flight and he was forced to turn around and go home. The trip was based in two urban centres: Pune and Kolhapur, with the majority of the trip being spent in and around the latter. The first day of the fieldtrip was devoted to the exploration of Pune. The team visited the Aga Khan Palace and Gandhi National Memorial where Gandhi was interned for two years by the British in 1942; Shaniwar Wada, ruins of a former palace and the Raja Dinkar Kelkar Museum which gathers the most important personal collection of Indian daily life objects. The first major academic engagement was organized at the University of Pune on the second day of the fieldtrip. The first part aimed to present the national legal and policy framework in the three non-Indian case-study areas of the LiveDiverse project and the second part of the workshop intended to share policies and experiences on ecosystem management in India (protected areas, displacement, water, climate change, and environmental education). The audience of the workshop included not only academics and students but also NGO representatives. The LiveDiverse team left Pune to reach Kolhapur and the case study area. On the way to Kolhapur, the team could see the eastern boundaries of the Chandoli National park which is covered by wind farms. Kolhapur sits slightly outside of the case study area around the Chandoli National Park, but is the local political centre and provided the best location for access to key local places of interest to the project. It is around 6 hours drive south of Pune. The Kolhapur part of the field trip began on the 10th of December with a visit to the Conservator of Forests, Mr. M. K. Rao. He is ultimately in charge of all state national parks (including Chandoli National Park) and sanctuary areas. He granted us permission to go a certain way into the National Park during the latter stages of the field trip. Following the meeting with Mr. Rao, the group went by bus to the confluence of the Warana river with the Krishna River at Haripur. On the way to Haripur the group was able to see the prevalence of sugar cane as an agricultural crop, and saw for the first time the living conditions of the itinerant cane cutters, seeing a number of the workers’ cane husk tent communities on the roadside. On the 11th of December, the group attended the International Workshop on “Issues related to Biodiversity, Socio-cultural Traditions and Livelihoods in Warna River Basin and other Case Study Basins of LiveDiverse Project” at the Vilas Rao Lore Sabhagrah Engineering College at Waranagar. This workshop allowed LiveDiverse case study partners to present details of their own national case study areas to a group of students, academics and relevant local stakeholders, followed by interesting presentations from local experts on biodiversity, socio-cultural traditions and livelihoods in the Warna region more specifically. The following day, the group drove up to the Chandoli National Park itself. The morning was spent driving up from Kolhapur to the park boundaries; visit to plateau; visit to Khundlapur village on national park boundary (Dhangari) 13th national park – local college; bauxite mine; Udgiri sacred grove; local lesser deity temples; Sonawade village for Jyotiba weekly temple celebration 14th visit to Jyotibacha Dongar temple? Visit to hill fort across from Jyotibacha Dongar? visit to drive back to Pune 2. Map of Case Study/ Field Trip sites [SOPPECOM – please insert route details and location of field trip sites]. 3. Key engagements during the field trip1 SOPPECOM organised a very intensive round of visits for the LiveDiverse team in order to expose them to as much of the Warana basin as possible in the short space of time available. The following descriptions of the various visits attempts to describe what the team saw and to outline the issues raised that were most relevant to the LiveDiverse project. 3.1 Academic engagements: 3.1.1 International Workshop on Ecosystem Management: Experience sharing by the case study countries of the LiveDiverse project, University of Pune, 8 December The LiveDiverse team attended the International Workshop on “Ecosystem Management: Experience sharing by the case study countries of the LiveDiverse project” at the Department of Environmental Science of the University of Pune. The workshop was organised jointly by SOPPECOM and the Department of Environmental Science of the University of Pune. The workshop was introduced by Dr. Praveen Saptarshi of the Department of environmental Sciences. K.J.Joy from SOPPECOM presented the background of the workshop and the agenda. Dr.A.D. Adsool, Vice Chancellor of the University of Pune gave the inaugural address. The inaugural session ended a brief overview of the LiveDiverse project by Prof.Gooch. The workshop was divided into two technical sessions. The morning session was devoted to an overview of the policies and experiences on ecosystem management in the other case study countries. The session started with a presentation of the LiveDiverse project by its coordinator, Prof.Gooch. Dr. Marius Classeen from CSIR provided major insights on the South African Policy related to Biodiversity and Livelihoods, focusing especially on the law on biodiversity and the water law. Then Dr. Hoang Xuan Phuong on behalf of NIAPP, presented the scientific context of biodiversity in Vietnam and its legal and policy framework.The afternoon session was completely devoted to India and gave an overview of the policies and experiences on ecosystem management in the country. The presentations were made by NGOs, local experts and professor of the university. Local experts: Kalpavriksh - Nature, Equity, and Communities: The politics of conservation in India The first presentation was provided by Kalpavriksh, but presented by […] as no one from this NGO could attend the workshop.This presentation started with an overview of the biodiversity loss in India and the responses implemented to cope with this degradation. The presentation focused first on the conservation within protected areas, highlighting the fact that many local communities are either living inside or are dependent on them for their livelihoods. According to Kalpavriksh, the Indian conservation policy is based on three assumptions [that in essence denigrate local communities (human uses are detrimental to conservation of protected areas, local communities 1 Discussions and meetings notes are added in Annex I necessarily damage natural ecosystems, traditional knowledge and practices of local communities are irrelevant to conservation). Therefore, conservation laws, programs and Supreme Court orders result not only in negative impacts on the livelihoods of local communities but also in higher environmental degradation. Kalpavriksh then underlined the benefits and potential for both biodiversity and people of the Community conserved Areas. Mainly located outside the protected areas systems, CCAs are proving to be effective in terms of integrating conservation and livelihoods concerns. Finally, the presentation ended by highlighting the potential of new legislation developments, with the presenter wondering if it was the correct path towards democratizing conservation. Examples of participatory approaches in protected areas in India were also mentioned. Mr.K.J. Joy, SOPPECOM - Critique of the Water Policy and Water Sector Reforms Mr K.J.Joy started his presentation by outlining the water governance context in India and its challenges (the need for a comprehensive national water act, and for a review of the allocation of competencies in water among the national level and the States). Joy highlighted the new policy development in the water sector in Maharashtra and their directions with a special focus on private participation, rights and entitlements. As a conclusion, the major components of an alternative agenda were put forward: the need to treat water as an ecosystem, a common pool resource; water as a livelihood resource; improving the democratic institutional framework. Mr Shripad Dharmadhikary, Manthan Adhyayan Kendra- Policy and experiences related to displacement and rehabilitation in India Around 66 millions people have been displaced in India since Independence, but there is no official figure or record. Mr Shripad Dharmadhikary showed that until 2003, India did not have any policy for resettlement and rehabilitation. Thus approaches implemented were very different from one State to another (Maharashtra has a law) and the main national instrument was the Land Acquisition Land dating back to 1894. No legally binding right to resettlement has been acknowledged - only a right to compensation is in place but faces the lack of land rights title of many people. Displacement is not a criterion in decision making concerning projects. No participation of potentially affected communities in the decision making process is required. But strong resistance movements emerged against many projects. Despite a new policy in 2003, a resettlement bill proposed in 2007 and amendments to the Land Acquisition Law, progress is very slow. Dr. Praveen Saptarshi- Climate change: Indian agenda Dr. Praveen Saptarshi presented the challenges face by India with respect to climate change. [any more on Dr. Saptarshi’s conclusions?] Ms. Sanskriti Menon, Centre for Environment Education (CEE) - Environmental Education in India, some examples and challenges Ms. Sanskriti Menon made a very comprehensive presentation about environmental education in India. She defined environmental education and its objectives and put it in the broader context of the national policy on education. Environmental education is included in the formal education system but the latter faces challenges (e.g.: lack of recognition of traditional knowledge, preparation of teachers, material locally-specified…). She presented the work of CEE in Andhra Pradesh and other locations, underlining the link between education and real life. Schools also interact with local NGOs performing practical demonstrations about environmental issues. She also mentioned education towards the general public. The presentation ended with reference to the website www.greenteacher.org which is exclusively devoted to environmental education in India. 3.1.2 International Workshop, Vilas Rao Lore Sabhagrah Engineering College, Waranagar, 11 December The LiveDiverse team attended the International Workshop on “Issues related to Biodiversity, Socio- cultural Traditions and Livelihoods in Warna River Basin and other Case Study Basins of LiveDiverse Project” at the Vilas Rao Lore Sabhagrah Engineering College at Waranagar. The workshop was opened by Dr. S.S. Patil, the Principal of the College, with introductory messages being made by Mr. Joy of SOPPECOM and Dr. P.D. Raut, the Head of Environmental Sciences at Shivaji University in Kolhapur prior to the inaugural address from Mr. Vinay Kore. In the initial technical session, presentations were made by the coordinator and by case study area partners from South Africa and Vietnam, with another being made on the Costa Rican team’s behalf by Geoffrey Gooch. The second session addressed issues related to biodiversity, socio-cultural traditions and livelihoods in the Warana Basin. Local experts made presentations, and the following sets out the topics and main points raised: Dr. Jay Samant – Environmental Issues in the Warana Basin. Dr Samant Dr. M. V. Cholekar-Bachulkar – Plant diversity in Warana Basin / Western Ghats Dr. S.Y. Jadhav – Medicinal Plants of Warana Basin Dr. Bharat Patankar – Socio-economic issues of the Warana Basin Dr. V.B. Jugale - Impact of Sugar cane in Warana Basin Dr. Rajendra Kumbhar – Cultural diversity in Warana Basin Dr. Balasaheb Ajagekar – Dange Tribes in Warana Region [insert something describing conclusions, lessons learned, details from presentations] 3.1.3 [Local college meeting in basin area – Vijahsinha Yadhav Arts and Science College?], 13 December The LiveDiverse team visited the Vijahsinha College on the morning of the 13th and was greeted by a dance and music display from students who had come in especially on their day off. They were welcomed by the College Principal, Mr. [.................................], and apples, biscuits and tea were provided. The Principal expressed his interest in, and his willingness to help with, the Project’s objectives before the Team took questions from the assembled students. 3.2 Stakeholder engagements: 3.2.1 Visit to Mr. M. K. Rao, Chief Conservator of Forests, 10 December On the morning of the 10th of December, the LiveDiverse team visited Mr. M. K. Rao, Chief Conservator of Forests in [Maharashtra]. He is responsible for overseeing the State’s 4 national parks, one of which is the Chandoli, along with State forest sanctuaries. The Chandoli National Park is located in the Western Ghats which are one the biodiversity hotspot of India, along with the Western Himalayans. Mr. Rao informed us that there is comparatively less biodiversity in the north of the Western Ghats than in the south. As biomass removal is in certain circumstances permitted in the latter but not the former, the national park regime is more restrictive than that applicable to sanctuaries. There [has been a proposal to nominate the Western Ghats as a UNESCO World Heritage Site] – not clear if this has happened or not. Mr. Rao informed us about the seismic risks in the area. The epicentre of local earthquakes is moving towards Chandoli. The Government wants people to leave for their own safety, so villages have been shifted with responsibility for the resettlement of villagers being taken over by the Department of Forestry. He told us that there were 4 villages still within the national park, with 2 on its fringes. The process of removal has begun, but financial restrictions mean that they do not expect to complete the resettlement process for another 2 years. The department is using the line transect system (with statistical extrapolation) for quantifying particular species in the national park as this is the most accurate way of doing so. The fauna in the park includes tigers, wild dogs, leopard, sloth bear, gaur, sambar, and deer (barking and mouse), with flora including insectivorous species. Mr. Rao told the team that there were 28 large mammal, 155 bird, 58 reptile and 50 butterfly species in the Chandoli park alone, although a full survey had not yet been completed. Camera traps are used for the larger predators. Poaching and hunting had previously been a problem, but this has now decreased significantly. The park is threatened by invasive species that force out indigenous ones. Strobilanthes, while Indian in origin, is extremely aggressive and has taken over habitat at the expense of other plants that are more palatable to herbivorous animals. Similar problems have been experience with banil, which takes over the ground under the forest canopy. The Department wishes to increase the availability of edible plants in order to augment fauna numbers (in particular, sambar – these animals, weighing up to 250kg, are eaten by tigers). They have tried two grass species (including timura) but problems have been encountered with the conundrum of achieving a level of establishment that allows the species to be eaten and simultaneously spread. Tigers favour forests of certain densities (0.4-0.7). It is recognised that 40 tigers are needed to create a viable breeding colony. The aim of the department is to tempt the tigers that live just beyond the fringes of the national park, by presenting them with their favourite foods. A cyclical relationship exists between tigers and wild dogs. The Department of Forestry has very limited staff resources in the Chandoli national park: 9 guards, 2 foresters and 1 further employee. In Mr. Rao’s view, the application of the law is becoming stronger. The Wildlife Act has been amended 4 times since its promulgation in 1972, becoming progressively stricter over time. Hunting, for example, is banned completely on pain of a 3 year custodial sentence, although the location of the activity affects the seriousness of the penalty (i.e. hunting a scheduled animal in a national park attracts a higher sentence than hunting the same animal outside). The Act allows no development in certain areas, and this has in fact created its own problems insofar as the Act has become too strict for practical application, thereby causing conflicts between economic activities and ecosystem protection. An additional difficulty has been caused by the presence in the park of the Camptotheca tree, the bark of which contains camptothecin, which is used in the treatment of cancer. This particular tree is endemic to the Chandoli area: once the bark has been removed, the tree dies. It is thought that [60,000 / 600,000?] of these trees have been removed from the area already. Coppicing can increase the longer term production of camptothecin, so the department hopes to encourage this rather than wholesale removal of the tree. [Question of synthetic substitute – available or not? Conflicting notes on this]. However, enforcement with respect to preventing removal of the trees is problematic – to fight in court is expensive because defenders may be big companies with more resources than those available to the Department. Tourism is very rare in the park, with an estimated 2-3000 people paying the 20 rupee entry fee every year A few international tourists do visit, but tend to do so for very specific reasons. The Department tries to minimise the number of people who visit the park, and they use brochures to educate people, and assign guides to groups in order to ensure that best practice is adhered to. Those who come from a long distance away tend to be more considerate than those who come from the general locality. In turn, those who visit from the immediate vicinity tend to have been brought up with greater understanding of the forests than those from beyond 10km away. Annually, there are three festivals that allow people to hunt en masse – the department is trying to educate people against this. Finally, Tiger Reserves have been proposed, and foundations can be established under a 2006 amendment to the Wildlife Act that can receive donations. A Tiger Reserve has been established in the Chandoli area [within the park or outside it?], and the longer term aim is to sett up a foundation under the Charitable Societies legislation to increase income flow, but this may be complicated if there is no evidence that tigers inhabit the park. Mr. Rao’s view was that tigers avoided those areas inhabited and grazed by the dhangar people. [In a strictly personal capacity, Mr. Rao told us that he did not believe that strict application of the Wildlife Act was justified because it was simply not practical. He believes that a certain level of development should be permitted and wants to exclude certain conflicting areas from the Act’s remit, as the protected area under the Act does not actually correspond with the forest itself.] NOTE that Mr. Rao has asked us not to quote him on this, so should consider changing this or removing it. . 3.2.2 Visit to Khundlapur Village on boundary of Chandoli National Park – 12 December Khundlapur is a village of 350 people or so (150 households), inhabited by the Dage Dhangar group, an agricultural community who have lived here for the past 5 or 6 generations. Their interface with the national park has been a direct one as the village sits in such close proximity to it and because their livelihoods are made through pastoral grazing of animals in areas now covered by the park. We arrived late in the afternoon, and a gathering of villagers congregated on woven mats to talk to us in the village centre. The meeting was conducted by Joy and Suhas from SOPPECOM, who explained to the villagers why we were here: the purpose behind the project, and what information we were looking for. During the meeting a padlock on the metal door of the adjoining building rattled loudly, a reminder of the seismic activity in the area, especially after the more violent tremor we had experienced in the forest earlier in the afternoon. Khundlapur was formally only one among 14 similar villages, but as the other 13 lay inside the bounds of the national park, these have been relocated in order to remove all human presence from within the park. The villagers spoke of the impact this had had on their society as they were now alone. The villagers told us that following the establishment of the national part, they became very much more restricted as to where their cattle could graze. Domestic animal movement was also affected by concerns regarding predatory attacks from wild animals in the forest – incidents involving the many tigers in Chandoli were mentioned in this context especially. We had no independent verification as to the frequency of tiger attacks, although the Head of the National Park had informed us that the very existence of tigers within the region was uncertain. The villagers keep buffalo and cattle [Armelle and Geoff: 10-15 cattle / buffalo in the household], but no longer keep sheep or the goats that their group is most associated with. After our general introduction, we split up into groups of 2 or 3, each group visiting an individual household for further interviews, with SOPPECOM staff translating. [The following represents the discussions of Andrew and Joy mainly – need to add separate sections to represent findings of other groups]. The electricity for the village had not yet come on, so meetings were conducted in varying degrees of darkness. The house visited by Andrew and Joy in fact had no light inside beyond that from the domestic hearth and the meeting was conducted in virtual blackness – we were unable to see the faces of those we were talking to. We sat in a long room, broadly split lengthways by a single horizontal stave into living quarters for humans and buffalo. We sat near the fire with four or five men and two women, while the children watched. The householders (mainly the men, although we had a few contributions from the women, who were also busy with attending to the children). We were told that the vast majority of the village’s households were landowners – less than 10% were landless. This particular household owned 10-12 acres of land, although the reality was that this was insufficient to provide for all the family needs because of repeated destruction from animals from within the park. They do not grow cash crops, relying on a single rice and finger millet crop for self-subsistence. [Armelle / Geoff: The rice grown is a high-yield variety, for which they receive subsidies from the [state or union] government, and farmers use both chemical fertilizer and manure]. We asked about alternative sources of income, but it was not clear what these were because the Maharashtra State government’s Right to Work programme does not appear to extend to this village because of the reality of the lack of productive work available. Production of cash crops, such as groundnut and pulses [Joy – is this correct?] is rendered impossible because these are also crops enjoyed by wild animals, and villagers lack the financial resources to pay to properly enclose their crops to keep out wild boar for example, who are extremely destructive. As regards the source of water for the village, there appear to be a number. The principal source of drinking water is a spring next to the village. Women collect water for their families three times every day from this source. Secondly, a borehole has been drilled on the outskirts of the village. Unfortunately the water from this borehole is of poor quality, despite being 240 ft deep. An engineer advised on the ideal location for the borehole following a decision from the local panchayat,, but when the government-appointed contractors arrived to drill, they chose an alternative location more convenient for their machinery. Consequently, the borehole water is not used. Finally, households receive water through a central reticulated system [ultimate source: the borehole?]. The government provides / sells a purification treatment powder to the householders, which we presume to be iodine. This makes the water clean, but undrinkable, so it is not used for direct human consumption. The system is paid for by householder (400 rupees per year), with pumping costs of 7000 rupees annually. The fees are collected by the village committee. [Armelle / Geoff: electricity is available for 13 hours a day. A common pump and rotation system for irrigation scheduling is in place, and unused portions can be passed to those who need it]. The villagers told us that what they really wanted was fencing – it was not clear if they wanted the park to be fenced off, or simply for their crops to be better protected by mesh fencing, but ultimately they want to increase their potential to grow cash crops for income generation. They told us that there were no local rules as to the use of natural resources – they are not allowed to take wood from the national park, with enforcement being done by the local political representative of the panchayat. [Armelle / Geoff: prohibition on collecting green wood from the park, and certain other types of wood are not used because of religious restrictions [which trees have their own gods?]. We were not able to ascertain what penalty / compliance system was in place, although Armelle and Geoff were told that disagreements were resolved by village meetings. While these village meetings were presided over only by men, (being “respected” persons] the local panchayat consisted of 3 men and 3 women. [dividing line between disagreements in this context and complaints in the deity context is not clear – how do we draw it?]. Aside from the water collection duties for women, the division of labour among households is clear. With respect to agriculture, both men and women are responsible for harvesting, with men preparing the paddy for planting and women actually transplanting seedlings from the nursery to the paddy. Additionally, women are responsible for all aspects of household management. Armelle and Geoff were told that the villagers had combined resources and bought an apartment in Mumbai for their offspring who are casual workers there. 3.2.3 Visit to bauxite mine, Chandoli, 13 December Near the village of Sonavde, almost inside the [Chandoli national park], a large open-cast mine is extracting bauxite from the hills. The LiveDiverse group visited the mine on the morning of the 13th, taking the long, dusty road up from near Chandoli dam that is used by the trucks that carry the bauxite away for processing. We were accompanied by a local activist / journalist / politician / civil servant?, [................................]. The mine is operated by [................................], which has been extracting ore for the past  years on the basis of a 5 year lease. The group was told that the history of the ownership of the land on which the mining was taking place was quite complicated, and the description that follows had numerous inconsistencies. It appears that the land was originally owned by a single family, and that one of its members began selling off parcels of the land to the mining company / originally a sacred grove (see below for further details on sacred groves) that was controlled by a religious group. [I’m not clear about how this worked – I recall being told two stories about the original ownership, but we didn’t manage to reconcile them]. Currently, the mining activities are carried out under a five year lease, and it is thought that one of the conditions of the leases has been that the land should be rehabilitated at the end of the lease term. The operation of the mine necessarily involves the removal of all topsoil as the bauxite lies [5 metres] under the ground. Once the ore has been extracted, there is nothing left except bare rock. We saw abandoned sections of the mine where resources had been exhausted, presumably under previous leases, where it was clear that no rehabilitation had taken place. However, we were joined by representatives of the mine who took us to sections where reforestation efforts were under way. It was clear though even to those who were not forestry experts that these efforts were desperately inadequate. It appeared that the plants had been put into the ground in plastic-lined holes that had had some soil added, but the surrounding ground was simply rubble. It was also evident that not all the species that had been introduced were locally indigenous. In many cases the plastic had not been removed and the nutritional value of the ground was clearly inadequate for trees. The longer term sustainability of these reforestation efforts must therefore be seriously in question. We have not seen a copy of the lease granting the company the right to mine, but we hope this may be made available by Department of Forestry, the grantor, in browned-out format so that commercial confidentiality is protected. Despite the opposition of the local people and the State administration, the ministry of forests (and the environment!) agreed to extend the lease of the mining to this area (which is getting closer and closer to the boundaries of the NP From one of these land rehabilitation sections, it is possible to see in the distance a series of small white cairns. [is there in fact a de jure buffer zone around the park; can SOPPECOM clarify exactly what the white cairns are demarcating – is it a protected forest area or is it the limits as specified in the relevant lease?] These mark the boundary of the protected area into which the mine cannot stray. It appears that the protected area does not actually correspond with the Chandoli park exactly, as there is a buffer zone between the national park and the mine, but we were not able to ascertain a) how the buffer zone worked or how it was delineated; b) what would happen if the mining activities did extend into the buffer zone; or c) how far away the national park actually was from this boundary. What was clear however was that the mining activities were being conducted right up to the cairns themselves. The dust emanating from the mine covered all the vegetation on the access road – it is assumed that this will also be the case in areas of forest adjoining parts of the mine where extraction is ongoing. The mine is worked by [insert name of relevant caste / tribe] people, who told us they were paid around [£1.50?] per day for breaking up the larger stones. We observed men, women and children, originating from other southern States, breaking stones with sledgehammers in the open sun. On the way down from the mine, we stopped at the house of a relative of one of the SOPPECOM staff, where we were shown examples of the Rab agricultural practices in the form of coppiced trees. 3.2.4 Visit to Udgiri Sacred Grove and temples, 13 December Further down the hill from the mine, the access road winds through the Udgiri sacred grove, one of the largest sacred groves in Maharashtra. There is no access to the mine without going through the grove. These groves centre around a sacred placewhich may be a large tree or spring. These sacred places will have associated temples, and are governed by particular rules regarding the use of their natural resources. For instance, no wood can be taken from them, even if it is dead, although this rule may not prevent exploitation in some cases. Sacred groves are managed by the Temple Property Committee, although the Udgiri one is now run by the government. Visiting deities are taken through the grove [insert Marius photo of travelling deity] and it is worshipped by locals. The fact that the mining access road must go through the grove suggests that the possible encroachment of the forest is possible, but the relationship between formal governance systems and the religious norms that govern the sacred groves is not clear as yet. We also visited two temples at the site. These were dedicated to different deities – one, more established in the Hindu pantheon [insert name (and more appropriate / accurate wording?)], the other being devoted to three local deities. In the first temple, a woman sat on the floor surrounded by a small group. They were listening to her answer their questions because they believed she was possessed by a spirit that could respond to their complaints regarding their lot or problems they were facing. Across the path in the other temple the situation was rather different. The temple felt more primitive in some ways, with the three deities seated in niches on the wall facing the doors and people kneeling on the floor. It was suggested that income generation could compromise the protection of the grove. 3.2.5 Visit to Shahuwadi Village Jyotiba temple ceremony [insert details from the briefing note prepared by SOPPECOM]. We met with senior villagers in a house shared by two brothers and their families, who explained the background to the Jyotiba celebrations in the village. It seems that around the turn of the 20th century the village suffered a number of calamities. In an effort to gain some respite, the villagers instituted a regular weekly ceremony to honour their local deity. The village began to recover from the earlier traumas and the villagers decided that it would be wise to continue with the ceremonies, which are unusual because such celebrations are normally held much less regularly. Each of the tasks performed in the elaborate ritual must be made by people from certain castes. [SOPPECOM – can you insert details as to what exactly happened / meaning during the ceremony?]. The team very much enjoyed the visit to the Jyotiba ritual as it was a unique window on to the spiritual lives of local people that would otherwise not been available to them. From the LiveDiverse perspective, it gave the team some insight into the importance of spiritual health to the local people. The villagers were extremely welcoming and the team appreciated their openness very much. 3.3 Other basin experiences: 3.3.1 Visit to confluence of Warana and Krishna rivers, Haripur, 10 December After the morning visit to the Department of Forestry in Kolhapur, the team visited the downstream extremes of the Warana River, where it flows into the Krishna River near the border between Maharashtra and Karnataka. On the way, the bus passed a number of tent settlements occupied by the itinerant cane-cutting caste. The cane cutters come from [insert state name] and live in very primitive conditions near to the fields in which the cane grows. The work of cutting the cane is extremely hard, necessitating a great deal of bending into the rows of sharp sugar cane leaves and the potential danger from snakes living in the cane. We were told that sugar cane is in some ways an unusual crop – it takes almost thirteen months to reach the maturity needed for cutting, and in this particular area can be planted at any time of the year. There is an almost linear relationship between water availability and yield – if there is a 10% drop in water, the cane will lose 10% of its potential yield. This means that if water is not available for a period the plant will not die, it will simply not be as productive. This is very different from other agricultural crops, as most will simply die if they don’t get water. For the farmer this means the difference between getting 90% of his expected income and nothing at all. With no shortage of potential buyers in the area, and with the world sugar price at a historically high level, it is not surprising that so many farmers choose to grow sugar cane. The extensive cultivation of sugar cane creates problems, though, with respect to the effective mono-culturalisation of the lower Warana basin, and further work needs to be done in the context of the LiveDiverse project to identify the corresponding impacts on biodiversity, and the downstream consequences of irrigating such a thirsty crop. From a legal point of view the water allocation regime and sectoral institutional concentrations may potentially exacerbate downstream impacts by failing to account for the combined impact of a large number of unlicensed irrigation abstractions upstream, and by the inability to combine water use information at the river basin level. Further down the road, the team reached Haripur near dusk, so many people were travelling home. The team took the ferry across the river from the boarding point below the village temple, along with women returning laden with firewood and cattle fodder (we were told that women routinely carried up to 40kg of wood on their head). [issues re. water quality at this point in the river?] 3.3.2 Jaggery factory, near Kolhapur, 11 December On the way back from the workshop we stopped at one of the many jaggery factories that can be seen in the area. The agriculture in the lower part of the Warana basin is dominated by sugar cane production. Much of this cane goes straight to the large sugar processing plants that are nearby, but local jaggery production still goes on in small factories [insert photos of factory]. The sugar processing plants are heavily involved with other aspects of community welfare beyond simply paying salaries – they may have their own healthcare and education systems. Jaggery factories do not have these additional characteristics, but in some ways they have very much less impact than the sugar plants. The Dickensian factory consisted of a small single story building, with a canopy outside under which the cane was crushed. Around the building was an area that, had it been in the west would have been a car park. Instead, it was entirely carpeted by a spongy thick layer of spent sugar cane husks – this is bagasse, which is subsequently used for fuel to boil the sap. We watched as the cane was crushed, and a large bamboo basket was filled with the husks. When this was filled, a boy hoisted the basket on to his head, with help, before tramping across the husk carpet and dumping his basket-load in the far corner. Next to the crushing gear was a drain that took the cane sap, a pump then pushing this up to a bamboo pipe that stretched across the ceiling of the building, which was accessed up a few steps next to the canopy. Inside, an enormous flat cauldron of boiling sap, around 3 metres across and with multiple handles around its edge, sent billows of steam into the room. A man walked around the cauldron skimming off scum with a mesh ladle, adding it to the grey mass in a bucket. On the far side of the cauldron was a further vat, fed by the other end of the bamboo pipe above it and serving to filter the raw sap. Further into the room was a low square pit perhaps 20cm deep and 2 metres square, connected to the cauldron by two rails. When the sap had been boiled for two and half hours, the cauldron was wheeled along the rails using bamboo sticks put through the handles, and the contents disgorged into the pit for cooling. Once cooled to a paste, the yellowy jaggery was put into buckets for setting, and a neat stack of finished moulded jaggery “tubs” sat at the far end of the room. The sap is boiled using cane husks (bagasse), so the system is somewhat closed from a resource use perspective (aside from the squat chimney out the back that belched out dark smoke). The taste of the final product was richer than that of sugar, and is used as a flavouring and sweet. In earlier times, each village would have its own jaggery plant, but there are now far fewer of them, presumably a result of the increased popularity of processed sugar. 3.3.3 Chandoli National Park, 12 December The journey up to the national park took us through the Warana Basin, where we passed under unused canal infrastructure built for the dam before stopping at a couple of viewpoints overlooking the lake. We were shown examples of locally invasive faunal species (lantana most specifically), and the valuable camptotheca tree, along with butea monosperma and curiosities like the [................] plant, which when rubbed on a person’s teeth makes them fall out. We ate lunch at an old temple site, having passed some elaborately ornamented tribal women en route. The temple had been extremely remote until the construction of the road into the park, and was focused on a spring feeding a tank next to the building. The temple was built around a cavity underneath an enormous boulder. Nearby, we saw the lookout for a troop of hanuman langurs [which species?], before returning to the bus to visit the nearby plateau. The walk up to the plateau took around an hour, through a forest criss-crossed with the paths made by animals. We passed a suite of caves near the top which we were told were inhabited by either sloth bears, porcupines or leopards – none of which we were keen to disturb. The plateau itself was covered almost entirely by grass, with only a few small stands of trees. At the edges, deep fissures in the rock were visible, and the influence of water and seismic activity result in the slow calving of huge chunks of rock from the plateau. From the part of the plateau where the team stood it was not possible to see anything other than forest around them, but the experience from the bauxite mine the following day demonstrated the proximity of potentially invasive economic activity. When we returned to the bus at the foot of the plateau, there was an earthquake of 5.3 on the Richter scale, which was a salutary experience for the team, especially in the light of what Mr. Rao at the Department of Forestry had told us about epicentre movement. 1. Conclusions of the field trip The India field trip was extremely useful for the LiveDiverse project. The team left with a much greater awareness of the biodiversity in the area, the way in which spiritual elements interact with everyday life, and an impression of the economic and physical conditions of those living near the national park. The trip also highlighted the difficulties faced by the authorities in protecting vulnerable ecosystems: corruption in the Department of Forestry, and lack of human resources mean that enforcement powers are weak and licensing restrictions subject to dilution. Legislation that may not be ideally fit for purpose also potentially binds the hands of the authorities, reducing the credibility of legislation and undermining its impact. The status of the various parts of the case study area has a potentially significant effect on the level of protection afforded to biodiversity, but institutional silos may have consequences with respect to the ability of government to objectively balance biodiversity protection and livelihood security. The trip also provided an excellent platform for the team to meet many local stakeholders and to gauge the physical scale of the basin. The issues raised by the villagers next to the national park are crucial for the project in identifying the particular areas of vulnerability applicable to their situation. The spiritual dimension of the forest areas and water sources was constantly being reiterated through visits to local temples, chance meetings with religious groups and travelling deities, and through the participation and observation of the jyotiba ceremony. The team appreciated the invaluable experience of being able to draw on the combined learning of relevant local experts who were on hand at all times to respond to questions. It also helped the team better identify the similarities and differences between the Indian and other case study areas. Important contacts were made with institutions and people in the basin who may be in a position to assist with future project work and dissemination, and whose views and intellectual inputs will have a strong impact on the project’s conclusions.