Beyond the Home: Child Abuse in the Church and School*
Jay A. Yacat and Michelle G. Ong
Program on Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights, Center for Integrative and
Development Studies, University of the Philippines;
Save the Children (UK) Philippines
Email: pstcids@edsamail.com.ph / scukphilrowena@mydestiny.net
The facts are astonishingly ironic. In a time when we are witnessing an increasing
global awareness of children’s rights, we are also seeing a rise in the number of children
described as abused. In the Philippines alone, the Department of Social Welfare and
Development (DSWD) documented an upsurge in reported cases of child abuse from
1991-1997.
D
Figure 1. DSW Statistics on
Child Abuse from1991-1997
5000
4394
4000 4105
3000 3040
2000
1644
1000 1000
687
644
0
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997
In 1999, a total of 11,841 cases of child abuse and neglect were reported and served by
DSWD (see Figure 2). Of these cases, 44.5% (5,269) were classified as sexual abuse,
21.67% (1,784) as physical abuse and 15.07% (2,566) as neglect. The Philippine General
Hospital Child Protection Unit (PGH-CPU) accounted similar trends in the same year.
Of the 656 cases that CPU handled, sexual abuse comprised a dominant 67.7% of the
documented cases. Physical abuse constituted only 10%.
*This is a revised version of a paper presented in a round table discussion participated in by
representatives from various NGOs, LGUs and children and young people. Data for this paper
are consolidated from the results of the discussion, and from a review of related literature,
interviews with key informants, document analysis done by the authors.
Figure 2. Reported Cases of Child Abuse Served by DSWD
0.005% 4.72% 0.007% 9.86% Abandoned
15.07% 21.67%
Neglected
Sexually-Abused
Sexually-Exploited
Physically Abused
2.98% Victims of Armed Conflict
Victims of Child Labor
44.5% Victims of Child Trafficking
Figures 3 and 4 show that majority of the alleged perpetrators of abuse are familiar to the
children. In the CPU figures, 66% of perpetrators of physical abuse belong to children’s
families. Meanwhile, the proportion of sexual abuse perpetrators is equally divided
between members of the child’s families and non-relatives.
Figure 3. Perpetrators of Physical Abuse, Year 2000
Figure 4. Perpetrators of Sexual Abuse, Year 2000
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What scenarios do these figures create about child abuse?
Perception: We can presuppose that the most frequent form of abuse suffered by children
is sexual abuse.
Reality: Recent research and other data sources state that physical abuse cases may be
underreported and therefore may not represent the actual situation in communities. For
example, the Bantay Bata 163 Hotline recounted that 54% of its reported cases of abuse
are physical in nature. This kind of underreporting may be due to an idea that only
extreme forms of abuse necessitate intervention by authorities.
Perception: We might also easily confine child abuse as a phenomenon that generally
occurs within the home.
Reality: The above assumption could result to overemphasizing the home as a source of
potential abuse, leading us to overlook other contexts in which abuse can possibly occur.
Yet, the attention focused in the home or family situation is not without basis. Numerous
studies, articles, and books have validated the dominance of the family situation in the
experience of abuse. But this should not limit the possibilities of abuse outside the home.
It is stated in a previous study done by the Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights
Program (PST) of the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and
Development Studies (UP CIDS) that while both parent and children groups generally
situated abuse in the context of parental discipline, some important differences were
mapped out. For example, parents were more normative in their views of abuse. They see
it is a deviation from appropriate discipline. Consequently, parents who abuse their
children are perceived as bad. They take advantage of their children’s relatively inferior
position in the family, and in this light, abuse is seen as an excessive manifestation or
misuse of parental authority. Or simply, power.
Meanwhile, children equated abuse with pain (sakit). Abuse is not seen as an issue of
power but as a betrayal of a trust. For this reason, it becomes more painful when a loved
one performs the abuse. This also led us to understand that the child’s comprehension of
the following characteristic determines the level of pain: sobra (excess); sadya (intent);
and katuwiran (reason). It logically follows that a disciplinary measure is clearly
described as abusive when it is excessive, intentional and unreasonable.
Abuse is an issue of both trust and power, characteristics that are not exclusive to the
family. Hence, child abuse is a situation that could occur in any adult-child
relationship based on trust and power. In the Philippine society, the school and the
church are two other institutions that exert a dominant influence in a child’s life. It is
imperative for us, then, to understand the nature of adult-child relationships in both of
these contexts.
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This publication is an attempt to illustrate why the school and the church are possible
contexts for child abuse to occur; the circumstances in which abuse takes place, its nature
and form. Lastly, we will also aim to highlight certain issues and concerns that need to
be addressed in order to adequately respond to such a problem.
The School and Church as Powerful Institutions in Philippine Society
As formal institutions, both the church and school occupy positions of power defined by
the functions they fulfill.
The School
Schools are consistently considered with high-esteem due to the time-old belief that a
good education should receive the highest priority in the Filipino family. It is not unusual
for a parent to say, "Edukasyon lang ang maipamamana namin sa inyo" (Education is our
only legacy to you) because it is perceived to be necessary for a successful, meaningful
future. As a result, parents inadvertently transfer the responsibility of teaching almost
entirely to the school, while also entrusting to it their future as flourishing members of
society. Great effort, money and time are understandably spent on securing a child's
education.
The parents (and/or relatives) persistently struggle to keep him in school, while
ceaselessly reminding him to do well and make efforts to improve his grades. A remark
made by a participant in a discussion clearly illustrated how much power parents grant
teachers: “Ang sabi ng magulang, sige ma’am, paluin ninyo yan kung magkasala…” (A
parent told a teacher, ”Go ahead ma’am, hit him if he does wrong.”)
The school, primarily, is a place for learning, gathering information and skills that are
essential to a child’s integration to the adult world. In the elementary and high school
levels, students learn the basic proficiency for living and the background needed for
higher education (the latter perceived to be the his ticket to a well-paying job and a stable
career). In this regard, the school is greatly valued as a valid means of social mobility,
especially when education is seen largely as a privilege, rather than a right, in a poverty-
stricken country.
However, the school has also become an extension of the home where socialization
occurs. Children imbibe the culture, learn the norms of the society, and explore the limits
of proper behavior through their interactions with their teachers and peers. What they
learn about right and wrong, justice, and pakikipagkapwa come as much from the school
as their homes.
Metaphorically, teachers are referred to as the "second parents" of the child (in Filipino,
"ikalawang magulang"). This implies that the assumptions on children-adult relationships
at home can also be found in the school.
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Children are believed to be born tabula rasa and must consequently be told what and what
not to do. In a learning environment that makes them act and think in a passive manner,
they are vulnerable to disciplinary actions that are supposed to shape them into model
citizens. Thus, we see the same pattern in both the school and the home: the adults have
absolute power over children. This imposing power is hypothetically justified by the
noble responsibility of molding ignorant, passive, amoral, disorderly children into smart,
active, compassionate, and obedient adults.
The Church
The Church draws its power from the central influence that religion has exerted on
Filipino life. Raul Pertrierra (1995) stated, “Religion in the Philippines has served as the
idiom and provided the concepts of articulating significant relationships and interests.”
As an institution, the church fulfills the moral needs of its believers.
Mabunga (1997) outlined two functions of the church:
a. The BUTTRESS. According to sociologists, this function provides support,
reconciliation and consolation to individuals during times of personal and social crisis,
and addresses the spiritual and emotional needs of the laity.
b. The PROPHETIC. The church plays the role of a social critic, answering the
laity’s need for direction. In contemporary Philippines, the Church takes a strong and
vocal stand on certain “secular” issues such as family planning, abortion, divorce, and
capital punishment.
In conclusion, both school and church derive their power from the perceived
legitimacy and authority that they exert over their domain. Thus, it follows that
representatives of these two institutions are also considered as “experts” in their
respective fields. Church representatives preside over matters that are considered divine,
moral or supernatural. Schoolteachers are the authority in terms of secular matters like
knowledge acquisition. These functions earn educators and church workers high regard
in the society, while teaching and taking up of holy vows are still considered very noble
professions.
A Brief History of Formal Education in the Philippines
The history of education in the Philippines bears out the merging of the secular with the
spiritual realms. In fact, the earliest Spanish reports portray our native society as one in
which “sacred and profane were often indistinguishable” (PHELAN, 1964).
Although, it is without doubt that the school is primarily tasked to oversee education, the
church has also taken upon itself the right and responsibility to look after the moral and
spiritual needs of the youth. Aside from the usual church services, children are
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accordingly exposed to the teachings of the church in other education-like settings such
as Sunday schools, catechism classes or spiritual retreats. The high numbers of private
sectarian schools in the country attest to the fact that the church has not backed down on
its mandate to teach children in the ways of the church.
During the pre-Hispanic period, the child’s socialization was left largely to the family
members. Instruction is made informally and is not the domain of any single institution.
A system of public education was set up to replace the practical and unceremonious
system at work with the entry of the Spaniards and Catholicism. During this period, the
church and school were not separate institutions. In fact, it was the church that took
charge of formal education including religion (VERNON, 1962), reading, writing and
arithmetic. It is by no mere coincidence that the early Spanish missionaries targeted the
children for religious indoctrination, using them as a way to reach the adults (BENNAGEN
et al, 1994).
“What they did was to request that some children in the community be
charged to their care. Out of both curiosity and fear, some of the
community elders would commit their children to the religious order to be
educated.”
In 1863, the Spanish government established a formal school to facilitate the
Hispanization of Filipinos. The new curriculum included the Spanish language and
Spanish history. However, curriculum for men and women were different in one
important aspect. Due to the assumption that women were intellectually inferior, their
curriculum focused less on academic subjects and more on domestic and social skills.
Clearly, the Church used education to subvert the Filipinos by keeping them ignorant,
and not to liberate the spirit of learning and growth.
There were efforts to separate the state and the church when the Revolutionary
Government was established in 1898. One concrete example is the removal of Religion as
a subject from the curriculum of government-supported schools. However, it was only in
the American period when the separation was completed.
The coming of the Americans has been heralded as a period of great change and
improvement in the public school system. American teachers were brought in, English
was used as a medium of instruction, and Filipinos were instructed in the American way
in order for them to later replace the American teachers. Education then focused on
industrial skills, supporting the notion that education in the Philippines aimed to develop
Filipinos that would serve the American interest (TIONGSON, 1986).
The Nature of Adult-Children Relationships In Church and Schools
The nature of adult-children relationships in formal institutions like the church and school
are clearly defined: both are authoritative and hierarchical. The classroom, for example,
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shows a power structure where students (children) are expected to follow the teacher’s
(adult) every instruction.
Church situations are no different. For example, we see young boys working closely with
priests as altar servers during church services and other activities. In effect,
communities send their children to assist the parish priest or pastor in exchange for
spiritual guidance.
In both instances, it is the adult who holds the position of authority in the relationship.
Children are expected to succumb or give way. A child is in no position to neither ask
questions nor directly challenge the adult thinking and authority.
Discipline in the School and the Church
Children deserve appropriate discipline … This is a belief supported and reinforced by
both the school and the church. Discipline turns out to be an important issue in teaching,
and is listed as one of the most important concerns for teachers past and present
(NEPOMUCENO, 1981). It is derived from the Latin word discipalus --- meaning, to learn.
This implies that discipline is necessary in learning; therefore, discipline is as much the
task of the teacher as it is to teach. To clearly illustrate the value that the school places
on discipline and punishment, one study showed that punishment (as a form of discipline)
maintained a quiet and orderly learning environment, promoted self-discipline, served as
a deterrent to future offenders, and prevented repeat offenders.
When the church was largely in charge of the education of children, there were two types
of teaching styles in practice --- the dogmatic and the liberal.
The first can be described as authoritarian and reflective of a feudalistic system. It was
widely applied in elementary schools and universities, where physical punishment was
employed as a means of disciplining students. Corporal punishment is said to have been a
staple of a boy’s education in religious institutions. Jose Rizal’s Noli Me Tangere tells
the story of two brothers’ maltreatment in the hands of the sakristan mayor, a church
worker.
Liberalism, which is based on the principles of science and competition, was and is used
in Ateneo de Manila by the Jesuits and by private schools established by individuals. In
such schools, punishment consisted of taking time off from recess or copying down lines
from Horace or Cicero.
Discipline during the American period cannot be said to be completely and consistently
liberal. Several cases of students who stood up against an abusive teacher were recorded
in Cavite and San Miguel, Bulacan (TIONGSON, 1986). The teacher had been reported to
embarrass the students by hitting, slapping, and verbally abusing them. Although there is
an order in the Teacher Service Manual which prohibits the use of physical, emotional
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and verbal punishment at present, the above examples still turn out to be some of the
most frequently used forms of reprimand (TAN, 1982).
Before we discuss the occurrence of abuse in these institutions, it is important to point out
how the school, as the child's second home, has always been considered a protector of
children. In a survey of related literature regarding abuse and schools, it turned out that
most of the available materials on the subject matter discussed the school as the venue for
preventing and identifying abuse, and even providing intervention.
Teachers are knowledgeable about the UN-CRC and are trained to be on the lookout for
children who show signs of abuse. They, in turn, should refer these cases to the proper
authorities. The idea is: if the home fails to nurture and care for a child, the school should
act as some kind of temporary refuge.
Unfortunately, the sad fact is children do suffer from all kinds of abuses in school.
Teachers have been accounted to shout invectives, embarrass, and require children to do
work unrelated to school, and in extreme cases, physically beat or hit them. Even raping
them.
This is even more highlighted in the case of the church. Abuse by church officials is
rather ironic considering that church workers are among the primary providers of
assistance to abused children (PROTACIO-MARCELINO et al, 2000).
Child Abuse: A Silenced Phenomenon In the Church and School
Based on a preliminary survey of newspaper articles, interviews with staff and disclosure
reports from the Center for the Prevention and Treatment of Child Sexual Abuse
(CPTCSA), and disclosures from the round table discussion, we have observed that
abuse is largely an invisible or silent (silenced) phenomenon in the church and
school. The scarcity of reports attests to this fact. Among the cases that were actually
reported, we noted the following characteristics: (a) only the extreme forms of abuse
merit attention; and (b) the perpetrators are rarely punished.
Only the extreme forms of abuse merit attention.
Rape, molestation and sexual harassment, and extreme physical violence are the usual
forms of abuse that get to be reported. CPTCSA reported that in years 1997-98, they have
received 45 disclosures of abuse. Of the six cases, the alleged perpetrator was a
schoolteacher. Five of the victims were male students aged 10-13 years while the lone
female victim was 16 years old. The cases involved touching of private parts,
molestation and fondling. Another example involved a teacher who banged the heads of
As part of its prevention program, the Center for the Prevention and Treatment of Child Sexual Abuse
(CPTCSA) developed a Personal Safety curriculum which is now being piloted in different public schools in
Metro Manila, Bicol region, and Mindanao.
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two boisterous students together, resulting to the death of one. The seriousness of this
case merited some media coverage.
Meanwhile, some behavior or circumstances are considered less serious and therefore,
not abusive. A mother filed a complaint against a teacher who allegedly slapped her
daughter in the face. When the school principal told the mother to forget about the whole
thing, she brought it to the attention of the Parents and Teachers’ Association. However,
instead of receiving sympathy, she was reprimanded by the PTA for blowing things out
of proportion. In frustration, she was forced to transfer her daughter to another school
even if it was halfway through the school year.
The perpetrators of the abuse are rarely punished.
There is a belief that the Church is inclined to cover up incidents of abuse in order to
protect its gracious image (see dela Cruz et al, 2000). We rarely hear of priests being
charged and convicted for violating Republic Act 7610 (Child Abuse Law). Usually,
an abuse case is settled through extra-legal means.
For example, the very first case handled by CPTCSA involved a pastor who had a
sexual relationship with his 15-year-old niece. It was found that, at age 12, the girl had
come to live with her uncle to escape her father who had sexually abused her since she
was eight years old.
A neighbor who belonged to a non-governmental organization occasionally saw the
girl crying outside her uncle’s house, and was convinced that she had been exhibiting
symptoms of sexual abuse. The neighbor sought assistance from CPTCSA.
After an investigation, it was determined that the girl should be separated from the
pastor and her parents needed to be informed. After her parents were found, a series of
negotiations took place. The parents succeeded in convincing their daughter to drop
the charges against the pastor. He was never prosecuted in any judicial court.
CPTCSA filed a report regarding the incident to the church authorities. They later
learned that the pastor, who was up for candidacy as bishop, was neither promoted nor
given any pastoral assignment after the abuse complaint was known.
Another case reported to the CPTCSA concerned a priest who had been accused of
molesting high school boys from a prestigious exclusive school during the students’
spiritual retreat. From among a batch of 40 students, only one boy came out with his
painful story. However, no legal action against the priest was taken. The school
authorities merely transferred the priest to another school under their order.
The scarcity of these reports should not be taken to mean that abuse in the church and
schools are isolated cases. This should lead us to realize that there is a problem regarding
identifying abuse and reporting it. There are two different sets of reasons why there are
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few reported or documented cases of such abuses. The first set refers to the reasons why
abuses are difficult to identify, and the second refers to the problems of reporting.
Difficulties in identifying abuse
There are varying definitions of abuse. This could also stem from the fact that people
have a hard time delineating abuse and discipline (Dela Cruz et al, 2000). This was
validated by a teacher key-informant who defined abuse as something that is excessive
(sobra na). She thinks that an act cannot be considered abusive if it is employed in the
name of discpline.
“For instance, if a teacher uses tactics that inadvertently embarrass the
child in class to make him behave more properly, then it is okay.”
Therefore, in the name of discipline, many children have been hit, humiliated, slapped, or
had things thrown at them every day of their school lives. Parents sometimes look the
other way, convinced that this is for their child’s good.
However, for some parents, abuse is the failure to respect any one of children’s rights.
More simply, it happens when any one does something (whether consciously or
unconsciously) to hurt the child in any way, consequently affecting his or her
development as a human being. One parent key-informant explained why teachers’
actions towards children sometimes lead to abuse:
“We may know children's rights, but then the reality is that teachers are
tasked to discipline children, and they are overloaded and underpaid.
How does one keep from hurting a child (whether verbally, emotionally or
physically) when he or she is under chronic stress?”
Looking at the various given definitions of abuse, only one response adhered strictly to
the principles of the UN-CRC. The definition specified by the children, the teachers, and
one parent all reflect the Filipino cultural reality: Our children have grown up and are
growing up accepting the fact that discipline and punishment (whether corporal, verbal,
or any other type) go hand in hand. Children understand the necessity of these kinds of
punishment and are willing to bear them as long as they are given love and justice.
It then becomes difficult for people, especially children, to tell whether they were abused
or are being abused. Parents dismiss their child’s stories of teachers shouting at students
because they themselves practice this kind of disciplinary action. Also, parents might
deduce that the child must have been misbehaving to merit such shouting.
Difficulties in Reporting Abuse
If an act is successfully identified as abusive, then the next hurdle is to report it. Several
issues are outlined below that serve as barriers to the reporting of abuse.
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Children are afraid of being ridiculed or having their credibility questioned by
family, friends and authorities. The close relationship between abuse and discipline
most often contributes to a child’s confusion. Some children start to believe that they
deserve the ill treatment because they have been 'bad'. Children victims do not come
forward in fear that the community will side with the abuser, especially if it is one who is
highly respected (e.g., a priest).
The reluctance to come forward could stem from the power that these institutions exert
over the community. The community considers both the church and school very sacred
institutions. There is an idea that the sanctity of the school and church might be tainted
when such issues of child abuse surface. Since these institutions belong to the
community, the community would also have to be blamed for the shameful act. Any
offense to the school (such as reports of abusive teachers or administrators) may be
perceived as disrespect to the community to which it belongs. The decision to file a
complaint against a teacher or priest takes great courage because in effect, you are also
questioning the community’s integrity.
It is of no surprise that children victims and their families often experience lack of
support from the institution and the community. Instead, the institutions seem to protect
the perpetrators’ welfare more than that of the victim. This is certainly what had
happened to the girl who had an affair with a pastor. She experienced “victim-blaming”
within her community.
With the school and its members occupying an important and noble niche in the society,
the very idea of teachers and administrators as abusers goes against the general schema.
Therefore, reports on abuse would be received violently and people (administrators and
other parents alike) will exert effort to maintain the righteous image of the school by not
supporting or openly opposing the idea of abuse happening within its premises.
In the case of the church, it is very difficult for people (especially in the rural areas where
the church still exert considerable influence) to imagine God’s representatives
committing such atrocities. Thus, countless numbers of abuses goes unnoticed, are
silenced, or are never acted upon when reported.
Is abuse an inherent feature of our social institutions?
What we have encountered so far are reports of abuse in the context of interpersonal
encounters between children and adult authority figures. To review, such a view has a
tendency to construct abuse only as an infraction in interpersonal relationships, with a
focus on extreme forms of violations (as in most of the reported cases that we have
examined). Thus, abuse is considered only when children have been severely hit, raped,
molested or fondled.
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We argue that such a limited view renders certain practices that are justified as
“discipline” to be considered a “non-abuse.” One participant in the round-table
discussion complained:
“Marami sa mga kaklase ko noon ang nahubaran pag walang assignment,
pingutin ka sa tenga, pa-squatin ka sa loob ng klasrum mo dahil wala
kang assignment.”
“Many of my classmates have been made to strip in front of the class, or
had their ears pinched, or have been made to squat for hours just because
they have failed to do their homework.”
We could also include certain practices in these institutions that render children to
become vulnerable or those that deprive them of their rights. Are these not to be
considered as abuse? What about policies, regulations and sanctions that are
unsupportive of or pay lip-service to children’s rights? As one youth participant shared:
“Tungkol sa participation, oo may student government pero token, kasi
wala naman silang powers o kahit sabihin nila, magmiting kayo, ano
naman ang io-organize nila? Siguro, pagsasalitain sa program, yung
president o pagpre-prepare ng song number o dance number… yun lang
ang participation na kinukuha sa bata.”
(When it comes to participation in schools, yes, there is a student
government but it is a token structure because it doesn’t have any real
power. And even if it were told to hold meetings, what would it organize?
The president of the student government might be asked to speak in the
program, or the students might be asked to prepare a song or dance
number, but that’s about the only participation that they get from
children.”)
Other examples that surfaced during the round table discussion were: implementation of
student fees, forced attendance in parties, mandatory sale of tickets in school-sponsored
projects and programs, and the repression of sexual knowledge both in school and in the
church.
We could see that these practices reflect the prevailing notions of children that these
institutions wittingly or unwittingly perpetuate. It is widely accepted that children are in
need of discipline (secular or spiritual) and that adults are vested the authority through
these institutions to instill such discipline. In institutions that place children under the
power of adults, would not situations of abuse be far behind? We ask: could abuse then
become inherent in these institutions of power?
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What Needs to be Done?
Since little is known about child abuse in school and church, it is recommended that we
exert effort in identifying and documenting such cases. Strategies should take into
account the nature of both institutions (hierarchical, authoritative) and then work around
them.
The following are starting points:
1. Better education regarding the UN-CRC. It appears from the round table discussions
and the key-informant interviews that students, teachers and clergy alike are aware of
children's rights. However, there is still a lack of appreciation on the importance of
children’s rights and the reality that these rights should be respected and protected.
The attitude that children's rights are to be given, as if they were privileges, is still
popular. Adults are still afraid of the idea of empowering children.
Knowledge about the existence of children's rights is not enough. Education should
help people (adults and children alike) develop positive attitudes towards the CRC
and should include skill development in applying knowledge in all contexts where
adults interact with children, particularly in the classroom.
2. Encouraging parents to take a more active role in their children's education. One
way to help detect and document abuse is to get parents more involved with children's
experiences in school and in the church. Good parenting should also include
encouraging the child to talk about experiences in school, to voice out fears and
apprehensions. A healthy interest in the child's life will not only help detect abuse,
but will also strengthen bond between parent and child. This gives the child not only
the opportunity, but also the strength to speak out if abuse does happen.
3. Better documentation of cases of abuse in schools and in church. So far, the number
of child abuse cases in the school and church are significantly lower than those that
occur in the home. This means that a only few cases have been reported, and even
fewer complaints are filed in court. A campaign for reporting abusers to the proper
authorities should be institutionalized, alongside education campaigns about
children's rights and child abuse.
4. Research on the various contexts of discipline (sectarian schools, private, public,
etc.). The church and the schools have different definitions of what constitutes
discipline. Indeed, schools, depending on whether it is sectarian, public, or private,
will probably have different beliefs on discipline and its limitations. Children who
have high tuition fees might be disciplined differently from those who have paid less.
In order to understand better the context in which we are trying to promote children's
rights, we should try to understand the concept of discipline better --- its different
definitions, practices and reasons.
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5. Provide venues for discussion of children’s rights among teachers and the clergy. As
part of continuing education and discourse of children's rights in the Philippine
context, there should be venues for encouraging discussions of children's rights
between teacher and clergy. There should be a setting for discussions on moral and
ethical issues that arise in efforts to support and promote children's rights in schools,
churches and communities. It would be interesting to discuss topics such as Biblical
basis of children's rights, genuine children's participation in the church, child-friendly
schools, and redefining discipline in the classroom.
6. Review school policies dealing with children’s complaints regarding teachers or
administrators. In order to help protect children's rights schools should be
encouraged to develop school policies which 1) allow children to report complaints
against their teachers, school staff and administrators for abuse, 2) create mechanisms
for investigating the complaints, and 3) penalize the offender if investigation reveals
the complaints to have merit.
7. Review the notions of childhood and children reflected in the school curriculum and
administrative policies. Studies have been made looking at gender bias in the
curriculum and in school policies, and even in textbooks. Similar studies should be
made with focus on how childhood and children are portrayed. The school, as an
agent of socialization, is a powerful arena for children to learn society's values and
expectations. It should be a place for them to develop their strengths and realize their
full potentials.
8. Investigate notions of the child held by church doctrines, teachings and practices.
We have reiterated several times in this study that some notions on children and
childhood that the church promotes somehow accommodate abuses made by the
clergy. Research should be made on particular attitudes or notions that back abuse, so
we can identify those that allow exploitation, and those that can help protect
children's rights.
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Featured Paper for July 2002
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