AL Papers Reel 8 by pengxiang



Reel 8

Abraham Lincoln Papers


Document: James A. Hamilton to Abraham Lincoln, July 18, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: James A. Hamilton, the third son of Alexander Hamilton, was an influential member of

the Democratic Party in New York until he switched to the Whig Party in 1840. In 1861, at the

age of 73, he offered to fight for the Union that his father had helped to secure and was a strong

advocate for emancipation.</n>


Dobbs Ferry P O

July 18th 1860


I take the liberty to send to you the enclosed printed letter because your speech at the Cooper

Institute<a>2</a> in New York; and particularly that part in which you commented upon Judge

Taneys declaration "The right of Property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the

Constitution" induced me to examine with care the several provisions of the Constitution and

thus to prepare this argument.

<n>2 For the text of Lincoln’s February 27, 1860 speech at the Cooper Institute in New York

City, see Collected Works, III, 522-50.</n>

I must find an appology for intruding upon your time, and attention in this way; And when I am

quite sure you are overwhelmed with letters; in the fact that I am seventy two years of age; that I

have in the labour I am going through in the closet and the field, to promote your Election; no

other object than to serve my country -- I want no office and will take none

Partial friends have urged me to be a Candidate for Congress, with; (in the existing divisions of

parties) entire confidence of success: My reply is a decissive one -- no -- I too well know that

the fullness of such an advanced age forbids the expectation that I could perform the duties of

that or any other office in such a way as to promote the great reforms which the debasement of

our Government at this time call for

Your election is certain and It may be in the course of things; that I may be useful to you in

advising you as to the fitness of men who may be proposed to you for office -- If that should be

so, you will I hope command me without hesitation

I do not expect you to reply to this letter; that would be a needless waste of your time.

I have the honor to be

with respect

your obt svt

James A. Hamilton


Document: Alexander K. McClure to Abraham Lincoln, July 18, 1860

July 18th 1860

Dear Sir --

Our State Committee met at Cresson on the 10th -- but three out of forty members absent.

From every part of the State we have the most cheering intelligence, -- in all notions both

parties concede the Electoral vote of the State to you by a very decided vote. Combinations

might effect the majority somewhat; but the result cannot be changed. We shall have two

Electoral tickets, as I intimated in my last -- the one for Douglas the other really

Breckinridge,<a>1</a> but called Union & sustained by the existing organization of the party

<n>1 The Democratic Party split into two factions in 1860. One group nominated Stephen A.

Douglas for the presidency, while the other faction, primarily composed of Southerners and

Northern supporters of President Buchanan, nominated Vice President John C. Breckinridge for


R J. Haldeman, member of the Doug. Nat Committee has called a new Convention to meet on

the 26th inst to perfect the Douglas organization. This will put Douglas in the position of a

factionist in this State for his friends will be regular throughout, and it will cost him thousands of

votes. Indeed with two such tickets, Breckinridge will pull from 50 000 to 100,000 votes &

Douglas cannot, at best, reach 150,000. & may come down to 100,000.

If Douglas had the prestige of regularity he would run away from Breckinridge leaving him with

about 30000; but as it is, he will suffer terribly

In any event, however, you will have a decided majority of the whole vote. I dont see how it is

possible to bring you down to a plurality.

Forney<a>2</a> has given a terrible stab to Foster<a>3</a>. In Mondays paper he demands of

him, at the cost of defeat, that he shall disown all connection with the Union Electoral ticket &

the State Committee, which requires him to disown the very organization that nominated him.

Of course he cannot do it & the next blow will be square opposition on the part of the Press.

<n>2 John W. Forney</n>

<n>3 Henry D. Foster was the Democratic candidate for governor of Pennsylvania in 1860.</n>

If the contingency should arise at any time in the contest threatening to throw the Election of

President into the House, the Press, and all its followers will go squarely & openly for you. I

am fully advied on the point, & you can rest assured of the fact. This determination is not

expected to effect the vote of Penna for that is conceded, but it is to meet a possible contingency

in New York & other States, where great efforts are made to unite against us. I will write you

often Yours & c

A K McClure


Document: Edward L. Pierce to Abraham Lincoln, July 20, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Edward L. Pierce, a native of Massachusetts and graduate of the Harvard Law School,

worked in Salmon Chase’s law office and served as Chase’s private secretary. Pierce attended

the 1860 Republican Convention in Chicago and enlisted in a Massachusetts regiment at the

outbreak of the Civil War. In February 1862 Pierce was appointed a special agent of the

Treasury Department and placed in charge of the plantations at Port Royal, South Carolina.

After the war, Pierce wrote a multi-volume biography of Charles Sumner.</n>

Boston 20 July 1860

26 Old State House

My Dear Sir

Herewith I send you a pamphlet of mine written during a temporary residence in Chicago which

I thought you might like to read as it discusses matters of Illinois It is said to have been the

means of defeating a 14 yrs amendment in this state. I only wish our efforts in defeating a 2 yrs

amendment had been equally successful.

You will be elected President, my friend -- and I trust you will be found equal to the

responsibility More will depend on you and your fidelity than has ever depended on any man in

our age, except perhaps on Louis Napoleon who betrayed his trust. Charles Sumner is my much

attacked personal and political friend. I heard and approved his late speech in Congress and by

this you will see my standpoint I was the youngest member of the Massachusetts delegation at

the Chicago Convention representing the Adams district. I was one of the eight delegates who

on the third ballot voted for your nomination. I had read your Cooper Institute speech<a>2</a>

-- I heard you speak in Chicago in 1857 when John Wentworth was candidate for Mayor -- and

was introduced to you in the Tribune office by my friend Dr Ray.<a>3</a> Strong as was the

Seward<a>4</a> feeling in my own district I voted for you because I believed that you would be

as true as he to the anti-slavery cause. I make these statements so that you will not consider my

words impertinent

<n>2 For the text of Lincoln’s February 27, 1860 speech at the Cooper Institute in New York

City, see Collected Works, III, 522-50.</n>

<n>3 Charles H. Ray</n>

<n>4 William H. Seward</n>

Of course everything looks well here. There was some disappointment at Mr Sewards not being

nominated -- but his friends were generally the best friends of the cause -- and readily


With the best wishes for your welfare, I am

Yours truly

Edward L Pierce


Document: Henry Sherman to Abraham Lincoln, July 20, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 Sherman, a Hartford, Connecticut author and attorney, was appointed a Treasury

Department clerk in 1861.</n>

Hartford Conn. July 20/ 60

Hon & Dear Sir.

I send you by mail (prepaid) to day, a work I have recently published on the subject of "Slavery

in the United States",<a>2</a> which please accept with my most respectful regards. It seems

to me to present the subject in its true political & constitutional relations, & I trust will commend

itself to your favorable regard. I will be obliged for your candid opinion of it.

<n>2 Sherman’s Slavery in the United States of America was first published in 1858 and was

reprinted in 1860.</n>

When you were in Hartford last Spring, I listened to your address to our citizens here, with

considerable interest.<a>3</a> In one part of it I understood you to say that you did "not

recognize the existence of any Constitutional obligation to protect Slavery." Did I understand

you correctly? You will perceive, in my work, that there is a sense in which that declaration

may be true, & yet there would be a legal obligation upon the government to recognize its

existence & to protect it it, as a State Institution: But as there is some doubt in my mind as to

your precise expression, I should be glad to understand your views more correctly, especially as

your present position before the nation, makes them more important to those who wish to

exercise the elective franchise with intelligence & patriotism.

<n>3 For the text of Lincoln’s March 5, 1860 speech at Hartford, see Collected Works, IV,


I also enclose a Circular containing notices of the work, and of a new & larger volume on the

History of our National Government.<a>4</a>

<n>4 A second edition of Sherman’s The Governmental History of the United States of America:

From the Earliest Settlement to the Adoption of the Present Federal Constitution (New York: M.

H. Newman, 1843) was published in 1860.</n>

Yours Truly & Respy

Henry Sherman


Document: Caleb B. Smith to Abraham Lincoln, July 20, 1860

Indianapolis July 20, 1860

Dear Sir,

Supposing that you will naturally look with some interest to the progress of the canvass in this

one of the "Pivotal States," I will venture to add one to the numerous letters with which you are

doubtless afflicted

Whatever lingering doubts or fears I may have had of the result here were completely removed

by the "Great State Douglas<a>1</a> Ratification meeting," held here on the 18th inst. I

expected to see a very large and enthusiastic meeting & told our friends in advance that there

would not be less than 20,000 persons present I know that the managers had made unusual

efforts to get up a crowd. They sent the most urgent appeal to every county to send up their

delegations. Extensive preparations were made for half fare excursion trains to bring in the

crowds, but the people would not come & the trains came in empty. The honest truth is, it was a

most signal failure. There were not more than 3000 present. The leaders were greatly

disappointed & the whole affair was "stale flat and unprofitable."

<n>1 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

Our friends are now inspired with hope and are going to work in earnest C M Clay<a>2</a> is

doing a good work here. His meetings have been large and enthusiastic and his speeches have

made a good impression

<n>2 ID: Cassius Marcellus Clay, a prominent antislavery Whig from Kentucky, actively

campaigned for Lincoln and the Republicans in 1860 after losing the vice presidential

nomination to Hannibal Hamlin. Clay was rewarded by being appointed minister to Russia. In

1862 Clay agreed to return to the United States and accept a commission as major general of

volunteers so that a vacant foreign mission would be available for Simon Cameron. In 1863

Cameron resigned as minister and Clay resigned his army commission in order to return to

Russia, where he remained until 1869.</n>

The Breckenridge<a>3</a> men are becoming each day more bitter against Douglas while the

friends of the Little Giant are studying afresh the history of Benedict Arnold & the Tories of the

revolution, whom they present as the prototypes of seceding democracy. Like the Capulets and

the Montagues they are "biting their thumbs" at each other to provoke a [mess?].

<n>3 The Democratic Party split into two factions in 1860. One group nominated Stephen A.

Douglas for the presidency, while the other faction, primarily composed of Southerners and

Northern supporters of President Buchanan, nominated Vice President John C. Breckinridge for


But while we feel confident of success we know that we have work to do & we intend to perform


Yours truly,

Caleb B. Smith


Document: Abraham Lincoln to Abraham Jonas, July 21, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 Lincoln responds here to Jonas to Lincoln, July 20, 1860. In that letter Jonas reported that

Isaac N. Morris, Democratic congressman from the Quincy district, was gathering affidavits that

Lincoln had been seen leaving a Know-Nothing lodge in Quincy. The object of this was “to

work on the Germans,” who might be voting in the upcoming presidential election. Many

German immigrants to Illinois were Republicans, who, as immigrants, mistrusted the

Know-Nothing component of the Republican party, which was perceived as anti-immigrant.</n>



Springfield Ill July 21st 1860.

My Dear Sir--

Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good, or even better men than I may have been in

American or Know-Nothing lodges; but in point of fact, I never was in one, at Quincy or

elsewhere. I was never in Quincy but one day and two nights while Know-Nothing lodges were

in existence, and you were with me that day and both those nights. I had never been there

before in my life; and never afterwards, till the joint debate with Douglas in 1858. It was in

1854 when I spoke in some hall there, and after the speaking, you with others took me to an

oyster saloon, passed an hour there, and you walked with me to, and parted with me at the

Quincy House, quite late at night. I left by stage for Naples before day-light in the morning,

having come in by the same route, after dark the evening previous to the speaking, when I found

you waiting at the Quincy House to meet me. A few days after I was there;

Richardson,<a>2</a> as I understood, started this same story about my having been in a

Know-Nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge, as I did soon after, I taxed my recollection

for some incident which could have suggested it; and I remembered that on parting with you the

last night, I went to the office of the Hotel, to take my stage passage for the morning, was told

that no stage office for that line was kept there, and that I must see the driver before retiring, to

insure his calling for me in the morning; and a servant was sent with me to find the driver, who

after taking me a square or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps a dozen steps farther, and in

my hearing called to some one, who answered him, apparently from the upper part of a building,

and promised to call with the stage for me at the Quincy House. I returned and went to bed, and

before day the stage called and took me. This is all.

<n>2 William Alexander Richardson</n>

That I never was in a Knownothing lodge in Quincy, I should expect could be easily proved, by

respectable men who were always in the lodges and never saw me there. An affidavit of one or

two such would put the matter at rest.

And now, a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a point if they could force me

to openly deny the charge, by which some degree of offence would be given to the Americans.

For this reason it must not publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge

Yours Truly      A. Lincoln


Document: Elbridge G. Spaulding to Abraham Lincoln, July 21, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Elbridge Gerry Spaulding, a lawyer from Buffalo New York, was first a Whig and later

a Republican member of the U. S. House of Representatives (1849-51, 1859-63) and one of

William Seward’s political lieutenants.</n>

Buffalo July 21, 1860

My Dear Sir,

I attended a meeting of our State Committee at the Astor House in New York on the 19th inst.

The committee is composed of three members from each of the Eight Judicial districts in the

State, making the number twenty four in all. Only four members were absent at this meeting.

Upon a full comparison of the prospects reported by the several members of the Committee, the

State is regarded as safe for the Republican ticket. The Eighth district in which I reside never

looked better on any former occasions.

The prospects are favorable for the re nomination of Gov. Morgan,<a>2</a> with an equally

favorable prospect of his re election, and the Electoral ticket will be quite as strong as these that

of the State. Our State Convention is to be held on the 22d of August. It will be composed

chiefly of men friendly Gov. Seward,<a>3</a> who now cordially and efficiently support your


<n>2 Edwin D. Morgan</n>

<n>3 William H. Seward</n>

I saw most of our leading friends in New York and Albany. We are all acting harmoniously

through the state in support of the Republican cause and yourself as the Standard bearer in this

election, and desire to maintain friendly relations with yourself and your friends in the state of


We are perfecting an efficient organization in all the counties of the state, and shall be prepared

to meet the shattered democracy and other fag ends even if they combine upon one electoral


I received your letter several weeks since<a>4</a> and shall be gratified to hear from you

occasionally during the campaign.

<n>4 This may be a reference to a letter that Lincoln had drafted for David Davis to send to

Spaulding. See Collected Works, Supplement I, 54 and Davis to Lincoln, May 23 and June 5,


I remain

Yours Truly

E. G. Spaulding


Document: John T. Hanks to Abraham Lincoln, July 22, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 John T. Hanks was the son of Dennis F. Hanks, a cousin of Lincoln’s mother, and close

companion of Lincoln during his youth in Indiana.</n>

July. 22. 1860

Canyonville Douglas Co. Oregon

Dear unkel

while seting a lone in mi Cabing all a lone no bodey to disturbe me thinking of the past as well as

the future a thought came to mi mind Conserning you -- and I coud not availe mi selfe of a beter

opertunity than this to write a few lines to lete you no that I was in the land of the living I dont

no whether mi lines will be exceptable ar note but howsoever I will take the responsiblity to do

so in the first plais I will say that I am well and hartey and I hop when this comes to hand will

find you in the very best state of health --

it has ben a bout ten years since I saw you last well do I remember the day that I bid you mi last a

dew since then I hav allways remembered you fur the good advice you gav me and will and will

till Time is no more since then I hav sene a grate meney Changes in life and experanced a grate

deal as for luck and prosperitey I hav ben up an down in the world but no I stand purtey fair fur

raising in the world I hav a good prospect fur making money I recived a lettar from father the

other day he desires fur me to com home he says that he dont expect to live long in the world

and wontes me to cum home doe you think it wode be adviseable fur me unkel to returne home

when now I hav be gan to prosper I love mi old father as well as son coud love his father you

no unkel that I was raised a poor boy I had no Chance to make mi self while growing up to man

hood as I wod liked to done I was deprived on the chance as others had I have had to work hard

fur mi living ever since I was a boy Eight years old and I think now I had beter look out fur mi

self when I was out to California and returned home I gave all that I had to mi father wich was

something near a thousand dolers I boute home I thought wod doe hime and returned back to

California to make somthing fur mi self it is trew that I have ben her a suficent time to make a

raise I will admit that but fortune is note to be maid by ever body all though I have labered hard a

nuf to make I got tyerd of California and went from thair to Oregon I found this country much

beter than California fur helth and ever thing else that I have seteld down to make this mi home

I wod like to see mi old friends very well but thay dont make me a living and I have to look out

fur mi self -- I have just returned home from the Election it was the hotes one that I ever saw

in Oregon David Logen<a>2</a> and his a ponent went over the State and stomple it Logen is

a good speaker and a smart man this State went a ganst logen a boute one hundred majority

democratic since then I have herd that you was nominated fur president I was glad to hear that

fur I bleave that you can cary this State if your friends pursuse the rite corse I live not fur from

Old Joe Laines<a>3</a> he is not very popler in this conty he is the gratis a ponent you will

have in the State but he is loosing ground faste he was seaking fur the nomination but did not

get it his son in Law bet that Old Joe wod be nominated we havent herd who is nominated on

the democratic side yet if Douglas<a>4</a> is nominated he will be very hard to beate in oregon

if he is not I will bet that you will cary the State I have herd strong democrats say that thay was

a going to suporte you I travild all over this county and lectured hard a ganst gag Logen -- I

was the case that he was beat I had a grate deal bet on the Election and I wanted to win it be fore

I close this we have got the news from the States and no all the candidates you will get this State

and you may dipend on it am going to suport you and do all that I can I live her in the midest

of Joe Laines friends herd him speak a meny a time I no him well he is a purfect gut and he

is loosing ground fast I going to travil fur you I well a quainted with ever Body most -- I can

do you some good hear more than every Body that is hear and the hardest man to beat a

lecturaring that you ever saw I want you to answer this as sone as you can and post me all you

can direct your lettars to Canyonvill Douglas Co Oregon you must Excus this fur I am out on

practis a writin<a>5</a>

<n>2 David Logan, the son of Lincoln’s former law partner Stephen T. Logan, was an

unsuccessful Republican candidate for Congress in 1860.</n>

<n>3 Joseph Lane</n>

<n>4 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

<n>5 For Lincoln’s September 24 reply to Hanks, see Collected Works, IV, 120.</n>

Yours in haste

John. T. Hanks


Document: Hannibal Hamlin to Abraham Lincoln, July 23, 1860

Hampden July 23 1860

My Dear Sir,

Your note of the 18th inst.<a>1</a> was received last evening, and I was gratified to hear from

you. I had been on the point of addressing you several times, and the press of correspondence

and other engagements really prevented.

<n>1 Lincoln had written a brief letter to Hamlin on July 18 in which he introduced himself, as

he could not recollect whether they had ever met. See Collected Works, IV, 84.</n>

I am not certain whether we ever had a formal introduction or not-- My impression is that we

have-- My recollection of yourself is more distinct undoubtedly, than yours of me I had just

left the House the Session before you entered it, and members were more familiar to me than

Senators to you-- I remember well of hearing you speak one day-- We may I think reasonably

hope to become intimately acquainted in the coming four years--

We feel in confidence in Maine that she will do her whole duty There is not as much

excitement as in '56, but our meetings are larger than in that year, and there is a force and

determination not then seen. It shows the strength and power of a consolidated and harmonious

party which was then in its infancy--

All is well in New England, and we are looking earnestly to the great North West, and we are

looking too in a full faith that she will be true in the ratification of correct principles. I cannot

see but the old democratic ship has foundered and must go down--

By the way, a gentleman who has named a vessel for you enquired of me a few days since where

he could obtain a Bust of you, by which his carver could execute a figure head for his ship--

Can you inform me? Are they in Boston or New York, and if so where?

I will be glad to learn how the canvass progresses in your State and Ind. for my own gratification

I think I have enough prudence not to [injure?] the cause on my own, by what may be

communicated to me

Yours Truly

H Hamlin


Document: George H. Keith to Abraham Lincoln, July 23, 1860

Springfield, Ohio. July 23, 1860.

Dear Sir, I am a resident of Corinth, Mississippi, and am now North on a visit to my friends,

and take the liberty of addressing a few lines to you though an entire stranger. I am not,

however a stranger to the political views of which you are now the honored exponent. Until less

than a year since, I battled for the success of those principles in the young state of Minnesota,

and did not leave there until victory perched upon the Republican banner. I expect to reside in

the South for the present and perhaps for life, and can assure you that many residents of the

South will rejoice when the lightning shall announce that Abraham Lincoln is elected President

of these United States. Your election, however, will be the easiest part of the struggle for you or

the party. The great contest will have just commenced when you are inaugurated. My

residence in the South and the course which I have pursued, has enabled me to gather many

items of intelligence, which convince me of the settled determination of a certain faction of the

Yancey<a>1</a> school of politicians, to disrupt this union. I have been wont to consider these

threats of disunion of but little consequence, and heretofore they have been; but we are now

approaching a crisis and it will culminate sometime during your administration, -- at the early

part of it I think. That the effort will be successful I do not believe. Yet, "forewarned,

forearmed." One man can fire a city, while it might require the united efforts of thousands to

subdue the flames. So a thousand men in Mississippi or South Carolina may excite an

insurrection which would require all the force, energy and wisdom of the Government to

suppress without plunging the country in a civil war. You know the oft repeated threat, that,

"The South will never submit to the election of a Black Republican President." I know of

communities in the South, where if a man should publically declare that he was not willing to

resist by force of arms the administration of a Republican President, he would find the remark to

be worth cost him all his character and standing in that community were worth to him. Such is

an index of the state of feeling that pervades certain localities, and I can assure you that

thousands are intent on improving the first favorable opportunity to force a Southern

Confederacy. When that time arrives you and your Cabinet may find it of some benefit to gain

reliable and unprejudiced information from the "field of war."

<n>1 ID: William Lowndes Yancey, a politician, lawyer and orator from Alabama, was one of

the key leaders of the Southern states’ rights movement. After serving a single term in Congress

(1844-46), Yancey eschewed organized political parties and made countless speeches throughout

the South advocating states’ rights. In 1860 Yancey organized the Constitutional Democratic

Party that nominated John C. Breckinridge for the presidency. During the campaign, Yancey

made over one hundred speeches throughout the country and authored the Alabama ordinance of

secession following Lincoln’s election. Yancey traveled to Europe as a commissioner of the

Confederate government and served in the Confederate Senate until his death in 1863.</n>

  I will here take the liberty of refering you to the Republican delegation in Congress from

Minnesota. Gov Alexander Ramsey & Judge Aaron Goodrich, St Paul Min. also the Hon. John

P. Hale,<a>2</a> U. S. S. from N. H. Any of these gentlemen I think will readily recognize my

name, and assure you of my fidelity to Republican Principles. If you or any one at your instance

should see fit to address me before the 1st of Sept. direct to Springfield, Ohio, care of C. F

McWilliams Esqr. After the 1st of Sept. to Corinth, Miss.

<n>2 ID: John P. Hale, a politician and lawyer from New Hampshire, served a single term as a

Democrat in the U. S. House (1843-45) and then was kicked out of the party for his antislavery

views. A coalition of Whigs and antislavery Democrats sent Hale to the Senate in 1847, where

he became one of the champions of the cause. In 1852, Hale ran for president as the candidate

of the Free Soil Party. He became a Republican when the party was organized, returned to the

Senate and served for ten years (1855-65). In 1865, Lincoln appointed him minister to


Very Respectfully

Your Obedient Servant,

Geo. H. Keith.


Document: Francis E. Spinner to Abraham Lincoln, July 23, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Francis E. Spinner, a politician from New York, was elected a representative to

Congress in 1854 as an antislavery Democrat and later joined the Republican ranks. For his

efforts in the 1860 campaign, Spinner was appointed Treasurer of the United States in 1861.</n>

Mohawk, N. Y. July, 23rd 1860.

Sir: --

The known corruption of the last and the present Administration has had a pernicious influence,

extending beyond its adherents, upon the morals of the people.

Bad men generally belong to the party in power -- If found elsewhere, it will be with whatever

other party which has the fairest prospect of future success. The Republican Party is now in the

latter precise position, and therein lies its great danger.-- The venal disappointed men are

already with us, and it being now almost certain that you are to assume the reins of government,

and the control of the affairs of the nation; it will be strange indeed, if swarms of "patriots" do

not leave the administration party, and join the republicans, with the sole purpose of assisting

you in the distribution of the "spoils" to themselves and their fellows.

Having been elected six years since a member of Congress as a Democrat, from one of the

strongest democratic districts in this State, and having since been twice reelected from the same

district, by one of the largest Republican majorities in the United States, I have had opportunity

to become acquainted with the wrong tendencies and dispositions of politicians, and the real

wants and wishes of the honest and well disposed masses of the people.--

Next, and perhaps with an equal desire that Slavery shall be restricted, they will demand that

there shall be retrenchment and reform in every branch of the Public Service-- That honesty,

and the most rigid Economy shall stamp themselves upon every act of the administration--

Thus, while the interests of the people will be better cared for, the expenditures of the

government may be brought down from some Seventy, to fifty millions of dollars.--

To do this, the Spoilsmen who now occupy places of trust must be removed, and men of known

firmness, honesty and capacity put in their Stead.-- It was this idea that brought Mr. Jefferson

and Genl. Jackson into power, and a seeming adherence to these principles, continued the power

with their successors long after their abandonment.--

I confess to some anxiety upon this subject, feeling as I do, that the Success of your

administration, and the permanent Establishment of the Republican party, will depend entirely

upon your course, and that of your Cabinet and other subordinates that you may select to aid you,

in this regard.--

The creation of new offices-- The making of contracts-- The construction of all kinds of

public buildings and works-- River and Harbor improvements -- Grants of public lands --

Pensions -- Largesses, and all kinds of projects of doubtful utility, will be insisted upon by

individuals and localities, in consideration of alleged service rendered you and the cause.--

Your public record, and the testimony of your political friends and foes, induces the belief, that

you will be master of your position and of the future of the party.-- That your course will be

such as to compel your reelection-- And that in aftertimes you will be remembered as the

founder of a great party, that for many years controlled for its the the greatest good of our people

The destiny of the nation.

If there is a single point on which I have a single misgiving it is, whether you will be able to

resist the importunities of your own political and personal friends.-- It is because of this doubt,

that I have taken the liberty thus frankly to address you-- If you are proof here, my life for it,

your adminstration will be a brilliant success, and the the Republican party will have a glorious


Very Respectfully

Your obedient Servant

F. E. Spinner

P. S. This state will give you at least fifty thousand majority, of which, nine thousand at least

will be contributed by the district that I represent.-- I am not a candidate for reelection, and can

therefore devote myself to the canvass.--

By this day's mail, is forwarded to your address, a Set, 3 Vols., Com. Perry's Japan Expedition.--

If you have not the Pacific Rail Road Survey Reports, and the Mexican Boundary Survey

Reports, I can furnish them, if you desire them.-- I, of course, do not expect an answer, except

to this P. S.<a>2</a>

<n>2 Lincoln wrote a short note of acknowledgment to Spinner on July 27. See Collected

Works, IV, 88.</n>


Document: David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, July 24, 1860


July 24, 1860.

Dear Lincoln --

I want to write you about my visit to Chicago -- its object, & result-- You know the result of the

Bell-Everett movement<a>1</a> in Chicago last week -- that it was resolved to call a

Convention & c-- Mr Wilson<a>2</a> the former Commissioner of the Land Office,

denounced the movement as a Douglas Scheme, & avowed himself for you-- Mr

Whitney<a>3</a> who has all along been insisting that I should have an interview with Mr

Wilson, wrote me of the the result of that movement in Chicago, & insis still insists on that

interview being had--

<n>1 The Constitutional Union Party was formed in 1860 and nominated Senator John Bell of

Tennessee for president and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for vice president. Lincoln and

his advisers hoped to prevent the formation of Bell-Everett movements in key midwestern states

such as Illinois and Indiana by attempting to persuade Old Whigs and Know Nothings that they

had a home in the Republican Party.</n>

<n>2 John Wilson</n>

<n>3 Whitney</n>

In as much as Mr Wilson had I thought the objections that were heretofore valid against seeing

him were obviated, & from Mr Whitneys persistency, I did not know but some good should

come of it--

I went up Sunday night & went with Mr Whitney to Mr Wilson's house & spent the Entire day

there-- I do not think that any body in Chicago knew of my interview with Mr Wilson, except

Mr Whitney.--

I got to the "Tremont" about 6 in the Evening, & for the first time saw Wentworth--<a>4</a>

By a foolish notice published in his a paper next morning, I conclude he thought I was there on

business of the Central Committee-- The folly of such an article is apparent because its

tendency is to create jealousies. I saw him a moment next morning & really he talks better than

I have heard him for a long time-- I have hopes of his working well & efficiently for the


<n>4 John Wentworth</n>

The mass meeting at Springfield the 8th of August is going to be a large demonstration-- It

must be made so-- Now it will be a capital time to invite Wentworth to make a speech-- Have

your committee of arrangements do so at once-- If invited I know he will go down-- He is

sensitive & kindness wins him-- My opinion is that at a meeting of that kind, he would make as

acceptable a speech as any body--

Now to Mr. Wilson-- I found him as intelligent, and as well informed as any one I have met for

a long time-- He is in my opinion a very intellectual man -- and would impress any body as a

strong man-- He believes in the Doctrines of the Republican party as much as I do

Americanism will have to stand in abeyance, for a season as he thinks-- You know he is one of

the members of the National Committee of the Bell party

He read me a copy of the letter he wrote to the Committee at Washington (after the denouement

in Chicago) justifying his action & exposing the plan & object of the movement--

Dr Boone one of the leading men, distrinctly stated that he was for Douglass<a>5</a> -- all of

which Mr Wilson stated in his letter

<n>5 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

He says the Bell Com -- at Washington, are not for Douglass-- They are for Bell & despise

Douglass-- That the Bell movement in this State cant be run without money, & that he wanted

to check mate them therein--

I found also that Mr Thompson<a>6</a> of Terre Haute had been corresponding with him, &

that they agreed pretty well-- He thinks Thompson will succeed in preventing a Bell Ticket in

Indiana-- Mr. Wilson thinks that nearly all of the persons that were having any thing to do with

the Bell movement would go for Douglass if the Ticket was not run-- I find also that there are

really about 1200 Americans in Chicago -- that Wilson has a better understanding with them than

any body else--

<n>6 Richard W. Thompson</n>

Now, I found Mr Wilson perfectly willing to enter this canvass, & do all the good he could--

From his position with for Mr Fillmore,<a>7</a> & his standing with the Americans, he cant

help doing good

<n>7 Former President Millard Fillmore had received the presidential nomination of the

American or “Know Nothing” Party in 1856.</n>

He will, I think go any where, that he it is thought he could be most useful-- I am advised that

he is a man of a good deal of wealth, which is to be thought of, inasmuch as he can pay his own


In my whole interview with Mr Wilson, I found not a sentiment uttered, nor an expression used,

inconsistent with that of a high toned honorable gentleman, who had earnest convictions on the

great questions of the day-- My information is that he is a good public Speaker

If Every body has his weaknesses -- & of course Mr Wilson is not an exception thereto-- He

has a good deal of personal vanity & is withal sensitive--

I asked him -- if he would not on invitation go to Springfield on the 8th of August, & make a

speech He said that he would--

Now, I want the Com of Arrangements to invite him to speak, & also I want it attended to that

so that he can have a good opportunity to speak--

 --Our friends can very soon see that whether his talking will do good--

I am satisfied that it will-- He is an old Whig & a Fillmore man, & he can & will do good in the

Southern & middle parts of the State

 --And if our friends can then & there consult together & make appointments for him

Again -- Personal attention shown to Mr Wilson will reap a heavy reward-- He is evidently a

man to whom attention is a matter of personal consequence-- He likes it & he would notice the

want of it, & feel chagrined thereat-- --

Just coming into the party it is more necessary to pay attention to him than if he was an old


You must give him in charge of Mr Dubois<a>8</a> or Mr Butler<a>9</a> & impress upon

them the necessity of personal attention to him-- He knows Mr. Dubois & entertains a high

opinion of him--

<n>8 Jesse K. Dubois</n>

<n>9 William Butler</n>

 --Mr Wilson's name ought to be on the Bills-- His name is John Wilson--

I have been thus particular, because as I suppose from wo what Mr Swett<a>10</a> told me, it is

decided that I go to Pennsylvania -- & consequently I shall not be at meeting 8th Aug Although

not liking to go alone, of course I will do it--

<n>10 Leonard Swett</n>

If however I go to Pennsylvania had I not better go to through New Jersey & New York also

Had you or not better prepare some Letters of Introduction simply Letters of not == introduction

& nothing else ==

I would like to see you if you think it necessary before I go--

I can be ready by Wednesday of next week--

Show this letter to Dubois & Butler & Hatch<a>11</a> if you think best-- Write me a line or

two in reply.<a>12</a>

<n>11 Ozias M. Hatch</n>

<n>12 Lincoln wrote a brief reply to Davis on July 27. See Collected Works, Supplement I,


Your friend

D Davis

P S-- I am satisfied that the Democracy believes they will carry this State & they are making

desperate efforts to do so

 --Our friends at the Convention & mass meeting ought to make arrangements to canvass

Southern & middle Illinois thoroughly--

The northern portion of the State is very apathetic--

They are not as well organized as we are down this way--

This is natural eno enough, because being all of one way of thinking, they dont see the necessity

of it

He --They should be stirred up, & organize thoroughly--

On information in some places, like Will & Lasalle, nominations for County offices have gone


This will work off -- but it in a measure helps to keep up the apathy for the time being

The North will have to be attended to, as well as the South -- parts of Illinois--

I am in receipt of a letter from Dr Locke of Indianapolis -- a member of the Central Committee,

who speaks very hopefully of Indiana

Am going to Mackinaw town, to morrow to meet Trumbull<a>13</a> & make a speech--

<n>13 Lyman Trumbull</n>


Document: Russell Errett to Joseph Medill, July 24, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Russell Errett, editor of the Pittsburgh Gazette, was one of Simon Cameron’s political


Private & Confidential

July 24 1860

Dear Sir

There are some things connected with the state of the Canvass in Pa. which the friends of Mr.

Lincoln in Illinois ought to know. It is not pleasant to have to write them; but I take advantage

of our mutual acquaintaince to refer to them, leaving it to your discretion what use to make of


To all outsiders appearances are fair. The manifestations of the canvass, to all outward seeming,

are encouraging. But beneath the surface there are indications not so encouraging

Everything in Pennsylvania depends upon the result of the first election. If we elect our

Governor, all will be well in November; if not, the November Contest will be doubtful, with the

chances against us. There is a bare possibility of Carrying the November if we lose the October

Election, but it is only a possibility.

In Philadelphia, prior to the nomination of Curtin,<a>2</a> the "Americans" were all for him;

but he committed himself for Lincoln (no blame to him for that) thereby souring the

"Bell"<a>3</a> portion of the "Americans;" and following that came a development which has

tended still further to estrange them.

<n>2 ID: Andrew G. Curtin, a Pennsylvania politician and lawyer of Whig antecedents, was the

Republican candidate for governor of his state in 1860. Curtin won the election and was

governor (1861-67) for the duration of the Civil War. Despite Curtin’s rivalry with Simon

Cameron, he was a strong supporter of Lincoln and the Union cause during the war.</n>

<n>3 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential nominee of the newly formed

Constitutional Union Party, which was largely composed of Old Whigs and former members of

the American or “Know Nothing” Party.</n>

Philadelphia has a weakness, you know, and that is, jealousy of New York. She thinks herself

as large as wealthy and as great as New York; and it seems that Mr. Curtin's right hand man, the

Chairman of the State Committee, went over to New York, while the Phila. Mayor's Election

was pending, and raised some money, ostensibly to carry the Phila. election. This indiscretion

has wounded Phila. sensibility in its tenderest point. The idea of begging in New York to carry

a Phila Election is repulsive to every Philadelphian, and they have taken the more offence at it

that, as they allege, it was not needed nor spent in Phila if at all.

The result is that, not only are the Philadelphians offended, but Confidence is lost in the State

Committee, and the monied men of the party will not entrust it with money. Any quantity could

be had to carry the October election, if any confidence could be felt in the medium through

which it is to be disbursed.

Again: there is much danger that the "Bell" men will vote for Foster,<a>4</a> the democratic

Candidate for Governor. They have no Electoral or State ticket in the field, and it is not likely

they will have any. They are, generally, men of the Brooks<a>5</a> stripe, and will, I fear,

follow the Brooks policy of casting their votes in such a way as will best promote Lincoln's

defeat. The difficulty is that we cannot make Mr. Curtin see this. Having had these men for him

at the first, he thinks they are still for him, especially as they take no steps to remove the

delusions, preferring to move and act quietly and in the dark.

<n>4 Henry D. Foster</n>

<n>5 James Brooks had served in the U. S. House of Representatives as a Whig (1849-53) and

was editor of the New York Express, a conservative newspaper that supported the Know Nothing

movement and endorsed Stephen A. Douglas’s candidacy for the presidency in 1860.</n>

The effect of the "Bell" feeling is also, I fear, underrated. It has no force outside of Phila &

Montgomery counties, but there it is not to be despised. In 1856 Fillmore<a>6</a> had 25,000

in Phila. and Fremont<a>7</a> 9,000 in round numbers. Now the thing is reversed. Our men

have say 30,000 and they the 9,000; and our men, having been so long in the small crowd, feel

bigger than they ought in the big crowd, and overrate their own strength as well as underrate the


<n>6 Former President Millard Fillmore was the presidential nominee of the American or

“Know Nothing” Party in 1856.</n>

<n>7 John C. Fremont was the Republican candidate for president in 1856.</n>

This is strictly private. You may show it to Mr. Lincoln, if you think it advisable, but, if you

mention its contents in confidence to your trusted friends, do not hint or say who or where it

came from.<a>8</a>

<n>8 Medill enclosed Errett’s letter in his July 29, 1860 letter to Lincoln.</n>

My conviction is that if Mr. Lincoln has a trusted and trusty friend whom he could send to this

state to see and hear for himself and who would not let his mission be known, a great deal more

could be learned than letters can possibly convey

Truly Yours,

Russell Errett


Document: Truman Smith to Abraham Lincoln, July 24, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Truman Smith was a Whig member of the U. S. House (1839-43, 1845-49) and U. S.

Senate (1849-54) from Connecticut, whose tenure in the House coincided with Lincoln’s single

term. In 1862 Lincoln appointed Smith a judge to a court of arbitration in New York which

heard cases related to the suppression of the slave trade.</n>

New York City

July 24th A D 1860

My Dear Sir

I have hitherto abstained from congratulating you on your nomination for the Presidency and did

not doubt but that you would be addressed to your hearts content on that subject. It seemed to

me I should best consult your convenience (if I did not best manifest my friendship) by

remaining silent

But I can do so no longer A just Providence permits disorder and confusion to pervade the

counsels of the authors of that measure of iniquity -- the repeal of the Missouri Compromise-- It

is impossible for them to unite -- and therefore your election (at all times probable) has become

morrally certain

I doubt, whether, should this event occur, you will have at Washington, for the period of four

years more of real enjoyment than you would experience during the same terms in private life.

The position is one of great responsibility and is ever attended with many anxieties and

perplexities but I must nevertheless congratulate you on the distinguished expressions of public

confidence which are yours-- One in fruction -- a nomination, the other in prospect -- an

Election, to the highest office in the gift of a great & a free People -- a result the more

gratifying as it involves the defeat & the over-throw of one of the most audacious demagogues I

ever knew

I rejoice in the belief that we are soon to have illustrated the great truth that there is in this

country such a thing as political retribution and that the vile arts and unprincipled measures

resorted to by an unscrupulous aspirant to the Presidency to secure the object of his ambition

may in their consequences constitute an insuperable barrier to his success

Permit me to say in conclusion that I am prompted alike by the motive of private friendship and a

sense of public duty to make every effort in my power for a cause which I trust is soon so to

result as to evince to the world that our Institutions are Truly free and that the noble qualities and

characteristics which distinguished the founders of those institutions have not been wholly lost in

the American People

With sentiments of high respect believe me to be truly & faithfully

Your friend

Truman Smith


Document: Abraham Jonas to Abraham Lincoln, July 20, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Abraham Jonas was a friend and legal associate of Lincoln, who was appointed by

Lincoln as the postmaster of Quincy, Illinois.</n>


Quincy Ills. July 20/ 60

My dear Sir

I have just been credibly informed, that Issac N Morris is engaged in obtaining affadavits and

certificates of certain Irish men that they saw you in Quincy come out of a Know Nothing Lodge

-- the intention is to send the affadavits to Washington for publication-- I do not know if there is

any truth in the matter, neither do I care, but thought it best to let you know about it -- the object

is to work on the Germans -- and Morris can get men to swear to any thing -- my informant saw

one of the affadavits or certificates--<a>2</a>

<n>2 Lincoln wrote a reply to Jonas on July 21. A copy of Lincoln’s letter is in this


Yrs truely

A Jonas

if it all false, let me know


Document: William M. Reynolds to Abraham Lincoln, July 25, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 Reynolds was a native of Pennsylvania and Lutheran minister who became acquainted with

Lincoln while he served as president of the Illinois State University at Springfield from 1857 to


Lancaster, July 25, 1860.

Dear Sir,

I arrived here several days later than expected in consequence of having spent several days in

Johnstown Cambria Co. Pa. (75 miles east of Pittsburg) one of the most important points in

Pennsylvania for the production of iron & coal. I here found some little division of sentiment

among my friends, some thinking that your relation to the Chicago Platform & the Republican

leaders in the State of Penna was a sufficient guaranty for your soundness on the tariff question,

others not regarding the Chicago Platform as explicit and strong enough, & wishing that they had

something more satisfactory from you

I have now just returned from a call upon Mr. Stevens<a>2</a> with whom I had a very free

conversation in regard to you & your views upon the Tariff -- no one else being present. He

commenced by saying that he was satisfied from what he had heard of you that you were all right

upon that subject, though he would himself have preferred that the Chicago Platform had been

considerably stronger upon the point. It was the all absorbing question here in Pennsylvania.

He wished that they could get hold of a speech that you had published upon that subject before

your nomination. I then told him of the conversations which I had had with you, by which he

declared himself much gratified. I then told him that I had been authorized to show him the

heads of your speech, but had unfortunately been hurried away without them. He expressed a

very strong desire to see them, and thought that they might be of great service in the absence of a

published speech of older date, or a set of Resolutions which I told him I had heard from Mr.

Bailache<a>3</a> might, possibly, be obtained.

<n>2 Thaddeus Stevens</n>

<n>3 William H. Bailhache was co-owner of the Republican newspaper in Springfield.</n>

Now, Sir, if you will forward me your manuscript I will use it as arranged between us the day

before I left Springfield. You may also send me any other directions or cautions in regard to

them that now occur to you, & may depend upon my carrying them out to the letter.<a>4</a>

Also Resolutions if publishd. Mr. S. says that he considers this State safe for you, but that

Douglas'<a>5</a> insidious speeches at Springfield Mass. and elsewhere must be carefully


<n>4 No reply from Lincoln has been located. Instead of sending his “scraps” on the tariff to

Reynolds, Lincoln gave them to David Davis who carried them on a trip to Pennsylvania in

August. See Lincoln, Fragments on Protection, [August 1846-December 1847] and Collected

Works, IV, 90-91.</n>

<n>5 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

There is an enthusiastic meeting here tonight, with several former friends of Fillmore<a>6</a>

speaking for you

<n>6 Former President Millard Fillmore had been the presidential candidate of the American or

“Know Nothing” Party in 1856. The American Party was defunct by 1860 and the Republicans

made a concerted effort to attract the Know Nothings to their camp.</n>

Letters will find me here a week or ten days from this date.

Yours most respectfully,

Wm M. Reynolds


Document: F. E. Leseure to Abraham Lincoln, July 26, 1860

Paris Illinois July 26th 1860


I have the honour to write to you to know your opinion concerning the foreigners; Please have

the kindness to let me know 1-- If you accept et ready to support the article 14th of our platform

of Chicago<a>1</a>      2-- If you are against the people who profess the Roman Catholic

church. We have a large number of Irish men here; many of them are disposed dissatisfied of

the democratic pretention and they will be willing to vote for the Republican Candidate for the

presidency if they did positively know the true opinion of Hon Abraham Lincoln<a>2</a>

<n>1 This plank of the platform stated that the Republicans were opposed to any law that limited

the rights of recently naturalized citizens. The so-called “German Plank” was an obvious

attempt to court immigrant voters, especially Germans, but some Republicans feared it would

alienate the Know Nothings that the party was also attempting to bring into the fold.</n>

<n>2 Some of Lincoln’s political enemies were circulating the charge that he had been affiliated

with the anti-immigrant Know Nothing movement. For Lincoln’s denial of his involvement

with the Know Nothings, see his July 21, 1860 letter to Abraham Jonas that is in this


Excuse my liberty in writing to you but my best wishes being for the prosperity of my glorious

adoptive country, I cannot resist to Serve it with my little ability

I am, Hon Abraham Lincoln,

with a profound admiration

your very humble servant

F. E. Leseure.

French Teacher at the Academy, Paris, Ills


Document: James E. Harvey to Abraham Lincoln, July 27, 1860

Saratoga Springs,

July 27, 1860.

My dear Sir,

I have been here nearly a week, & had much opportunity to see leading men from different parts

of this State, & from other portions of the Country. While it is true, that the most Strenuous

efforts are making, to form a Coalition against you, which shall be composed of both factions of

the Democracy & the Bell men,<a>1</a> it is not true that they are likely to endanger Your

Success. The object of the Combination reveals itself, & when traced to its logical

consequences, discloses the fact, that it is finally to ensure to the benefit of Jos. Lane,<a>2</a> if

to any body. Though this view has been frequently presented to the public, & made some

impression, it has not yet been exhibited in that detail, which must carry conviction to the

Commonest Comprehension. I have sent an Editorial to the Tribune, which may appear

tomorrow or on Monday, headed "The deception exposed," which demonstrates that to Carry the

election into the House, which is the professed object of the proposed Coalition, could not result

in either the election of Bell or Douglass, & that the Whole Scheme is a Sham, designed to elect

Lane if possible. I have no fear however of such a Catastrophe, or of Your defeat before the


<n>1 Lincoln was faced with three opponents in the 1860 presidential election. The Democrats

had split into two factions, with Stephen A. Douglas as the nominee of one faction and Vice

President John C. Breckinridge as the candidate for the other. Senator John Bell of Tennessee

accepted the presidential nomination of the newly formed Constitutional Union Party.</n>

<n>2 ID: Joseph Lane was Governor of the Oregon Territory (1849-50) and Oregon’s delegate

in Congress (1851-59). When Oregon became a state, Lane was elected to the U.S. Senate as a

Democrat (1859-61). During the 1860 presidential campaign, Lane was the running mate of

John C. Breckinridge. The defeat of the Breckinridge-Lane ticket, coupled with the success of

the Republicans in Oregon in 1860, effectively ended Lane’s political career.</n>

My confidence in this state, is founded very materially upon the local interests to be affected, by

the preservation of present power, & the irreconciliable divisions among our opponents. It is no

easy matter to transfer men by Wholesale, and while there are leaders of the three interests ready

to sell & to fuse & to bargain, their followers are not quite so willing. This is particularly true in

regard to the Bell interests. A fraction of that organization will go any where to embarrass us,

but the rank & file who sympathize with our general principles & policy, cannot be auctioned by

Hunt,<a>3</a> Brooks<a>4</a> & Company. They are in fellowship with us in the rural

districts, & I found a much stronger inclination towards affiliation in the City, than has been


<n>3 Washington Hunt was a Whig politician who had served as Governor of New York

(1851-53) and was president of the national convention of the Constitutional Union Party in


<n>4 James Brooks had served in the U. S. House of Representatives as a Whig (1849-53) and

was editor of the New York Express, a conservative newspaper that supported the Know Nothing

movement and endorsed Stephen A. Douglas’s candidacy for the presidency in 1860.</n>

Granger<a>5</a> & the men of his stamp who are here, tell me very freely they consider Your

election inevitable, & while some of them pretend to deplore that probability, they admit being

powerless to prevent it. Considering how far Duer<a>6</a> & these others were advanced

beyond You in anti-slavery sentiment, when paying Court to their Constituents for election to

Congress, we cannot but smile at the Sudden Conservatism which has overtaken their present


<n>5 Francis Granger was leader of the conservative faction of Whigs in New York who were

known as “Silver Grays” because of Granger’s gray hair. Granger had served in the U. S.

House of Representatives (1835-37, 1839-41, 1841-43) and as the Postmaster General in William

Henry Harrison’s cabinet. Granger supported the Constitutional Union Party in 1860 and was a

delegate to the 1861 peace convention held in Washington.</n>

<n>6 William Duer, a New York attorney and Whig politician, served two terms in the U. S.

House (1847-51).</n>

After a Conference here, I am now persuaded that the proper means have been taken for a more

perfect & detailed organization through this State. It was needed, for we must not deceive

ourselves with the belief, that there was entire & cordial sympathy. Much of the bad temper is

however wearing off, & the keeness of disappointment has passed, though not entirely


I hope Mr. Seward<a>7</a> will not go out of his way in the Western tour, which he intends

making, to make pronunciamentos that may harm us in the Central region. The truth is, we

want no aid where he is going, & I cannot see the necessity for, or the policy of this intended

demonstration. Webb<a>8</a> who has just dropped down here, from a trip with him to

Niagara, promised me to write him on this point, & I trust with effect.

<n>7 William H. Seward</n>

<n>8 James Watson Webb</n>

Douglas<a>9</a> has become a peripatetic champion of himself & his cause, but is hardly

verdant enough to expect any practical result, from these unseemly exhibitions. He has made

five speeches in this neighborhood within as many days, & plans with his managers, the

programme of "receptions". He has made no impression here whatever in a political Sense, &

personally has failed in a Corresponding degree. The effect of his contacts is plainly written on

his face & features, & it is said was noticed even more plainly, at his Second speech on the night

of his arrival. He is to go to Newport, & home by the beginning of September, unless attracted

to the Virginia Springs by the invitation which the hotel keepers have contrived there.

<n>9 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

I leave here tomorrow for a few weeks of repose & recruitment at Brattleboro, Vermont.

Very Truly,

Your friend,

James E Harvey


Document: Jole Johnson to Abraham Lincoln, July 27, 1860

California July 27th 1860

Dear Sir

Some time since I sent you one number of the Weekly enterprise an Independant paper And

stated to you that we intended to Change the paper this prospectus will show you that we have

done so next week I will be able to send you a number of the new paper-- in my former

communication I urged you to make some contribution to the Support of the paper And urged

the fact that Our State was in all probability the turning point in the contest. And stated that we

were disposed to enter the arena with a hearty good will-- Now we have hired an Editor of

known ability a Recent Convert from the opposite party to write for us, And I hope you may find

it Convenient to give us Some pecuniary aid even a few Dollars would be of great Service to us

now as we are hard Run to make all thing meet in this matter, we live in a Coal Region and there

is an opportunity of influencing the Minors to our Cause by our little sheet. if in the exercise of

your Liberality you can help us please do it soon as now we are most needy

Jole Johnson


Document: Thurlow Weed to Abraham Lincoln, July 27, 1860

Albany, July 27, '60

Dear Sir,

There is particular necessity for writing, and yet I suppose you will be glad to hear that "all is

well" with us.

I was yesterday and the day before looking a little in New. Jersey, where prospects are quite


As I was leaving New York last Evening Dyer<a>1</a> (of Chicago) told me that the

Breckenridge<a>2</a> men were urging a Union Electoral which he hoped the Douglass men

would request. Dyer has been most of the Winter South and returns greatly exasperated. I am

satisfied that he would prefer your Election to that of Breckenridge or Lane.<a>3</a>

<n>1 Thomas Dyer was a political operative for Stephen A. Douglas</n>

<n>2 The Democratic Party split into two factions in 1860. One faction supported the

presidential candidacy of Vice President John C. Breckinridge and the other favored Stephen A.


<n>3 Senator Joseph Lane of Oregon was Breckinridge’s runningmate. If none of the four

candidates for president received a majority of the electoral vote, the presidential election would

be determined by the House of Representatives and the vice president would be chosen by the

Senate. Some believed that the House would be hopelessly deadlocked in such an event and in

that case, the vice president-elect would become president. The speculation was that Lane

would win the vice presidential election in the Senate and by virtue of the House’s inability to

select a president, he would become president.</n>

I saw Douglass here, but so surrounded that nothing but common place things were said. I

wanted the opportunity of telling him that the assurances given him in New York, of either

defection or luke-warmness, on the part of Seward's<a>4</a> friends in this State, were bogus,

and that in relying on them, as he does, he is cheated.

<n>4 William H. Seward</n>

The Hunt<a>5</a> movement in favor of fusion and Douglass, is a "fizzle." Nor can they

combine in any way to give us trouble.

<n>5 Washington Hunt was a Whig politician who had served as Governor of New York

(1851-53) and was president of the national convention of the Constitutional Union Party in


We shall send Gen. Nye<a>6</a> to Indiana. The Nat. Com. will also send "material aid."

<n>6 James W. Nye was one of William Seward’s political lieutenants and a gifted stump

speaker. In 1861, Lincoln appointed Nye the governor of Nevada Territory.</n>

Mr Blair,<a>7</a> of St Louis, drew on the Committeee for $2000, but as this was a local

election in a State which does not hope to give us its Electoral Vote, the Committee responded

only for $1000.

<n>7 Francis P. Balir Jr.</n>

There is some opposition to the re-nomination of Gov. Morgan,<a>8</a> but he is our strongest

man, and will, I think, be re-nominated.

<n>8 Edwin D. Morgan</n>

I shall go, in a week or two, to Philadelphia, and learn how matters shape in Pennsylvania. Such

friends as I see from there say that the State is abundantly safe.

But I am boring with a long Letter. It requires no answer.

Truly Yours,

Thurlow Weed


Document: Cyrus Aldrich to Abraham Lincoln, July 28, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Cyrus Aldrich was a Republican in the U.S. House of Representatives (1859-63) from


Minneapolis, Minnesota

July 28th, 1860.

My Dear Friend

I regreat exceedingly to be under the necessity of boring you with a letter, presuming you are

about bored to death, but Sir, it is almost a necessity under the circumstances--

Our friends have been laboring hard for some time past to prevail on a large number of French &

Germans to vote the Republican Tickets the coming Fall, and succeeded in getting them Enlisted

so far as to agree to raise a Lincoln & Hamlin Pole-- The Pole and Banner are nearly ready, but

they have determined to have your Portrait painted on Muslin, and attached to the banner before

they raise their Pole, and nothing would do but they must write directly to you for your Portrait--

One of Republicans has written a letter for them, which is signed by Capt. Peter Powers, a leader

of them, and which I herewith enclose, and which we do not expect you will answer--

We will get some one in St Paul to paint a Portrait from a Photograph -- and that will answer

every purpose if we pretend it comes from you.

We shall carry this State without a doubt, and I hope to be in the next Congress to cooperate with

you. I should be pleased to hear from you at any time.

Truly & Sincerely

Your Friend

Cyrus Aldrich


Document: Milo A. Holcomb to Abraham Lincoln, July 29, 1860

Granby Hartford Co. Conn

July 29th 1860

Dear Sir.

Soon after your nomination I wrote You from Washington. In my former letter I said to you

that I had always acted with the Democratic party, and I had done so. But I had long ago

resolved not to support Mr Douglass.<a>1</a>

<n>1 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

I am not hostile to your election though You are represented to be an abolitionest and in

sentiment I am a pro Slavery man. I would if I could have my way, authorize Slavery in New

England and the importation of African servants.

The agitating question of slavery as it Exists in these U. S. has distracted the counsels of this

nation long enough, you are reported to have said that the country could not remain a united

people one half Bound the other free, that all must be alike and I agree with your reported


I am willing You should try the experiment. I do not believe you can effect emancipation. If

you can I have no obj. I only want all sections to be alike. I want the Experiment tried abolish

Slavery if you can. If you find you cannot as I am sure you will do, then let us have the other as

it will then be the last expedient.

I am not among those who believe your election will disolve this union, for I am confident that

among the Voters of the Republican party in New England, many Very many are in favor of

having the system extended over New England, But they vote the Republican ticket for other

reasons, besides the position of President of the U. S. is not one well calculated to aid one in

disolving this Union I am not of the scarry school I am willing to trust You and am not affraid

of what you will try to or could do to disolve the Union.

All any one man can do is to Vote I can only Vote in Connecticut. If I can cause two

Democratic, to wit, a Douglass & a Breckenridge<a>2</a> ticket to be run in Conn of Course

You will get the State If a united ticket in any Way wholy or partially favoring Douglass be

attempted I will with hundreds of others oppose it it therefore matters not how I vote You can

rely with certainty on the electoral Vote of Connecticut.

<n>2 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas and the other for Vice President John C.


I have been in Washington for the last several years, previous to that time I had spent several

years in Pennsylvania. I could go into an estimate of Votes of States and show you what I

presume you are aware of. That without Pennsylvania's Vote You cannot be Elected President

by the people.

I have talked with many of my personal & Your political friends on that subject. Your Conn

friends are too sanguine, they express a belief of certainty. I know full well, 'tis doubtful. I

know the Pennsylvania people. I have been to and thoroughly through every Nook and Corner,

they are a peculiar people, and are singularly operated on. If I awaken you, and your friends, to

a realizing sense of the necessity of obtaining the Vote of Pennsylvania, and suggest the means I

shall do more towards causing your election than any devoted partisan you have in this state, and

I do assure you that, You are going to need every Assistance you can possibly command on that


I am going to return to Washington in a few days when I shall see Mr. Lucas,<a>3</a> with

whom, I communicate freely

<n>3 Josiah Lucas</n>

I am Sir Very Truly

Your Obedt Servant

Milo A. Holcomb


Hartford Co.


If Mr Lincoln should wish to communicate with any one in Conn Mr William G. Coe of West

Winstead Litchfield County is a warm friend and supporter and would be happy to receive a

communication from Mr Lincoln signed by his own proper hand

I shall be in Connecticut until about 27th of August & in Washington after that, I drop in a few

postage stamps to aid the correspondence.


Document: Joseph Medill to Abraham Lincoln, July 29, 1860


Chicago, July 29 1860

Dr Sir

The enclosed letter from the Editor of the Pittsburg Gazette will explain itself.<a>1</a> The

writer Mr. Errett is one of the shrewdest and best informed men in his State. When I was in N.

Y. some of the parties who contributed to the fund to help carry Philad last spring told me that

$10,000 were placed in the hands of McClure<a>2</a> Chariman of the Committee -- the same

person refered to in Erret's letter. I was told that he put the money in his own pocket and hardly

used a dollar of it for the purpose it was subscribed. But I can hardly believe that will effect the

Election much in Philad. But the danger we are in, and it has been overlooked, is from the

Union of the Democracy at the October election. There is but one ticket against ours in the

field. Both wings support Foster<a>3</a> for Governor. Now if he gets eight or ten thousand

Bellites<a>4</a> it may Elect him, and the loss of Pennsylvania in Oct may beat us there in Nov.

This is the point of danger. Forney<a>5</a> has been trying to get Foster to declare himself for

Douglas or Breck<a>6</a> so that he may be defeated. Forney is doing all he can for us. But I

learn from confidential sources that he is alarmed at the strength of the Bell faction whose votes

are being transferred to Foster at the October election. I think it would be well if some

confidential sagacious man were sent down into that State to look into the matter.

<n>1 See Russell Errett to Medill, July 24, 1860.</n>

<n>2 Alexander K. McClure</n>

<n>3 Henry D. Foster was the Democratic candidate for governor of Pennsylvania in 1860.</n>

<n>4 A “Bellite” was one who supported the presidential candidacy of Senator John Bell of

Tennessee. Bell had received the nomination of the newly formed Constitutional Union


<n>5 John W. Forney</n>

<n>6 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas and the other for Vice President John C.


My private advices from Indiana tell me that there will be a close squeeze in October with the

chances against us. Both factions will support the Same State ticket. In our own State the

Democracy are going to give us a harder race than we anticipated a few weeks ago. You have

had a taste of their quality at your mass meeting the other day. In some of our Northern

Counties -- Ottawa Will and LaSalle for instance, our party are asleep and I fear have lost

ground. The office seekers are quarrelling like cats & dogs, in both of them. The proper

remedy would be to cut down the fees and salary to about half or quarter what is now made The

Douglasites are sanguine of carrying both of those counties. We are arranging to hold big mass

meetings in them to wake up the sleepers. But the leaders in Ottawa and Jolett are acting

shamefully.-- I very much fear that the Sangamon & Morgan district will be lost. My

confidence of carrying the legislature is subsiding. The "National’s" ticket will not poll 2,000

votes in the State. They are taking the cue that every vote for Douglas is a vote for Breckinridge

or Jos Lane. Hence the Election must be thrown into the House by letting or aiding Douglas to

carry a few states.

But we must labor, and hope for the best

Yours Truly

J. Medill

[Marginal note: You observe that we have given Matteson<a>7</a> a brodside]

<n>7 Joel A. Matteson</n>


Document: John Crooks to Abraham Lincoln, July 30, 1860

Sago O July 30th / 60

Dear Sir

Allow an old man, who has leisure and who was like yourself a H. Clay whig whilst that party

existed, and who at its disolution naturally fell into the Republican ranks, as the only party

possesing any thing like the principles of the old Whig party, and who has just finished a parusal

of the debates, had by yourself & Judge Douglass<a>1</a> to bring to your notice a mistake in

which I think you have fallen, and one too in which too many of our Statesmen I think err-- In

your speech at Jonesboro -- you say that those who are opposed to slavery upon principle give

their acquiescence to a Fugitive slave law, and feel under obligation to pass and abide by it when

passed-- You then say it is because the constitution makes provision that the owners of slaves

shall have the right to reclaim them-- You also say in your Cincinnati speech that we must not

withhold an Efficient Fugitive slave law because the constitution requires it-- All fix the places

in the constitution upon which they base the right to make such law upon, "No person held to

service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof" & C. In this section where any power is

given to the general government it is named, and in this case the power is retained by the states;

and by the same rule in which you lawyers determine the powers and grants &c of all legal

instruments, it will be hard to find either expressly or impliedly any power in what you have

quoted to the gen. gov. to make such Law, and besides the terms used will not apply to a slave;

the relation is an unnatural one, and lawmakers at all times have used, and still use such terms as

describe men by their condition, you will see that the terms used are only applicable to a freeman

because they describe his condition -- to own service or labour implies at all times a contract --

which the slave has not made -- he being only held by force, and not by contract, you will see by

reflection, that any term that will discribe the slave therefore will not describe a freeman -- and

the terms used being only applicable to a freeman, it seems to me but fair to suppose that the

framers of the constitution did not mean a slave, or they would have used such a phrase as would

have meant slave-- It seems to me strange that where in all courts of Justice we are required to

assertain the grants & c contained in all legal instruments, from the instrument itself-- That this

rule is so often departed from in determening the powers and prohibitions contained in the

constitution -- and particularly when it is well known that courts as well as individuals are

always influenced more or less by public sentiment, and sir I concieve that as long as we yield to

the slaveholders the right to a a fugitive slave law, on moral ground we yield the whole question,

for if he has a right to reclaim them as property; he certainly has a right to hold them as such--

The same course of argument that I have used will upset the idea that the framers of the

Constitution meant slaves in that part thereof on which is based the right to trade in slaves-- It

will also entirely set aside the 3/5 representation-- But supposing that you will tire before you

read if you read at all I will stop. I will however say that should you live & no intervening

Providence take place you will be the next President of the U. S. -- and when there I would be

much pleased that no admissions would be made on the part of the President that our constitution

recognized the right of property in man, either directly or indirectly--

<n>1 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

I might have added that the term “person”, used in the above quotation was also an additional

argument that slaves was not what was meant, for that term is only applicable to a freeman, and I

might say also that any term that expresses the condition of a freeman will not express the

condition of a slave -- therefore I think you yielded too much to your adversary -- and hope you

wll consider the few suggestions made, and pass them for all they are worth--

By a referance to the history of that day you will have no loss in finding a class of persons, then

[here?] who will apply

Yours respectfully

John Crooks


Document: George W. Hazzard to Abraham Lincoln, July 31, 1860

Indianapolis Indiana

July 31st 1860

My dear Sir

I have just come from the Breckenridge & Lane<a>1</a> meeting. Neither Gen Lane nor

Senator Powell<a>2</a> were present, the former excused himself on the grounds of sickness --

no explanation of the absence of the latter. The meeting was about the same size as the

Douglass<a>3</a> one of the 18th inst; the arrivals by the cars have been much more numerous

today, but by wagons & c not so many.

<n>1 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas and the other for Vice President John C.

Breckinridge. Senator Joseph Lane of Oregon was Breckinridge’s runningmate.</n>

<n>2 Senator Lazarus W. Powell of Kentucky</n>

<n>3 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

A Breckenridge Electoral ticket and State Central Committee were appointed. Judges Morrison

& Eckels are the senatorial electors. A resolution was adopted authorizing the Breckenridge

Central Committee to confer with the Douglass Central Committee concerning a joint electoral

ticket, which if elected is to cast its votes for that one of the two democratic candidates having

the highest number of electoral votes, but all the speakers, particularly Bright & Fitch,<a>4</a>

expressed their unalterable determination never to sustain Douglass, and stated that the attempts

at coalescing had been defeated in Penn. by Douglass' most intimate friends Richardson &


<n>4 Senators Jesse D. Bright and Graham N. Fitch of Indiana</n>

<n>5 William A. Richardson and John W. Forney</n>

There was not a member of the democratic State ticket present, and I understand (but am not

positive) that as soon as the offer of a combination electoral ticket is rejected (as it certainly will

be) a complete Breckenridge State ticket will be nominated.

Mr. Bright emphatically staked his political sagacity upon the assertion that Douglass will not

get a single electoral vote. Bright was rather dignified, altho defiant: Fitch was abusive and

showed a great deal of petty malignity. Judge Pettit<a>6</a> & Hon'l W. H. English<a>7</a>

were called for, but neither appeared altho both were on the ground.

<n>6 John Pettit, a former Democratic member of the U. S. House (1843-49) and U. S. Senate

(1853-55) from Indiana, was appointed the chief justice of the U. S. Courts in Kansas by

President Buchanan in 1859.</n>

<n>7 William H. English was a Democratic member of the U. S. House of Representatives

(1853-61) from Indiana.</n>

There is no hope of a reconciliation between the two factions of the harmonious democracy; nor

do I suppose any sane man believes there is the slightest doubt of your carrying this state in

November next.

Respectfully yours

Geo. W. Hazzard

The speakers pledged themselves to fight the battle through and the crowd cheered them



Document: James Lesley, Jr. to Abraham Lincoln, July 31, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 Lesley was a Philadelphia newspaper correspondent and Republican activist whom Lincoln

appointed as the consul at Lyons in 1861.</n>

Phil July 31st. 1860.

Dear Sir:

Having just reached home from my Western trip, I can Scarcely qualify my expression of

satisfaction at the glorious section of Country passed over. My visit to Springfield and to your

pleasant quarters in the State House will long be remembered as one of the happiest of my

journey's reminiscences.

As a matter of interest to you, I enclose two or three newspaper slips. The extract from

Forney's<a>2</a> paper indicates clearly the formation of a strait-out Douglas<a>3</a>

Electoral ticket in this state.-- The article from the Despatch is significant because that

influential journal has maintained a strictly independent course, and stands uncommitted to any

party.-- The letter from Saunders speaks for itself. It is the most severe and solid English I

have ever read, even surpassing the invective of Junius.--<a>4</a>

<n>2 John W. Forney</n>

<n>3 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

<n>4 “Junius” was the pseudonym used by a still unknown writer of a series of letters that

criticized George III and his advisers. The letters were published in a British newspaper

between 1769 and 1772.</n>

I also enclose one of the forged naturalization papers used so liberally against us in the Canvass

of 1856. It will do to aid some of your Republican speakers in the present canvass. No less

than 6000 of these were admitted by the plotters of the scheme to have been used.

Every thing here looks well. General Cameron<a>5</a> made a happy speech on Saturday

evening, from the Girard house balcony, Endorsing you and Mr. Curtin<a>6</a> very warmly

He seldom speaks, but when he does, he always speaks to the point.--

<n>5 Simon Cameron</n>

<n>6 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

With kindest wishes for your personal happiness and your triumphant success, I take pleasure in

subscribing myself

Truly Your friend

James Lesley Jr.


Document: Leonard Swett to Abraham Lincoln, [July, 1860] [With Extract in Lincoln’s Hand]

D Sir

I rec’d this morning the enclosed from Casey<a>1</a> which after perusal you will please

return. I will also I believe send one rec’d from Putnam<a>2</a> What shall be done

<n>1 Joseph Casey, a Pennsylvania lawyer and politician, was a former Whig member of the U.

S. House of Representatives (1849-51) and one of Simon Cameron’s political lieutenants. In

1861, Lincoln appointed Casey a judge on the U. S. Court of Claims.</n>

<n>2 James O. Putnam</n>

If desirable we will go; but if we go, we cannot go to Egypt

I confess I do not exactly like the attitude Cameron<a>3</a> assumes. Fell<a>4</a> has a

letter Lewis<a>5</a> who says much the same a Casey so far as the Com. is concerned--

<n>3 Simon Cameron</n>

<n>4 Jesse W. Fell</n>

<n>5 Joseph J. Lewis</n>


The letter I send from Putnam printed, was written to some meeting in N Y.

Upon reflection & talking with the Judge<a>6</a> I think P Lewis expressed confidence in the

chairman but had not in a majority of the members--

<n>6 David Davis</n>


[Extract in Lincoln’s Hand:]<a>7</a>

<n>7 The extract that follows is from a letter to Swett by James O. Putnam of Buffalo, New

York. It apparently pleased Lincoln so much that he copied it out from Putnam's letter. Swett

had been in earlier contact with Putnam, a leader in the American faction of the New York

Republicans. See Collected Works, IV, 57.</n>

(Extract from Putnam’s letter.)

“They have had large meetings; and they begin to think feel that “Old Abe” is a great fellow--

This opinion I share, as you see-- Do you know, Swett, I think him one of the most remarkable

speakers of English, living? In all that constitutes logical eloquence, straight-forwardness,

clearness of statement, sincerity that commands your admiration and assent, and a compact

strenth of argument, he is infinitely superior to Douglas, I think-- The truth is, I have read every

thing I have been able to find he has written or said, and the ring of the best metal is in them all--

I dont wonder at your admiration”


Document: John C. Richardson to Abraham Lincoln, July 31, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 Richardson, a cousin of Mrs. Lincoln, was a judge on the Missouri Supreme Court and a

close friend of Edward Bates.</n>

St Louis July 31 1860

My dear Sir,

I am just in the receipt of your letter of yesterday and I am happy to hear that your child is


<n>2 Lincoln’s letter to Richardson has not been located.</n>

As you suppose I am impartial between Douglass & Breckenridge<a>3</a> and no amount of

pressure could force me to vote for either of them An electoral ticket I have no doubt will be

run in this State for both of them, and in my opinion Breckenridge will have the greatest strength

of the two at the election in Nov. The Republican Press is doing all that it can by every sort of

appliance to strengthen the fallen fortunes of Douglass. It is working on the fears of the

Democratic Candidates and will compel the Times until the state election is over to yield a

faltering support to the Douglass Ticket. In this county and a few other localities Douglass is

the strongest with the democrats. But in the Country I am satisfied that the great majority of the

old Democrats are for Breckenridge. From this time Douglass will gradually sink out of view.

His friends will be called seceders from the true faith, and the Breckenridge men will be

recognized as the only orthodox Democrats.

<n>3 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas and the other for Vice President John C.


The majority of the Democratic candidates on the State ticket I know are ultra Southern men in

their views, and though for the sake of saving their election they have yielded to the threats of

the Republicans and to what they supposed to be the prevailing sentiment of their party, as soon

as the August election is over they will pitch fiercely into Douglass Both factions are trying to

suppress a breach before the August election, but there is already much bitterness between them

and for the good of the country it is increasing and it may become so fierce that they will tear

their state tickets to pieces, in August. Last week the B & L men attempted to serenade Col

Preston who had promised to make a speech, but the Douglass men were present in such

numbers and made so much noise that a speaker could not be heard three feet-- They have

advertised for a meeting to night and something rich may turn up as the Breck party is the

weakest one here. The opposition generally are inclined to encourage them. One of your

leading friends told me on Saturday that the Breck men had requested your friends to attend there

meeting in order to give it importance, and that at least 1000 Wide awakes, would be on hand.

No sane man can think that Douglass has the ghost of a chance. I do not see how he can carry a

single Slave State. The prestige of a cordial nomination at Charleston<a>4</a> might have

secured him 2 or 3 free states but his friends now every where are dispirited, and it seems to me

that he cannot carry a free State unless it be California where your friends are weakest. I do not

believe that he will get an electoral vote.

<n>4 Charleston, South Carolina was the site of the first meeting of the 1860 Democratic

National Convention. The Charleston convention adjourned without nominating a presidential

candidate because several delegates, primarily from the South, had walked out of the


His star has set and I hope forever. He betrayed the North when he secured the repeal of the

Mo. Compromise line and as the South has spurned him he is now eating the bitter fruit of his

treason But whilst he has no power to help himself he may injure Breckenridge-- He will take

off quite enough votes from him I hope to defeat him in a majority at least of the Slave States I

believe that Bell<a>5</a> will carry this State by the division of the Democrats. Your ticket

has not much strength outside of this City. Judge Bates<a>6</a> & my partner Mr

Glover<a>7</a> were against the movement here for Bell, but I think they dont know the

feelings among the old whigs and Americans in the interior as well as I do. Many of them

turned fools on the negro question and joined the Democrats, but the great body of them are

generally conservative. The radicals left us long ago-- They were not willing to go for you --

and there is too much good timber among them to have it used up by the democrats The danger

was that in the single issue of Lincoln and the Democratic nominee the great majority in the

Country would have fore gone for the latter and been absorbed

<n>5 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential nominee of the newly formed

Constitutional Union Party.</n>

<n>6 Edward Bates</n>

<n>7 Samuel T. Glover</n>

The only way it seems to me to prevent such a consequence was to run up another flag, although

it represented a hopeless party. Our friends in this county refused to participate in the Bell

Convention, but from other portions of the State delegates were present and as soon the

nominations were made a feeble organization was attempted.

It was then without our agency here determined to run a Bell ticket, and the danger was that of

none of us here encouraged the movement, our friends in the Country would feel they were

abandoned and that as all of us here had become either Republican or Democrat, they would

hand down their flag and 99/100 of them go over to the Democrats. They could not have been

afterwards reclaimed and a wholesome body of moderate and conservative men, whose united

energies at a future day could have been turned to good account, would have been lost to the


Present Mrs R & myself affectionately to cousin Mary, and accept for youself the assurances of

the high respect of Yrs

Your friend

Jno. C. Richardson


Document: Edward D. Baker to Abraham Lincoln, August 1, 1860

San Francisco

August 1st, 1860

My Dear Sir,

I offer sincere congratulations, tho' late they are none the less earnest. Up to this time the

unpromising state of things on this Coast was a check to any expressions of hope or delight for a

victory in which we could wield no weapon, since the late disruption I have hope of both states,

and I am here from my immediate, or as my enemies say from my temporary residence in

Oregon, to assist in organizing the contest. I have great hope of a Republican Senator in Oregon

-- and of one possibly both States in November. I think you will not need them -- of course I

should be delighted if you were to win them.

I am happy my old friend to write you a letter on such a subject, the reward that fidelity and

courage, find in your person will infuse hope in many sinking bosoms, and new energy in many

bold hearts. As I write I am reminded of a great many things in our earlier career, which in the

events lately thronging around you you may scarcely remember; I am proud as a personal friend

and a party man to feel that among them all there has been nothing which would not confirm my

loyalty as a partizan and my confidence as a friend. You will not wonder that in the great

distinction you have won and the great usefulness which I believe awaits you, I feel an interest

which later friends can hardly know. The seed which you planted in the fields we tilled together

ripens in the sunshine of your later life, at a great distance I rejoice in the luxuriance of the

harvest. My whole heart is with you in the great battle, if we can win here my whole soul will

go out in the struggle. Present me with great respect and good wishes to Mrs Lincoln and

believe me

Very Truly

Your friend

E D Baker


Document: Simon Cameron to Abraham Lincoln, August 1, 1860


Aug. 1, 1860.

My dear Sir,

I should have written you sooner, to congratulate you upon the cordiality with which your

nomination has been responded to, throughout the country, and the abundant assurances of final

success, heard from all quarters, but have waited until I had seen enough of my friends in

different parts of our own state, to form a positive opinion of the election here in Pennsylvania.

I can now do so, and am glad to say, that you will get this state, beyond the shadow of a doubt.

Your friends need give themselves no trouble about it & may occupy their time in making

Illinois & Indiana safe. We need no help here, of any kind. The state is for you, and we all

have faith in your good intentions to stand by her great interests, as they are connected with her

coal and iron, beyond which we have no desires.

My young friend, Mr Lesley,<a>1</a> who saw you the other day, says you showed him your

notes of speeches made in 1844, on the subject of protection, and his account of them gratifies us

all very much<a>2</a>

<n>1 James Lesley Jr. was a Philadelphia newspaper correspondent and Republican activist.</n>

<n>2 Lincoln wrote to Cameron on August 6 that the “scraps” on protection that Lesley had

mentioned to Cameron were being carried to Pennsylvania by David Davis. See Lincoln,

Fragments on Protection, [August 1846-December 1847] and Collected Works, IV, 90-91.</n>

We shall elect our Governor Mr. Curtin,<a>3</a> by a handsome majority, but his vote will by

no means be so large as yours will be in Nov

<n>3 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

I only regret that our opponents are not united, for we could beat their great man

Douglas<a>4</a> with all their forces concentrated and would thus be saved a contest hereafter,

when they will unite on him or some other single candidate. His friends, who are a large

majority of the democratic party here, and those of Breckenridge, are now more bitter against

each other than they are against us, but I fear that after the election, they will try to ascribe their

defeat solely to their divisions. We will try to keep this excuse from them by making your

majority a very large one.

<n>4 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas and the other for Vice President John C.


I repeat that Pennsylvania is as safe for you, as Massachusetts, or Michigan, and I hope our

friends in other states will give all their attention to Indiana which I consider the only doubtful

northern state on this side the Rocky Mountains. We will take care of Pennsylvania.

Very truly your friend

Simon Cameron


Document: Norman B. Judd to Abraham Lincoln, August 1, 1860

Chicago, 1 Aug 1860.

Dear Sir

Your note is at hand--<a>1</a> I do not know any thing of the talents, or capacity of Mr Bradley

about whom you speak I will make proper enquiry -- but the great trouble in this matter is a

want of funds-- Not one dollar has been received from Springfield, Jacksonville or

Bloomington (except a remittance from Mr Dubois)<a>2</a> nor do I believe there will be--

There are several men that I can put into the field to advantage, but dare not for this reason

<n>1 This note has not been located.</n>

<n>2 Jesse K. Dubois</n>

Special orders for documents are coming in from all directions -- and we have no money to

supply orders, but to a limited amount We sent out 5000 yesterday-- The expenses of

Schurz<a>3</a> and other speakers from abroad must be paid-- Schurz drew on me for his

expenses-- Saying that at only two places where he went had they paid his expenses-- I am

doing every thing in my power, working all the time, noiselessly but efficiently -- and am only

crippled for want of funds-- Organization of clubs, committees &c is going on in every

direction -- we have never seen the like in Illinois and if we had the Sinews of War, it would be

the most glorious battle ever fought not even excepting your canvass of 1858-- Our matters

look well, and but for the apparent confidence of the democracy, I should think we were to

sweep things-- In some of our Northern counties there is at present apathy, but we shall have

them aroused in good Season

<n>3 Carl Schurz</n>

You must not let your friends neglect the committee, and devote every thing basically important

as those things are-- We in this office see the whole State, and can use means with telling effect

-- notwithstanding the doubts and suspisions of certain friends

Yr friend

N B Judd


Document: Alexander K. McClure to Abraham Lincoln, August 1, 1860

Philadelphia, August 1st 1860

Dear Sir

Since my last nothing new has transpired of special importance

Our Democratic friends seem to have transfered the contest from Penna to New York. On all

hands the State is conceded to us on the Presidency.

The State Committee, which is controlled by the Breckenridge interest will meet on the 9th after

which the clear Douglas Electoral ticket will be put in the field.<a>1</a> As things now are,

Breckenridge with all the prestige of regularity, would run as many votes as a straight Douglas


<n>1 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas and the other for Vice President John C.


Foster,<a>2</a> Democratic candidate for Governor, is begging to decline. He is an able, but

timid man, and altogether unequal to the task of bringing any thing like order out of the reigning

chaos of his party. Still I look for a desperate effort for his election a short time before Election

day; but we will be ready for it. We are now perfecting the most thorough organization ever

attempted in this State. It now extends to every county and in many counties to every election

district. In three weeks time, the State Committee will be in direct communication with every

district in the State -- I mean every election district: and we will send out a full quarter of a

million of documents this month.

<n>2 Henry D. Foster</n>

I am credibly informed that a copy of the Morrill Tariff bill has been, or will be, sent you with

the request to write your views of it. You need no vindication on that question in this State; and

I could conceive of no Circumstance likely to arise to render it necessary for you to write a letter

to Penna, on any subject, for publication.<a>3</a>

<n>3 In order to clarify his position on the tariff to the Pennsylvanians, Lincoln had given his

“scraps” on this issue to David Davis who carried them on a trip to the Keystone State. See

Lincoln, Fragments on Protection, [August 1846-December 1847] and Collected Works, IV,


Mr Ullman,<a>4</a> of N York, will be in our State in a few weeks, & will be of essential

service to us. He will go into the old Fillmore<a>5</a> sections. From present indications the

Bell<a>6</a> movement will dwindle down to a mere Locofoco tender of the smallest possible

dimensions. We have had most of its leaders of 1856 all along, and all the honest ones left are

utterly sickened with the bartering of the Brooks<a>7</a> Hunt<a>8</a> & Co in New Jersey,

New York &c. In a short time Hon Jacob Brown will come out with us, so he assured me this

morning, altho he has been attending their meetings hitherto.

<n>4 Daniel Ullman was a New York lawyer and politician who had unsuccessfully run for

governor of New York in 1854 on the American or “Know Nothing” ticket. Republicans

aggressively courted the Know Nothing element in 1860 and Ullman’s conversion was a great

victory, as it was hoped he would be influential in attempting to convince other Know Nothings

to join the Republican standard. Ullman rose to the rank of brigadier general during the Civil

War and helped organize black regiments in Louisiana.</n>

<n>5 Millard Fillmore was the American Party candidate for president in 1856.</n>

<n>6 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential nominee of the newly formed

Constitutional Union Party, which was largely composed of Old Whigs and Know


<n>7 James Brooks had served in the U. S. House of Representatives as a Whig (1849-53) and

was editor of the New York Express, a conservative newspaper that supported the Know Nothing

movement and endorsed Stephen A. Douglas’s candidacy for the presidency in 1860.</n>

<n>8 Washington Hunt was a Whig politician who had served as Governor of New York

(1851-53) and was president of the national convention of the Constitutional Union Party in


We have returns at this office from every county in the State, within ten days, and the reports are

of the most flattering character. While our friends universally are confident of success, yet they

all appreciate the great importance of fighting the battle as if we had a "Napoleon to conquer"

Do me the favor to ask one of your friends in Springfield to send me the names of the Chairman

& Secty of your State Committee. I find that they are not on our list. We want to hear from

them often. As yet we have had no communication from any official source from your State


A K McClure


Document: A. Morton Braley to Abraham Lincoln, August 2, 1860

Peoria Augst 2d 1860

Dear Sir

Excuse an old Friend when among others he should trouble you. my object is not altogether

political, yet upon that subject I take uncommon interest, for in my opinion, with the result of

this campaign rests the fate of the Republican party, free soil, free press, & perhaps a Free

country I have watched with interest the movements of men & manners since at Chicago your

name was given to the public, & satisfied I am that the man needed was nominated. Our

Abolishing fraternity wanted, (& so with the Demos.) Seward<a>1</a> and was disapointed, his

former life the public have. Anti Masonry, Abolishion, Proviso -- Compromise & and All, with

so many anticedents, he was & is lost -- to Republicans as their leader, a good man, but "too

much of him" for 1860--

<n>1 William H. Seward</n>

Since the Chicago nomination I have travaled North & south of here west to Iowa, East into

Colfax<a>2</a> district & sir the spirit of 76 & 40 is abroad, for Lincoln & Hamlin, the Huzza is

strong deep & hearty for Douglass & Johnson<a>3</a> -- "be Jabers, there is no hurraw at all at

all" I will relate one case. last wednesday eve at 6.45 I went down to the Boat being ticketed

for Pekin at 7. P.M, not 30 persons was to be seen from the upper deck. at 7.15 there was on

board of the boat & barges 1270 persons, & a greater number by far looking on, most of them

with faces as long as time, or the moral Law, and if not tears in their eyes (Crockedile) they run

at the nose, on saturday was the Demo. pole raising at Peken after [druming?] loudly, French of

the Union, went aboard and when about 100 stood to receive the Peoria Delegation, at the Pekin

landing -- not even the cordial shake of the hand was awarded to him. they should have been

thankfull for small favours for if there is any thing in the signs of the times Douglass & Johnson

will be so badly beaten in the quadrangular race, they will for get they started.

<n>2 Schuyler Colfax</n>

<n>3 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas and the other in favor of Vice President John C.

Breckinridge. Herschel V. Johnson of Georgia was Douglas’s runningmate.</n>

But the controversy when narrowed down to its lowest denomination is only this, Shall Slavery

be National, perpetual, eternal, or shall it be restricted to its present limits, and so restricted that

it shall no more be troublesome in the halls of Congress Forever, and if in those states they think

it a blessing let them enjoy it, if a curse they alone must bear it. "the irrepressible conflict is

theirs" if they are joined to their Idols let them alone, the nigger is in their woodpile

And now sir I come to the ostensible object of this writing in 1840 Harrison was President. I

passed over the mountains with him, stayed in Washington about 30 days -- heard the Inaugural

-- was there when he was taken sick -- saw some ten physicans that saw him questioned them

closely and come to this solemn conclusion -- he was Poisoned. (you may not be aware of the

fact, but fact it is, I have practiced medicine, eleven years -- in which time I sailed twice round

the world, saw the Sun swing without setting both north and south, visited 60 islands in the

Pacific, some 30 in the Atlantic, all in the Mediterranean &c and visited 16 nations &c &c --

judge ye. I have seen effects of poisons) and what followed -- Whig principles was discarded

by that Tyler, -- (may his name be handed down to posterity coupled with Jereboum the son of

Nebat, he sined himself and caused Israel to sin) the south had what they wanted, a Southern

President. what followed you know. In the person of Genl. Taylor the whigs for the last time

was victorious. he the president was important enough to set in the hot sun yes, remember, that

Strawberries & cream, -- poisoned again -- what followed again viz that milk and water Fillmore,

whose administration used up Webster and the Whig party in toto, well the south had all their

own way again, then Pearce he was all things south being a northern man with south, body &

britches” to the North, his closest embraces were but stings of Scorpions, his safest banner the

shadow of Death, his lips honied with protection, while his heart was distorted with malice

avarice as inseascable as the grave, and consuming with malice as implacable as Hell -- his end.

next the "Old Public Functionary" & before he sold himself out & out, his end was attempted,

see National Hotel, this alarm had its desired end, if it had not, another trial would have placed

Breckinridge -- another Southeron in the chair, just mark the change in that old granney, well in

Novr. he is Politically -- my best wishes, viz. may he be ten thousand years passing through

space -- be ten thousand years going, lives there ten thousand years on bread & water, and when

that Old funcitonary returns, be ten thousand times thinner than the Edge of my raisor --, here is

still a remnant not quite used up. may that atom be pulverised and scattered in the air that

distance, that no telescope will ever discover the nearest particles to put them together again.

rest in peace --

Who are the tools -- viz. Jesuits, Catholics, & Europe Asia Africa & America, all [know?] their

sting. & as it is about to be finally extracted in Italy, the beast, with Seven heads & ten horns

will endeavor to restore its power in America, Slavery & Catholicism vs. Liberty &

Protestantism, if L & H. is elected by the people lay them aside, and another will be elected by

the Senate who will be democratic. thus will end the struggle and slavery will fully consumate

its ends -- Beware Sir, be Ware -- "Watch" for your own private ear & eye distrust all catholic


Respectfully & truly Yours

A. Morton Braley

If you shall elect L & H. in Nov remember Harrison & Taylor. God will never suffer a

Republican or Whig to reign -- (100 times)

Wanted -- An Irish catholic who will vote rebublican

No Alarmist.


Document: George W. Rives to Abraham Lincoln, August 2, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 Rives was a political associate of Lincoln’s from Edgar County.</n>

Paris, Ills. August, 2 1860.

My Dear Sir-- We are all "wide awake" in Edgar, We expect to do our whole Duty-- We will

nominate & Elect Wm P. Dole for the legislature-- We have every thing in order except our D

-- Editor but that will be arranged in a few days. You cannot conceive the enthusiasm & furor

in Edgar, We go every where & do take our Band (13. &. all Reps.) & our Glee Club, which is

the best in the State they have Sung at Terre Haute Charleston, Oakland Sullivan Ind.

Vincennes will be at Marshall at Yates appt. & Mattoon 10. They go all the time 8 ladies & 4

gents -- (3 of them my children)

Their pieces are Choice & Many of them original I send you 2 that appeard this day. It is

taking like wild fire

Our prospects are brightning evry day My God if we are beat this time, -- We are ruined I

cannot bring myself to the thought -- "we wont be beat" we cant be defeated-- I expect to see

you before the Campaign closes Keep cool, & quiet. But oh those d-- lies they tell, I know are

hard to endure in Silence. Dont write much, or to many-- Keep cool & bear up & on the 6th of

Nov. you will be out of the woods, & prepare for the White House

Yours Truly



Document: Thurlow Weed to Abraham Lincoln, August 2, 1860

Albany, Aug 2, ‘60

Dear Sir,

Mr Sweat writes me that friends of Douglass<a>1</a> claim this State.

<n>1 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

That you judge what extent of hope there is for him, or of danger to us, I send you a Letter from

an old Whig Friend on whose information I have relied, safely, for thirty-five years. He dont

make any political mistakes.<a>2</a>

<n>2 See Starr Clark to Weed, August 1, 1860.</n>

Our Electoral Ticket will get over 25,000 majority in the Counties of Oswego, Oneida, Jefferson,

Madison, Onondoga Cayuga and Wayne.

Truly Yours,

T. Weed


Document: William E. Coale to Abraham Lincoln, August 4, 1860

Baltimore 4th Aug. 1860

Dr Sir, When our Convention at Chicago had finished its good work & adjourned, the pleasing

duty devolved upon me, on the part of the Maryland Delegation, to wait upon you with the

Official notification that you had been made the chosen Standard bearer of the Republican Party;

but I was most reluctantly compelled to relinquish the pleasure of a visit to you at your house,

upon that occasion Engagements here that could not be postponed, having called me away from

Chicago & thus deprived me of the Opportunity of making Your personal acquaintance.

An idea seems to prevail in some of the Free States, that we have no Republican organization in

Maryland; there never was a greater mistake-- There was always a Strong Anti-Slavery

Element in this State, & as soon as we can assert out right to Free Speech before the people, we

shall shew the astonishing fact, that we are really a majority: The people of Maryland are

against the Extension of Slavery into the new Territories, but the politicians of the Pro-Slavery

party lead them to vote for those who go for its Extension.--

By & bye it will be different, & our State will, I think, be found loyal to the principle that a man

ought to own himself, & that in this country, the converse of that proposition cannot be

maintained outside of the present 15 Slave States.--

If we succeed in the coming Election, the destinies of our Country will then be fixed in that

respect; if defered four years longer, although disappointed and mortified at such a result, we

will submit with that perfect conviction which nerved the supporters of a righteous cause, -- that

the good work is going forward step by step, & must ultimately be victorious:--

Our State Committee has issued its address to the people of Maryland, a copy of which I have

now the pleasure of Enclosing to you; and which will to a Certain Extent shew what we are

doing here, & we trust will help to disarm those, who go against our Party on the score, of


Before the close of the present canvass, it may be my good fortune to visit Illinois again, & to

make my apology in person, for omitting to wait upon you, with other friends, in May last. -- I

am dr Sir,

Very Resp'y Yours

W. E. Coale


Document: William H. Fry to Abraham Lincoln, August 4, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: William H. Fry, the music editor for the New York Tribune, was rewarded for his

efforts during the 1860 campaign by being appointed the secretary of the U.S. legation at


New York Tribune Office

Saturday, August 4, 1860

Dear Sir:

I beg to forward you a few copies of "The Republican 'Campaign' Text Book," just published in

this city.--

Being struck with the imperative want of such a work, there actually being nothing except

speeches or tracts on single topics, or expensive and large collections of documents which the

people cannot or will not purchase, I have sought to compress into 100 pages, 33 chapters

covering the entire ground of the vexed question.-- These give, you will observe, every phase,

historical, legal, legislative, & miscellaneous of the Slave topic -- official authorities & votes --

[irreprassable?] 'chapter & verse' being given.-- If I may be allowed to call your attention to one

portion of the book in particular, let me invite you to read the Exposé -- necessarily brief, but

complete withal for its purpose, of Ancient Slavery among the Greeks & Romans. Shallow

persons -- I speak advisedly -- like Mr Everett,<a>2</a> -- not to mention the estimable

Senator Bell<a>3</a> -- have argued for Slavery because of Existence in antiquity. Having

made a special study of ancient Slavery, all I ask is that the damning horrors of the system be

spread before the people. The biblical pro-slavery argument I have also handled. The chapter

on the crescent custom of Burning Slaves alive, gives the fullest exposé of that subject. All the

palpitating actualities, in a word, of that system which is destroying the land & the nation unless

it be restricted & thence abolished, I have endeavored to compress into a space whose brevity

wd. not repel the reader, & at a price (wholesale) simply nominal, & putting it within the grasp

of every reader.

<n>2 Edward Everett was the vice presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union Party.</n>

<n>3 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union


--We are very active here.-- The City is good missionary ground.-- Our central campaign club

has its meetings every week, & an executive & financial committee who try to do their best.

With great regard


Wm Henry Fry

Co-Editor Tribune &c


Document: David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, August 5, 1860

Harrisburg, Pa

 --Sunday Evening--

Augt 5, 1860

Dear Lincoln

 --I reached Fort Wayne about 12 oclk Thursday night, & met Mr Williams<a>1</a> at the

Depot having previously Telegraphed him to meet me there-- He went on with me to the next

station & we talked over Indiana politics pretty thoroughly-- The Breckenridge<a>2</a>

movement headed by Bright & Fitch<a>3</a> he says, is in Earnest, & the State will go for you,

no matter what the result of the October Election may be-- He thinks Col. Lane<a>4</a> will

be elected, but of this he is not so entirely hopeful-- The Breckenridge men have not put up a

State Ticket, as you know in Indiana-- Mr Williams thinks that the naming of the Breckenridge

Electoral Ticket in Indiana (a movement more formidable than in Illinios) will so far demoralize

the party -- as to increase greatly our chances for carrying the State in October-- Friday at 3 oclk

reached Pittsburg, and remained over until 9 at night -- I saw Mr Erret<a>5</a> & Mr Williams

of the Gazette-- Genl Purviance<a>6</a> not at home-- Everything in Pittsburg and that

region of the State, is just as we could desire it.--

<n>1 ID: Jesse L. Williams, a Republican politician from Terre Haute, Indiana, was appointed

by Lincoln as a commissioner of the Union Pacific Railroad in 1864.</n>

<n>2 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Vice President John C. Breckinridge and the other for Stephen A.


<n>3 Senators Jesse D. Bright and Graham N. Fitch</n>

<n>4 Henry S. Lane</n>

<n>5 Russell Errett</n>

<n>6 Samuel A. Purviance was a former Whig and Republican member of the U. S. House of

Representatives (1855-59).</n>

The Republican vote will be immensely increased, in the West & Northwest--

 --I found the opinion there as to the Central Committee pretty much as we had received it from

others-- I also ascertained that a meeting was appointed of some 18, or 20 of our friends -- to

meet in Phild. Tuesday Evening, which I intend to attend-- I expected to go to Baltimore

tonight, but finding that Col Curtin<a>7</a> will be in an adjoining County to night morrow, I

have concluded to stay & go & see him-- This deranges my plans somewhat-- I spent the

entire day of yesterday -- with Genl Cameron,<a>8</a> & my interview has been pleasant &

eminently satisfactory-- He is certainly a genial, pleasant, and kind hearted man, & many

prejudices that I have heretofore entertained have been removed--

<n>7 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

<n>8 Simon Cameron</n>

 --I found him, exceedingly anxious to have your views on the subject of the tariff, & that he

wanted them so as to be able to assure the people of the State that they were Satisfactory to him.

Pennsylvania has been deceived so often on the subject of the Tariff, that it is not surprising that

they are fearful & sensitive about it--

I explained to him, that what your views had been all your life, & that if you had entertained

other views when you embarked in life that you would have had Douglas’s position in the State

& that the reason your speeches were not published, was, that there were no reporters in those


I then took out your notes,<a>9</a> and commenced reading them, stating that you wished me to

present them to him-- He requested me to leave them with him, & he would hand them to me

at Phild-- I have seen him to day, & he says he has read the notes carefully and they are

abundantly satisfactory to him-- Genl Cameron, says, that there is not a shadow of doubt of

your carrying Pennsylvania -- that you will carry it by a large majority -- that Curtin will be

elected -- that the Bell<a>10</a> movement amounts to nothing in the State, and that outside of

Philadelphia it is literally nothing-- He says that there is a lack of confidence with

McClure,<a>11</a> but that they will get along with that harmoniously

<n>9 In order to reassure Pennsylvanians that he was sound on the tariff, Lincoln had given

Davis his “scraps” on the issue to carry on his visit to the state. See Lincoln, Fragments on

Protection, [August 1846-December 1847] and Collected Works, IV, 90-91.</n>

<n>10 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union


<n>11 Alexander K. McClure</n>

Genl Cameron also says that they do not want any money in the state -- that they can raise all

they need -- but that if money is furnished that the amount will be magnified, & parties in the

State will be jealous if they dont get some

He has also a pride not to receive money -- thinks it humiliating that Pa. should receive money

from NY. & Boston-- He advised agt our receiving any in Illinois from abroad-- more hereafter

yr frd D Davis --


Document: George W. Hazzard to Abraham Lincoln, August 5, 1860

Indianapolis 5 Aug, 1860

Dear Sir

The Breckenridge<a>1</a> democracy are gradually developing the line of conduct disclosed by

Judge Hughes.<a>2</a> They have formed an electoral ticket, a state central committee and

three counties (Putnam Monroe, and Dearborn) have nominated a Breckenridge county ticket in

opposition to the regular Douglass Ticket. In the 7th Congressional District now represented by

John G. Davis, when the Douglass men lately nominated D. W. Voorhees, (the present U. S.

District Atty and a very recent convert to squatter sovereignty) the Breckenridge men have

nominated Scott, which will probably secure the success of Nelson, the Republican


<n>1 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Vice President John C. Breckinridge and the other for Stephen A.


<n>2 James Hughes served as a Democrat in the 35th Congress (1857-59) and was appointed a

judge on the U. S. Court of Claims in 1860.</n>

<n>3 Daniel W. Voorhees won the Congressional election in Indiana’s 7th District.</n>

The offer by the Adm. men to form a compromise electoral ticket was made in the most

offensive manner -- but the Douglass Central Com. had in advance written out their unequivocal

rejection of every such proposition.

At the time of the nomination of the present state ticket every member (candidate) on it was an

anti-Douglass man, but they seem to have yielded a tacit (not avowed) assent to support

Douglass. I heard Hendricks<a>4</a> the candidate for Gov. make a speech a few days ago

and he followed exactly the line of policy marked out by Bright, Fitch<a>5</a> & Hughes

<n>4 Thomas A. Hendricks was the Democratic candidate for governor of Indiana in 1860.</n>

<n>5 Jesse D. Bright and Graham N. Fitch were Indiana’s members of the U. S. Senate.</n>

Not one word was said of Douglass or Breckenridge but the black republicans and their leaders

were roundly rated and the democracy of Ind. exhorted to unity and harmony.

I think the Breckenridge men are afraid to nominate a ticket for state officers as the candidates

now on the ticket have heretofore always acted with the Adm. men.

Judge Pettit<a>6</a> (ex Senator) is here circulating among the faithful and writing letters, but

he makes no speeches. It is currently remarked that he is to receive the vacant seat on the bench

of the U. S Supreme Court, for his services in this state. The State Sentinel (Douglass organ) is

making some publications from his former letters & speeches which will hurt both him and

Bright if they havnt got past being hurt.

<n>6 John Pettit, a former Democratic member of the U. S. House (1843-49) and U. S. Senate

(1853-55) from Indiana, was appointed the chief justice of the U. S. Courts in Kansas by

President Buchanan in 1859.</n>

[Conlon?] a german lawyer of prominence here has renounced democracy, and his law partner

(Sharp a graduate of West Point and a Douglass democrat) informs me there will be six thousand

such changes among the germans in this state.

Respectfully yours

Geo. W. Hazzard


Document: Cassius M. Clay to Abraham Lincoln, August 6, 1860

Au: 6, "60

My dear Sir,

Your letter of the 20 ulto.<a>1</a> was duly received: and I have delayed writing till now,

because I have been hardly allowed time for sleep, much less for writing during my late Canvass.

I have been pretty well through the South half of the state in the democratic strong holds: and

every where I had them out in mass to hear us. I am told changes have taken place by hundreds

in all the counties since "56: and the whole Fillmore<a>2</a> party is nearly dissolved -- 3/4ths

going our ticket at least. J. D. Bright<a>3</a> thinks Breckenridge<a>4</a> will get 30,000

votes: if so, or even one half as many go for D Br: our ticket is Surely winner in Indiana.

<n>1 Lincoln had written Clay on July 20 and thanked him for the work he was doing in Indiana.

See Collected Works, IV, 85.</n>

<n>2 Millard Fillmore was the presidential candidate of the American or “Know Nothing” Party

in 1856.</n>

<n>3 Jesse D. Bright</n>

<n>4 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Vice President John C. Breckinridge and the other for Stephen A.


Exhausted by a six weeks canvass, four of which was made mostly in Indiana, I must rest awhile

after speaking in Cinti. O. on the 11 inst. When I recover strength and voice, I must make the

tour you suggest: say, I speak at Marshall on the 28. au. as you name, and run on till Sept. 9th:

when I must return to other engagements already made in Ohio.

I think you will be elected by the people. As I shall [illegible] much labor to aid you; I will

advise you in two respects -- put Andrew Jackon's "Union" speech in your inaugural address:

and steer clear of all cliques!<a>5</a>

<n>5 For Lincoln’s August 10 reply to Clay, see Collected Works, IV, 92.</n>

Believe me truly

Your Obt. Svt.

C. M. Clay.

(P. S. Have me informed of the appointments, at once, as soon as possible C)


Document: Caleb B. Smith to Abraham Lincoln, August 6, 1860

Indianapolis Aug. 6, 1860

Dear Sir --

I regret very much that I find my self unable to comply with the urgent request of your Ill. State

Com. backed by a letter from Judge Davis,<a>1</a> to attend the meeting at Springfield on the

8th. If I had recieved an earlier notice that my presence was desired, I might have made

arrangements to attend, but I am now under promise to address a meeting in the Eastern part of

the state tomorrow. The meeting there will be very large and they are relying upon me to

address them & I cannot disappoint them

<n>1 David Davis</n>

I returned this morning from a tour through the Northern part of the state. I find our prospects

better than I anticipated. The meeting are large and enthusiastic Our friends are active and full

of hope, while the Democrats are dull and dispirited. The conviction which is fastening itself

upon the minds of the most stupid of the followers of Douglas,<a>2</a> that he is entirely out of

the question in any contingency is producing its influence upon their efforts in his behalf. They

begin to percieve that the investment woul will not pay

<n>2 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

We are commencing the work in earnest in this state & we intend to carry it. We shall have a

large state meeting here on the 29th inst. Can’t we get one or more of your speakers to come

over? It would please our peope greatly to have a speech or two from neighbours of our


Yours truly

Caleb B Smith


Document: William D. Kelley to Abraham Lincoln, August 7, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: William D. Kelley, a Philadelphia lawyer and judge, was one of the founders of the

Republican Party in Pennsylvania and a delegate to the 1860 National Convention in Chicago.

In 1860 Kelley was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives where he served until his death

in 1890.</n>



Aug. 7th 1860

Dear Sir

I have now been at home long enough to meet the well informed men of the party and learn what

the various organizations are doing and am happy to say that all is well for Curtin,<a>2</a> as

well as for Lincoln & Hamlin.

<n>2 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

Whether our state central Com is as good as could have been made I do not know, but it is

working well and assiduously, and is sufficiently supplied with funds for all practical purposes.

The revolt against the committee is so far as I can learn confined to the friends of Genl

Cameron,<a>3</a> who I am informed are in secret session to day at the Girard House in this

city. It is an attempt to make influence, or to bring the state organization under the control of a

clique. If the result of the election were doubtful it might be dangerous; but as matters stand it

is powerless. Col. Curtins majority will be large. In saying this I speak advisedly.

<n>3 Simon Cameron</n>

I mail herewith a copy of the Bulletin containing the address of Mr. Coffey to which I referred.

May I encroach upon your limited leisure enough to ask you to run your eye over it. Mr. C. is

as modest as he is courageous, and I am anxious that he may know you have read the address

which brought forth such tokens of disapprobation from his audience

Pardon the length of this and believe me to be

Sincerely yours

Wm D Kelley


Document: John B. Fry to Abraham Lincoln, August 9, 1860

New York, 23 Chambers St.

August, 9th 1860.

My Dear old friend:

You are fast approaching the “top-most round of the ladder,” and, as I am sure you will not

doubt, I am not disposed to impede your progress upward.

Ever since my introduction to you in February, 1846, by the much lamented Col: John J. Hardin,

I have felt a lively interest in your advancement. Hardin then remarked to me, “that Lincoln

was really the foremost man in Illinois & that he predicted for him an illustrious future.”

Your subsequent election to Congress seemed, much to my gratification, to be a verification of

his prediction. Events which have since transpired afford sufficient evidence that he was a true


Our old friend Hon: Truman Smith, who is heartily engaged in the cause, told me some weeks

ago that he intended to write you. I do not know whether he has done so or not.<a>1</a>

<n>1 Smith did indeed write to Lincoln. His letter of July 24, 1860 is in this collection.</n>

At all events, your friends -- myself the humblest -- are much gratified that you write nothing for


The “cacoethes scribendi”<a>2</a> killed Mr. Clay. For God’s sake -- I say it reverently -- do

not let it kill you!

<n>2 This Latin phrase from Juvenal means, “the evil habit of writing.”

Allow me to pray you not to write anything to an indiscrete friend, during the entire canvass,

who would have the vanity to exhibit & make public what you might say.

Your prudence, in this respect, is commended, thus far, on all hands.

Your likenesses, for the most part, are horrible caricatures -- giving an entirely false impression

of your personal appearance. Your friends should see that this is corrected.

I have been invited to stump this State & Penna. for you; and have engaged to do so about the

10th of Sept. which will be early enough.

I enclose a note which you will perceive indicates the wish of the writer that you may be elected;

although, situated as he is, it would not do for him to say so in so many words. I will thank you

to return it to me as the enclosed card will direct.

Hon. Thos. H. Clay,<a>3</a> of Mansfield, near Lexington, has written me two letters recently

of pretty much the same tenor.<a>4</a>

<n>3 Thomas H. Clay was the son of Henry Clay</n>

<n>4 For Lincoln’s reply to Fry, see Collected Works, IV, 95.</n>

I am, with true regard,

Faithfully yr. friend

John B. Fry


Col: Orr’s letter is going to make you thousands of voters in the North.


Document: Joseph Medill to Abraham Lincoln, August 9, 1860


Chicago, Aug 9 1860

Dr Sir

None of us but White<a>1</a> went to Springfield. Bross<a>2</a> was East Ray<a>3</a>

said he was going -- took sick the night for starting, which I did not know of. I stayed behind to

help Scripps<a>4</a> get out the paper, and was much chagrined next morning to find Ray at

home and Bross returned and myself cheated out of the visit to the capital. But there was a

grand time, a huge demonstration. I remember well when we went down to Springfield to the

State Mass Convention in 1856. About all the crowd there, we brought with us from Chicago.

Edwards & Lovejoy spoke from the same stand. The Democrats were insolent; the Americans

surley, the people cold and suspicious. You spoke, but received as may curses as blessings from

the crowd. Behold the change four years has wrought. Verily, Republicanism is a growing

institution in Illinois.

<n>1 Horace White</n>

<n>2 William Bross</n>

<n>3 Charles H. Ray</n>

<n>4 John L. Scripps</n>

I wrote you a fortnight ago that the points of danger in this Campaign are the October elections

in Pa & Ind. Because at each of these elections we have to encounter the same combination that

beat Frank Blair for the short term. There is but one ticket runing against us in both those states,

and it in each, it is being supported by the Douglas, Breck,<a>5</a> & Bell<a>6</a> men.

There will be a Breck ticket run in Nov. in each state. But if we should get beaten at the Oct

election it will have a tendency to unite all the factions against us at the Presidential Election --

the object of the Breck & Bell leaders, of course, being to use the Douglas strength to enable

them to throw the presidency into the House or Senate. I begin to believe however that the

Republicans will carry both states over all combinations, at the October election. But as I

before said this is the key position of the battle field, and must not be overlooked

<n>5 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction supporting the

presidential candidacy of Vice President John C. Breckinridge and the other for Stephen A.


<n>6 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union


I suppose you are aware that Wentworth<a>7</a> exerted all his power to defeat your

nomination. And failing in that he is now working night and day to defeat your election. His

plan is to pretend that he is your devoted friend; that you are an ultra abolitionist who will if

elected put down slavery in the South. He professes to adore the spirit of liberty. John Brown

is worshiped by him. Chas Sumner<a>8</a> is represented as tame compared with you. If he

can make people in the North believe that you are a radical ultra fanatic he expects he that it will

drive the conservative moderate voters away from you. He has procured the insertion of several

of his incendiary articles in the N Y Herald and other Eastern pro Slavery papers

Bennett<a>9</a> will publish them for the sake of making a sensation I send you a Herald

containing some of these treacherous effusions of Long John. Yesterday he came out again with

a subtile Jesuitical article -- pretending to rejoice over Blair’s election I enclose it in this letter.

Also some some comments in this mornings Press &Tribune exposing the design and motive of

the scoundrel. We do not use the name of his vile sheet -- being persuaded that it only

advertises him -- gives him notoriety and makes him more dangerous, if we pitch into him.

<n>7 John Wentworth</n>

<n>8 Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts</n>

<n>9 James Gordon Bennett of the New York Herald.</n>

While he is thus stabbing you, he is deluding the more radical anti Slavery element into the belief

that he is a sincere abolitionist -- that he believes what he says, and he is in consequence,

becoming quite a hero in their eyes. Still I have so much confidence in the strength of our

organization that I doubt whether he will succeed in scaring many votes away from you. I have

written comications to several Eastern papers exposing and denouncing him, and pointing out his

purpose in misrepresenting your position

The Northern Counties of this State must now be waked up. They have been neglected thus far

in order to give the people time to get secure their summer grain crops.

Yours Truly

J. Medill


Document: Ninian W. Edwards to Abraham Lincoln, August 10, 1860

Geneseo, Henry Co. Ill

Aug. 10th 1860

My Dear Sir

Always prompt in attending to any business for my friends and especially the members of my

own family, I confess I felt hurt when you failed to answer my questions on a law point which I

could not investigate for the want of books, and on which depended several months rent of one

of my houses-- My letter was written [for?] weeks before your nomination. I thougth,

considering the relationship which existed between us for years and previous to your marriage,

that I was not properly treated, but I did not expect Mr Baker to mention it-- I felt it the more

because I applied to you for the reason that my brother had treated me in the same way. As to

what you say in relation to Mr Helm & [three illegible words] I shall seek no such agency--

Owing to my want of sufficient health to confine myself to study a an office, I have had to

engage in employments of a similar kind, but in the future I expect to remain more at


<n>1 No reply from Lincoln has been located.</n>

Very truly yours

N. W. Edwards.


Document: Alexander K. McClure to Abraham Lincoln, August 11, 1860

Philadelphia, Aug 11th 1860

Dr Sir --

We have reached the end of Fusion in this State now. The Dem State Committee met on the 9th

and practically affirmed the former action of that body. None of the Douglas<a>1</a> men

assented to it, and now we shall have a clean Douglas ticket, to be made up of such on the old

ticket as will not give the pledge required by the Committee and the remainder -- seventeen --

will be new men. The calculation of the State Committee is to supplant such of the Electors as

will not pledge themselves to vote in accordance with the resolution of the Committee: but I

should not be surprised if, when that task is to be undertaken, they will not have the nerve to do


<n>1 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction in favor of

Stephen A. Douglas’s candidacy for the presidency and the other for Vice President John C.

Breckinridge. This split in the party virtually assured a Republican victory not only in the

presidential election, but also in many state elections unless the two factions could agree on a

compromise or “fusion” set of candidates.</n>

The State Committee and the Breckenridge movement in this State relies upon its regularity as

the great basis of its strength; and it is altogether possible in the end that the Breckenridge men

will take the present Electoral ticket and “go it blind” regardless of the fact that some ten will not

agree to abide by the instructions of the committee. In that case we should have two electoral

tickets: but perhaps ten men would be upon both tickets. As yet there is no decided indication

of the result I have named, but it was foreshadowed by Chairman Welsh in a speech before the

committee; and the fear of the Breckenridge men to become irregular in any degree, as they

would by discarding any of the electors named by the Reading Convention, may compel them to

allow the defiant Douglas men to remain. The formal action of the Committee is otherwise; but

when they come to take off heads, they will hesitate and very possibly be too feeble for the task.

In no event, however, can your success in this State be endangered. We have gone on from the

beginning as if we had a united foe. Our organization will, for the first time in the history of our

State, extend to every election district -- that is the State Committee will extend the organization

in that way directly, so that our forces will all be available.

We shall have more of a contest in October than is generally supposed by our friends; but we

will be fully prepared for it, & will carry Curtin<a>2</a> by from 15 to 30,000. Our

organization will be such that it can’t be beaten, & we rely upon that alone, altho it is reasonable

to suppose that the divisions of our opponents will aid us

<n>2 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

I had the pleasure of taking your special friend Judge Davis<a>3</a> by the hand a few days

ago. He reports all well in the West. Every indication now points to a clear majority for you in

Jersey & a very large plurality.

<n>3 David Davis</n>

Hazelhurst<a>4</a> spoke for us a few evenings ago at Reading -- a most important accession.

Ullman<a>5</a> will speak with us in a few days

<n>4 Isaac Hazelhurst had been the American or “Know Nothing” candidate for governor of

Pennsylvania in 1857.</n>

<n>5 Daniel Ullman was a New York lawyer and politician who had unsuccessfully run for

governor of New York in 1854 on the American or “Know Nothing” ticket. Republicans

aggressively courted the Know Nothing element in 1860 and Ullman’s conversion was a great

victory, as it was hoped he would be influential in attempting to convince other Know Nothings

to join the Republican standard. Ullman rose to the rank of brigadier general during the Civil

War and helped organize black regiments in Louisiana.</n>


A K McClure


Document: Cassius M. Clay to Abraham Lincoln, August 12, 1860

Au. 12. “60

My Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 10 inst. is received.<a>1</a> I will be at Marshall on the 28. inst. prepared to

fill the appointments made for me to the 9. Septr inclusive: when I go to Erie Pa. on the 12

Septr great mass meeting. As I did not expect to tax you with much correspondence: I

ventured at once to make my suggestions: for allow me to say that when the “cliques” have

once fastened on their victim, it is too latte for protest or advice! The fault may have been in the

suggestion -- not in the time.

<n>1 See Collected Works, IV, 92.</n>

But I must trust you to the fullest extent -- because I can’t help my self!

Your obt svt

C. M. Clay.


Document: David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, August 12, 1860

Scranton, Pa

Augt 12, 1860

Dear Lincoln--

I cannot write you in the limits of this letter all I want to, in relation to Pa & N J-- The States

are safe, without question entirely so--

I could fill two sheets, in relation to the States, but am so hurried that I will see you in person &

give my information--

You will be Elected Presdt-- There is no longer a doubt of it in my mind--

The democrats have no hope, or confidence-- They are trying to patch up a union, but it wont


It is plain that there is not entire satisfaction with Col Curtin<a>1</a> -- but the importance of

the Presidential Election, renders his contest certain-- I shall meet Henry Winter Davis

tomorrow night in New York--

<n>1 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

I shall be in Springfield in ten days--

I stopped at Easton, but Gov Reeder<a>2</a> was not at home--

<n>2 Andrew H. Reeder</n>

--A number of matters that your friends wanted to know if you wd do, if elected-- I gave my

views as to what you would do -- but I informed them I spoke without authority

Your friend

D Davis


Document: Thurlow Weed to Abraham Lincoln, August 13, 1860

Albany, Aug 13, ‘60

Dear Sir,

Mr Sweet<a>1</a> writes that he is much from home or I would not bother you with Letters.

<n>1 This is probably a reference to Leonard Swett.</n>

The aspects of the campaign are changing. The fusion in this state is to be between the

Douglas<a>2</a> and Bell<a>3</a> men. The result, however, will be the same, and I would

be, I think, if all the factions were to unite against us.

<n>2 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction in favor of

Stephen A. Douglas’s candidacy for the presidency and the other for Vice President John C.


<n>3 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union


I have been in communication with the leading Breckenridge men; and have just parted with Mr

Richmond.<a>4</a> So I am pretty well informed as to their purposes and feelings.

<n>4 Dean Richmond was chairman of the New York State Democratic Committee.</n>

The Douglass leaders were told (four weeks ago) that Sewards<a>5</a> friends would secretly

work against the Republican Ticket. Some believed it, and on that they based their absurd

confidence and imprudent boasting.

<n>5 William H. Seward</n>

As things now look Bell is to be as strong, if not stronger, in the South, than Breckenridge. It

would be strange to see the contest settle down between two old Whigs!

The fusion in Pennsylvania, as I am assured, will fail to effect its object. It is not cordial, and

will satisfy the Douglass men. So far, all is safe there.

Gen. Cameron<a>6</a> was with me yesterday. He was well pleased with the visit of Judge

Davis,<a>7</a> and will go to work earnestly. He is by far the strongest man and best worker

in the State.

<n>6 Simon Cameron</n>

<n>7 David Davis</n>

Rhode Island is in danger. Douglass has got hold of a class of men there who are rich, know

how to use money, and control manufacturing establishments. I shall go and see whether the

current can be changed.<a>8</a>

<n>8 For Lincoln’s reply to Weed, see Collected Works, IV, 97-98.</n>

Truly yours,

T. Weed


Document: David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, August 14, 1860

New York

Augt. 14. 1860.

Dear Lincoln.

This day is very rainy and it is hard work to find anybody-- There is very little use staying here,

but I thought I would see Greeley<a>1</a> anyhow, and would see Mr Weed<a>2</a> at

Albany-- They told me at the Tribune Office that Greeley does not show himself until from 2 to

5 oclk--

<n>1 Horace Greeley was the influential editor of the New York Tribune.</n>

<n>2 Thurlow Weed</n>

Henry Winter Davis was at West Point & I met him by appointment at the Astor House last

night-- He says that everywhere through this region & where he has been that the Election is

considered a foregone conclusion -- that no one doubts that you will be elected-- There is no

excitement because the election is considered certain.

This feature dont please me, & yet it is very difficult to make a vigorous fight when the ranks of

the enemy are broken & distracted--

The magnificent meeting at Springfield has a fine moral effect every where--

Henry has a strong desire that your administration should be a success -- thinks if it starts out

right that it will be -- that the body of the opposition in the southern states will go stand by it --

and that it can perpetuate its poison for several successive Presidential Elections-- He made

suggestions that I think were very valuable & which I will tell of you in person-- Maryland will

go for Bell<a>3</a> -- but if the Democracy was united she wd not-- He thinks that

Douglass<a>4</a> has a considerable body of supporters in all the slave states -- enough if they

ultimately vote for Douglass to give several states for Bell-- Henry dislikes the union

movement generally & the union with either branch of the democracy is condemned by him


<n>3 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union


<n>4 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

I may stop in Indianapolis & Terre Haute on my way home -- not certain however.

In haste

Yr friend

David Davis

PS -- Our friends in Pa think there is a fair prospect for Delaware


Document: Robert C. Schenck to Abraham Lincoln, August 16, 1860

New York, Aug. 16, 1860.

My dear Sir

I know I ought not to trouble you. You are overwhelmed with correspondence. But I know not

to whom at Springfield to write, & therefore I state my case to you, & make my inquiry; & you

may turn my letter over, if you please, to some chairman of a Central Committee, or somebody

else, to be answered.

Just after your nomination some gentleman (whose name I have forgotten; but I believe I have it

on a memorandum at home), from your own or a neighboring county, came to see me at my

residence at Dayton, on behalf, as he said, & at the request, of, Republicans in that region, to

desire that I would come out to that part of your state, at such time, as might be mutually

arranged or agreed on, thereafter, before the election, to make some speeches for the cause. The

counties he named particularly, were, if I remember aright, Sangamon, Morgan, Macon, &

perhaps one or two others; but I am not familiar with the geography of those parts, & may be

mistaken in one or more of the names. I gave a sort of general promise that I would.

Now what I want to know is, am I wanted in that or any other quarter of your state for a week or

two? Can I probably do any good?-- I expect to get through with affairs which have brought &

kept me here, so as to return -- home by the end of this month; & after that, until the election, I

want to take my place again wherever I may possibly be useful in the fight. Since your

nomination my heart is more than ever in the work. My arguments, when I address the people,

are in the main to old Whigs, or to halting & doubting men who call themselves Conservative;

my proposition being that such as they can only prove their consistency & patriotism by voting

the Republican ticket. I have tried my hand also a little at the dissection & exposure of Squatter

Sovereignty-- I mention these general points, just to indicate my line of talk, with a view to

knowing where it may serve the best purpose.

If I can do any service in Illinois, the time that would suit me best would be in the latter half of

September. But I would like to know before leaving this city to go homeward, if I am really

wanted there.

I do not congratulate you, my dear Sir, on your nomination; but for our Country’s sake I do most

heartily commend, & feel very, very thankful for, the sagacity displayed by those who assembled

in Convention at Chicago.<a>1</a>

<n>1 Lincoln wrote Schenck on August 23 that they really wanted him to speak in Illinois.

After the times and places had been arranged Schenck would be duly notified. See Collected

Works, IV, 99-100.</n>

Will you please present my kind remembrances to Mrs Lincoln; & believe me

Very sincerely & truly yours

Robt C. Schenck

My address is -- Care of Atwood & Co. 104 Broadway, New York.--


Document: John D. Defrees to Abraham Lincoln, August 17, 1860

Indianapolis, Aug 17, ‘60

Dear Sir:

I have just returned from Washington.

The letters received at the Republican Rooms there from all the free states, are of the most

encouraging character.

On my way through Pennsylvania, I saw Messrs Covode, McPherson, Morehead,<a>1</a> and

others of our prominent men. They have no fear about that State.

<n>1 Congressmen John Covode, Edward McPherson and James K. Moorhead</n>

In a conversation with Col. Forney<a>2</a> he remarked that Pennsylvania would be

Republican in October and November. The truth is (confidentially) he desires your election and

is working to that end by advocating a distinct Douglass<a>3</a> ticket in that State.

<n>2 John W. Forney</n>

<n>3 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

Contrary to our expectations a few Americans met here a few on Wednesday and made an

electoral ticket. Col. Thompson<a>4</a> was present, but refused to go on the ticket. His

heart is not in the movement, tho’ he had not the courage to resist it, as he had been in the

Convention which nominated Bell<a>5</a> at Baltimore. He will not, nor will any other strong

man, make any effort in its support. It will not do us much harm -- In fact, it will, I believe,

take as many votes from the Democracy as from us. I have no doubts about our success in

November -- tho’ we shall have a close vote in October.

<n>4 Richard W. Thompson</n>

<n>5 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the newly formed

Constitutional Union Party. This party was largely comprised of Old Whigs and former

members of the American or “Know Nothing” Party.</n>

Yours Respectfully

Jno. D. Defrees


Document: R. W. Jones to Abraham Lincoln, August 17, 1860

Pittsburgh, Pa.

Aug. 17-- 1860

My Dear Sir,--

Some time toward the close of the last century, (as I understand it) two brothers of your name

came out from the East to-gether to find homes in the great valley of the Mississippi. One of

these brothers was John Lincoln, the other Abraham. The former settled in Fayette County, Pa.,

where he raised a large family of children, and the latter (Abraham) pushed on to Kentucky, and

is represented to me as being your father. John Lincoln had, of sons Jesse, Patterson, John,

Abraham, and others whose names I have forgotten, and of daughters Hannah, Mary, Ann,

Abigail, Sallie and Minna, in all some twelve children. Five of these daughters & at least two of

the sons married in Fayette County, and have numerous descendants in that section. I married

Anna M. Sturgis, a daughter of one of these sisters, (Hannah). I have just returned with my

family from a visit to my wife’s relations in Fayette County, from whom I learned the alleged

fact of their kinship to you, and I have written to ascertain whether or not your knowledge and

recollections of your family confirm the facts I have set forth. One thing is certain, Governor,

your reputed relations in that quarter are zealously and unanimously in your favor, as well from

pardonable family pride as from confidence in your ability and patriotism. I myself, though an

incorrigible democrat, shall certainly vote for you in November out of dutiful regard to the

wishes of my little woman, who within the last ten years has presented me with three of the

prettiest boys and a brace of the sweetest little girls you ever saw.

Reluctant as I am to intrude on your valuable time, I could not forego the inditing of this letter,

and trust you will pardon what you might think the vanity that dictated it. It may not be out of

place to say that your relatives in this quarter (if such they be) are all comfortably situated in

worldly regards, and of the first respectability.

May I hope for an early to this letter? When I may write you again.

I am, my dear sir,

Very truly yours,

R. W. Jones


Document: Ward Hill Lamon to Abraham Lincoln, August 17, 1860

Bloomington, Illinois

August 17-- 1860

Dear Sir:

I have received two letters from Danville this week One from Judge Terry, the other from John

Short -- in regard to the Snarl they have gotten into in our party in Vermilion County--

Fithian<a>1</a> and Harmon<a>2</a> were both candidates for representative before the

Republican Convention or rather F- withdrew his name the evening before the day on which

convention met-- They had up to that time made a very bitter fight of it -- personal -- H got the

nomination -- and F. has declared himself an independant candidate, feeling very bitter--

<n>1 William Fithian was a Danville, Illinois physician and politician who had served with

Lincoln in the state legislature.</n>

<n>2 Oscar F. Harmon was a Danville, Illinos attorney and polititcian who served as a

Republican in the Illinois General Assembly from 1859 to 1860.</n>

Our friends there fear and so Terry & Short wrote me that there is danger of our losing that

county unless a different state of things exist-- What is the remedy?-- --

Judge Davis<a>3</a> has not yet returned and they say something must be done immediately--

Knowing you had more influence with Fithian than any one else -- I write you for your

suggestion in relation to the matter-- Judge Davis will be home on Tuesday night next -- tho’ I

may go over to Danville before that time -- if it is tho’t advisable-- Please write me by return

mail-- They say “there is no time to be lost” you are I presume aware that Dr Fithian is

head-strong, and revengeful, -- and too has some cupidity--<a>4</a>

<n>3 David Davis</n>

<n>4 Lincoln had already written to Fithian and urged him to patch up whatever difficulties

existed in the county. No reply from Fithian has been located, but Lamon’s August 25 letter to

Lincoln (q. v.) indicates that Harmon and Fithian agreed on a compromise candidate. For

Lincoln’s letter to Fithian, see Collected Works, IV, 95.</n>

Very Respectfully

Your friend

Ward H Lamon

P. S.

Mr. Lincoln, I should not have bothered you with this letter. Knowing that your time is very

much occupied nesessarily otherwise -- but I deem this a matter of importance knowing the

surroundings as I do-- Illinois is certain to give 15000 maj. for Lincoln & Hamlin--




Document: Leonard Swett to Abraham Lincoln, August 17, 1860

Bloomington Aug 17, 1860

Dr Sir

I sent to day, a letter from Sam Casey to Gov. Wood, certifying to the good character of

Patterson<a>1</a>, since he has been in the Penitentiary. Patterson’s brother was here a few

days since and told me you would speak favorably to Mr Wood in his behalf It really seems to

me as though he has been confined long enough

<n>1 Thomas Patterson was convicted of manslaughter in 1859 and Lincoln was part of his

defense team. In 1860 Governor Wood pardoned Patterson after he had served one year of a

three year sentence.</n>

I returned from Southern Ills. Tuesday. It was a very fatiguing trip, for the weather was

scorching hot, & I spoke every day, and sometimes twice I discovered an unusual desire to

listen and consequently my speeches were long.

There will be a very great change in that country over the vote of ‘56. Just how much of course

no man can estimate I can only give you what our folks claim.

In Wayne, they claim from 700 to 900 votes We will carry Edwards Let me here remark in

parentheses that Old Pickering<a>2</a> “still lives” About half of our folks hope to carry

White & Wabash. We stand an even chance to carry Richland In Clay we will get from 700 to

900 votes--

<n>2 ID: William Pickering was a Whig member of the Illinois General Assembly from

Edwards County and an old friend of Lincoln. In 1861, Lincoln appointed Pickering Governor

of Washington Territory.</n>

At Centralia I had about 600 -- at Fairfield about 2000, Carmi 1000, Grayville 1500 Mt Carmel

800, Albion 2000 & Olney 2500--

All my meetings except Mt Carmel were out of doors

Mr Spring, a citizen of Grayville, who has resided in the Co for more than 30 yrs was at three of

my meetings and took me from Albion to Olney. He says the meetings were the largest

gatherings of any kind ever held in the coumty--

The general remark of every one, wherever I have been, is that our vote in the 9” will be

increased about ten fold

Yours Truly

L Swett


Document: Benjamin Welch, Jr. to Abraham Lincoln, August 17, 1860

New York Aug 17. 1860

Dear Sir: -- Your letter of the 14th, addressed to Mr. Fogg, who is now absent, was received this

morning.<a>1</a> With your permission, I will reply to it.

<n>1 In his August 14 letter to George G. Fogg, the secretary of the Republican National

Committee, Lincoln iquired whether Fogg thought it advisable for him to attend a horse show at

Springfield, Massachusetts. See Collected Works, IV, 94.</n>

Our information from all quarters, and especially from the states hitherto regarded as equivocal,

is of the most satisfactory character. Some fears are expressed in regard to certain congressional

districts in Maine and Pennsylvania, but the success of our electoral ticket, in each of the states

upon which we rely, seems to us entirely beyond question. You will have seen what has been

done by the Douglas<a>2</a> faction in this state. Their coalition with the debris of

know-nothingism will not aid the “little giant.”

<n>2 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

You will, I am sure, pardon me if I answer your question in regard to the horse-show. I have not

consulted with anyone; but, judging from the general and commendatory remarks elicited by

your quiet, unobtrusive and judicious conduct during the canvass, I have no hesitation in saying

that it would be highly inexpedient to make the suggested visit. Your letter, however, will be

submitted to Mr. Fogg, who will, no doubt, apprise you of his view of the matter.<a>3</a>

<n>3 See Fogg to Lincoln, August 18, 1860.</n>

Meanwhile, I have the honor to be, with great respect,

Your Obedient Servant,

Benj: Welch Jr


Document: David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, August 18, 1860

Albany, NY.

Augt 18, 1860

Dear Lincoln--

I came here yesterday, instead to start for home yesterday by way of Indianapolis -- but Mr

Weed<a>1</a> has persuaded me to go over with him to Saratoga & ascertain if possible, the

condition of things in Rhode Island.

<n>1 Thurlow Weed</n>

-- Information that I received in NY. about R I, & what Mr Weed recd is adverse-- If Mr

Weed’s information is true Rhode Island affords the only bad speck in our political world.

Several R I politicians are now at Saratoga--

I will learn as much as I can & go home -- Monday morning stopping in Indiana at request of

National Committee--

I am afraid that we will lose a member of Congress or two in Maine & if we should also in

Pennsylvania it will be very bad.

There is no doubt of the vote of any Eastern state except it may be R I-- New York is as safe as

Mass & -- -- our friends can get no bets on New York-- Govr Hunt<a>2</a> excites ridicule

<n>2 Washington Hunt was a Whig politician who had served as Governor of New York

(1851-53) and was president of the national convention of the Constitutional Union Party in


Indiana here is viewed as the most doubtful state --

I have assured everybody that the popular vote of Illinois is secure beyond peradventure Saw

Mr Greeley<a>3</a> Genl Welch & others in New York--

<n>3 Horace Greeley was the influential editor of the New York Tribune.</n>

Your friend

D Davis


Document: George G. Fogg to Abraham Lincoln, August 18, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: George G. Fogg, a New Hampshire lawyer, was the secretary for the Republican

National Committee during the 1860 campaign. Lincoln rewarded Fogg for his work during the

campaign by appointing him minister to Switzerland.</n>

Astor House 39

New York, August 18 1860

My dear Sir --

Yours of the 14th<a>2</a> reached here during my absence yesterday at Albany. To your

question, “How does it Look now?” I have the satisfaction of replying Well! Our advices from

every quarter are such that we do not see how there can be any reasonable doubt that the

contingency whereupon Gov. Wise<a>3</a> was to march upon and take possession of the

Federal Capital will certainly occur. Just now, our Republican friends in Maine are having a

brisk fight -- your friend Douglas<a>4</a> being among his “friends” aiding them by his

presence and counsel. I do not think these doubtful, although the “squatter sovereigns” boast

largely of what they will do I have recently spent a few days in that State, and found the

Republicans thoroughly awake and confident of victory. If the victory is decisive, there is no

longer a chance for even a fight in the other New England States.

<n>2 For Lincoln’s letter to Fogg, see Collected Works, IV, 94.</n>

<n>3 ID: Henry A. Wise, a Democratic politician from Virginia, served in Congress (1833-44)

and was governor of his state (1856-60) when John Brown seized Harper’s Ferry. Wise was a

bugbear in Republican circles due to his alleged threat to seize Washington by force of arms if a

Republican president were ever elected.</n>

<n>4 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

Our advices from New Jersey and Pennsylvania are of a character to leave no doubt that the

Republicans must carry both of them -- and by very large pluralities. The same of this State of

New York. There can be no combination made which will endanger our success. In truth, I

feel sure that we will lose nothing east of Indiana. Of the prospects in that State, as well as

Illinois, of course, you are as well, and better posted that we can be here.

Our Committee have made pretty liberal outlays for Indiana, and hope the election of Gen.

Lane<a>5</a> in October, together with a Republican triumph in Pennsylvania, will really settle

the election of President, and leave us nothing to do but to “receive, count, and assent to the

votes,” and proclaim Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin, President and Vice President elect

of the United States.

<n>5 ID: Henry S. Lane wan Indiana politician who served as a Whig in the U. S. House of

Representatives (1840-43) and helped organize the Republican Party in his state. In 1860, Lane

was elected governor, but he resigned a few days after his inauguration in order to take a seat in

the U.S. Senate, where he remained until 1867.</n>

As you ask my opinion whether your acceptance of the invitation to Springfield, Mass. would

“help or hurt,” I answer very frankly that I do not think it would “help”.<a>6</a> The treads of

Douglas in search of his “father’s grave,” and his “anxious mother’s” pantry, are freely

commented on by the Republican papers, who hold up your quiet and dignified retirement in

contrast.<a>7</a> You could not go to Springfield without your journey being in some

measure a political ovation. As such, it would relieve Douglas of the charge of being the only

stump candidate for the Presidency. It would also be construed by the Democratic papers into

evidence of Republican alarm. In this view, it might “hurt.” Everything east I believe is well.

The election is ours now. The triumph is ours.

<n>6 Lincoln had asked Fogg whether he thought it advisable for him to attend a horse show at

Springfield, Massachusetts.</n>

<n>7 Though the ostensible purpose of Douglas’s trip to New England was to visit his mother

and the grave of his father, he gave several speeches there that led Republicans to conclude that

the tour was a thinly veiled campaign swing.</n>

Of course, you will not misunderstand my frankness. Our Republican masses would turn out to

give you such a greeting as no man ever received. We would all rejoice to take you by the hand.

But we can wait until some of your Cabinet find it convenient to come along with you!

Trusting you will pardon this long and hastily written letter, and let me hear from you again, I

subscribe myself

Your friend and obedient Servant

Geo. G. Fogg


Document: John P. Usher to Abraham Lincoln, August 18, 1860

Terre Haute Inda

Aug 18. 1860

Dear Sir. I presume you have observed the action of the Bell-Everett<a>1</a> convention at

Indianapolis on the 15th inst-- I was present & think it proper to put you in possession of some

facts connected with the affair which you might not understand from the published proceedings.

<n>1 The newly formed Constitutional Union Party had nominated Senator John Bell of

Tennessee for president and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for vice president.</n>

Mr Bell & his friends in pursuance of their plans revealed some time since, are seeking

combinations with Douglas & his crew, and it was the design of the Kentucky Bell men to have

transferred all the Bell men in this state to Douglas<a>2</a> to prevent if possible your getting

the vote of Indiana -- and to make the matter seem a part of their plan is to defeat our state ticket

In this infamous conduct I am sorry to say that I believe Gov Morehead<a>3</a>

Crittenden<a>4</a> & Co are engaged. They seem to be senseless enough to think that if they

can prevent your election by the people that the Republican states will vote for Bell

<n>2 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

<n>3 Charles S. Morehead, a Kentucky politician and planter, was a former Whig member of the

U. S. House of Representatives (1847-51) who won election as governor in 1855 as the nominee

of the American or “Know Nothing” Party. Morehead’s term as governor ended in 1859.</n>

<n>4 John J. Crittenden</n>

Gov Morehead made a speech at Indianapolis, he glorified Douglas & condemned you. He

urged an active and complete organization and claimed that by so doing you could be defeated

The Douglas men had the whole control of the convention & of the distinguished Kentuckians

They expressed great satisfaction with the speech and with the ticket.

Thompson<a>5</a> had on the Saturday evening before made a speech here extracts of which

you have seen in the Cin. Gazette and several of the Douglas men went on to the Convention in

advance of him and gave out that he Thompson had gone over to you, so that when he got there,

they paid no attention to him, but in haste went on to the formation of a ticket without calling a

county or district. I suppose there were persons participating in the convention from ten or

fifteen counties, not more, and about 150 in all, and I do not believe that 25 of those there would,

or will vote for Bell   It was a game of cheating making a ticket for others than themselves to

vote -- and they appeared to all understand it in that way. It was the intention of the managers to

make it operate exclusively against you, but finding that they were then in danger of being

denounced by Thompson, they concluded to put his name at the head of the ticket which they did

making Edwards the alternate. Thompson immediately declined, which put Edwards in his

place -- Edwards then wished to decline but it was my advice, & I think Thompsons that he had

better hold on as they might put some bad man in his place.

<n>5 Richard W. Thompson</n>

Edwards with Thompson earnestly desire your election, and as Edwards is at the head of the

ticket I think he will in a few days make a speech for publication in which he will speak of your

known convervative high character so that it is well known to all men that the government will

be safe in your hands, and that in view of these facts it could not be expected that your friends

would leave you, but that as Douglas was already selling out and making combinations in all

quarters that the Douglas party was expected to vote for Bell, and in that way make it a very

different affair than the managers intended

Thompson is exceedingly indignant at the shameful combinations which have been & are

forming by the Bell Everett party with the Douglasites.-- He expresses himself that it must in

the end enure to your benefit. I am sure he will denounce it in an effective manner, but when I

cannot say.

I suppose that you observed that Mr Etheridge,<a>6</a> at Dresden Tenn. read the Republican

platform & enquired of the audience what objection they had to it. He is undoubtedly most

anxious for your election and is satisfied as I have reason to know that Mr Bell is lending himself

to all the schemes of the bargainers to prevent an election by the people: upon the whole I am

encouraged with our prospects and the manner of prosecuting the campaign thus far, I feel an

increasing confidence in our success, and believe that it will be more evident in a few days than


<n>6 Emerson Etheridge</n>

Truly yours

J. P. Usher


Document: Samuel Haycraft to Abraham Lincoln, August 19, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Samuel Haycraft, a lawyer and circuit court clerk in Kentucky, was a local historian

who had been acquainted with Lincoln’s father. Haycraft corresponded with William Herndon

when the latter was collecting information for his Lincoln biography.</n>

Elizabeth Town, Ky

August 19 1860

My dear Sir:

Your letter of 16 Inst<a>2</a> was received by this days mail, and I hasten to reply not only to

acquit you but to clear myself of any knowledge of the statement of some correspondent in the

N. Y. Herald saying that you had been invited to visit Ky., but that you suspected it was a trap to

inveigle you into Ky in order to do violence to you”

<n>2 For Lincoln’s August 16 letter to Haycraft, see Collected Works, IV, 97.</n>

I will tax your patience by adverting to our correspondence. It was generally understood that

you were born in this Town (Elizabeth Town) and as there was some difference of opinion about

the place & also about your parentage, that I took the liberty of writing to you on the subject, to

which you frankly & promptly responded.<a>3</a>

<n>3 See Collected Works, IV, 56.</n>

That letter called out another from me, in which I did not invite you to visit Kentucky, but in

speaking of the place of your birth & of your recollections of the old Homestead, I made a

passing suggestion that it might be pleasant for you now in the turn of life to visit the scenes of

your nativity. To which in your letter marked Private dated June 4th you use this playful

language “You suggest that a visit to the place of my nativity would be pleasant to me-- Indeed

it would-- But would it be safe? Would not the people Lynch me! The place on Knob Creek

marked by Mr Read I remember very well, but I was not born there As my parents have told

me, I was born on Nolin very much nearer Hodgens-Mill than the Knob Creek place is-- My

earliest recollection however is of the Knob-Creek place”<a>4</a>

<n>4 For the complete text of Lincoln’s June 4 letter to Haycraft, see Collected Works, IV,


The remark about the Lynching no man of sense would have understood it in any other way than

a little playfulness & pleasantry on your part-- I at least so understood it, and was about to reply

to it in the same humor, that a visit here would subject you to a good many assaults-- But they

would be for office under you, as it was regarded as a foregone conclusion that you would be the

next Prest. unless the split in the Democratic party<a>5</a> let in Bell<a>6</a> The mark

Private on your letter I supposed simply meant that it was not for publication, had it been marked

confidential, no body would have seen it. But as it was I showed it to Mr. W B Read who was

attending our court & one or two other acquaintances & spoke of it to others who like myself had

a curiosity about your birthplace

<n>5 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction in favor of

Stephen A. Douglas’s candidacy for the presidency and the other for Vice President John C.


<n>6 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union


The reason why I did not reply, was through a little delicacy, least my object might be


I suppose you have noticed the vote of Ky for clerk of the court of appeals in which the Bell

candidate beat the Breckenridge man upward of 25.000 votes. That Breckenridge is in a

minority in Ky I have no kind of doubt, but I do not deem the late election a fair test as a great

many Douglas men voted for County But I have no doubt that if the parties stand as they are

now in Nov. next that Bell & Everett will carry the state of Ky by a considerable plurality of


An old neighbor & friend of mine Saml Young told me to say to you if I wrote to you again that

he would vote for you, his sister married a Hanks, & he married a sister of my old Friend Charles

Sawyer who lives near Mattoon & who tho near 80 years of age headed a Lincoln torchlight

procession at that place not long since & carried a fence rail on his shoulder as did every other

man in the procession-- Not long since a relative of mine from New York visited this place &

aided by several old citizens hunted up the remains of the old cabin in which your father resided.

he had 8 feet of a log sawed out & took it to New York The old house has been removed

several times. was once a human residence twice a slaughter house & now a stable.-- excuse

me for going into these little particulars. I thought you would not be displeased to hear of

them-- I have seen in the illustrated papers a likeness of yourself-- I was almost on the point of

saying that if you had a current Photograph of yourself that I would like to see it.

I do not suppose that you intend to visit Ky But if you do I would like to see you personally and

would be surety that you would be pleasantly receivd-- I wish it understood that this letter is

private & not for publication, but if you desire a reply from me to the N Y Herald I will with

pleasure prepare a statement<a>7</a>

<n>7 For Lincoln’s reply to Haycraft, see Collected Works, IV, 99.</n>

Truly yours

Saml Haycraft


Document: Alexander K. McClure to Abraham Lincoln, August 21 1860

Philadelphia, August 21st 1860

Dear Sir--

As I intimated in my last note, the Douglas<a>1</a> men here made a straight electoral ticket,

embracing some nine of the original ticket, who refused to give the pledge required by the State

Committee, and filling the rest of the ticket with new men.

<n>1 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

As things stand now, therefore, we have two Democratic electoral tickets, but nine men are on

both of them.<a>2</a>

<n>2 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction in favor of

Douglas’s candidacy for the presidency and the other for Vice President John C.


The State Committee passed a resolution at Cresson at the last meeting, requiring all the men on

the electoral ticket to give a formal pledge to support the fusion. It is not doubted but that some

eight or ten will decline to do so, & that the same number and the same men will accept the

platform of the straight outs.

The severe test for the Breckinridge men will then come. Whether they will dare to discard the

nine refractory electors & put new men on, will be the gravest question they have as yet had to

meet. I think they will not change the ticket -- as their great strength as against Douglas is their

regularity, and the Electoral ticket was the offspring of the Reading Convention, which all parties

admit to be regular. I think the Breckenridge men will take the ticket as it is; and therefore on

nine electors we shall have a fair test & a united vote against us

In the mean time the Bell<a>3</a> men are struggling fearfully to go anywhere but with us.

The leaders evidently want to sell out to Foster<a>4</a> for Governor & to either Breckinridge

or Douglas for President, as may be deemed most desirable. A fusion between the Bell &

Douglas men on the Douglas straight ticket is altogether probable.

<n>3 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential nominee of the Constitutional Union


<n>4 Henry D. Foster was the Democratic candidate for governor of Pennsylvania.</n>

We shall hold the bulk of the Bell vote for Curtin,<a>5</a> however, and if they attempt to

transfer them to either Douglas or Breckinridge, we shall poll more than half of them for you.

<n>5 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

There are now five Bell papers in the State, four of which have Curtin’s name to their mast

heads: and the other (a Daily of this city) will do so soon; but they will have to be nursed

carefully to hold them against the New York pressure. All of them however participated in the

nomination of Curtin & he was their favorite candidate. In this State, you will remember these

men acted with the “Peoples party,” while in New York they acted adversely to the Republicans.

The October contest in this State is not properly appreciated by most of our friends. It is going

to be a desperate struggle, & the Democrats will be hopeful of the result in their favor. We will

save the State however by polling a very large vote, the result of a perfect organization.

We have now more than one half of the counties of the State organized in every election district,

and reported to the State Committee, & in twenty days we will have every election district in

each county so organized & in direct communication with the Committee This has never been

before attempted in this state. On the 25th of September I will send you a carefully estimated

vote of the State for Governor, based upon actual returns from every election precinct in the

State -- over 2000 in number. We are sending out over 5000 documents per day.

When we carry Curtin in October, your battle will have been fought

Yrs tr

A K McClure


Document: Charles H. Fisher to Abraham Lincoln, August 22, 1860

Phila. Aug. 22d 1860.

Dear Sir.

I have your letter of the 18th inst.--<a>1</a>

<n>1 Lincoln had written a short note to Fisher thanking him for a book he had sent. See

Collected Works, IV, 98.</n>

I think you will like it upon perusal.--

I now enclose you a slip from our North American, signed “Cecil” -- who is my brother -- --

giving his idea of what Mr Dallas might have replied to Lord Brougham.--<a>2</a>

<n>2 Lincoln began to draft a reply to Fisher after he read “Cecil’s” account of what George M.

Dallas might have said to Lord Brougham. This draft, dated August 37, 1860, is in this


Yours respy

C. H. Fisher


Document: Carl Schurz to Abraham Lincoln, August 22, 1860

New Albany Ind. Aug. 22d. 1860.

Dear Sir,

For about three weeks I have been working in the state of Ind. and I think I am now able to form

an opinion about the condition of things here. Our friends are very confident almost every

where, except in this section of the state. We have been and are making large gains at many

points, especially north of the national road and all along the Wabash. Little work,

comparatively, has been done along the Ohio, East of Evansville, and it is absolutely necessary

that good speakers should be sent here. It was generally expected that the

Fillmore-element<a>1</a> would join us in a body; but that expectation is partially

disappointed. I find that at all places a large number of Americans have come right over; but

most of those that stuck to the old-organization, seem to be very much inclined to favor

Douglas,<a>2</a> and in order to do that efficiently, to vote for Hendricks<a>3</a> at the State

election. I am informed that there is a scheme on foot to send over voters from Kentucky for the

purpose of swelling the democratic majorities along the Ohio-river. I saw R.

Thompson<a>4</a> and Mr Edwards, Bell-Elector,<a>5</a> at Terre-Haute. Both these men

want to see you elected and will do all in their power to that effect. I am credibly informed by

the most intimate friends of the gentlemen named, that the reason why they did not come out

openly for you, was, that they thought they could do more for you as members of the American

organization. But as a general thing the Bell men are described as a set of malignant fellows

who will do all the mischief they can. I have heard the Bell-vote in he whole state variously

estimated at 5,000 to 10,000 but not higher.

<n>1 Former President Millard Fillmore was the American or “Know Nothing” candidate for

president in 1856. The American Party was largely defunct by 1860 and the Republicans hoped

to bring the Know Nothings into their camp.</n>

<n>2 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

<n>3 Thomas A. Hendricks was the Democratic candidate for governor of Indiana in 1860.</n>

<n>4 Richard W. Thompson</n>

<n>5 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union


As to the Germans they are coming over in shoals whereever they are judiciously worked with.

I think I have succeeded in drawing over a great many whereever I have spoken, but I want a

good German speaker to go over the same ground and follow up the work. Would it not be

possible for Gov. Koerner<a>6</a> to devote 2 or 3 weeks to this state?

I wish to make a suggestion. The people in this part of the state are eminently conservative and

the cry of abolitionism has much power with them. The best way to treat them would not be to

send our most conservative men here, at least not alone, but to give them a chance to see and

hear a live abolitionist of whom they have heard so many bad things.

<n>6 Gustav P. Koerner</n>

If you could prevail upon Lovejoy<a>7</a> to come down here and make a few calm,

dispassionate, discreet speeches, placing himself upon your ground, it would do more to

conciliate the people of this section to Republicanism, than anything else. They would ask

themselves: “Is that the wolf we have heard so much of?” The effect, I have no doubt, would

be great. I submit the thing to your consideration and will talk to the Central Com. of this State

about it. Of course, you must be sure that Lovejoy would act very discreetly.

<n>7 Owen Lovejoy</n>

On the whole I think, that if the election were to take place tomorrow you would receive a

respectable majority. The only danger I see is about the state ticket. I find that Hendricks has

succeeded at many places in making as good an impression as Lane,<a>8</a> and he may

receive votes which Douglas or Breckinridge<a>9</a> would not get. The Breckinridge vote in

this state is undoubtedly very much overestimated. A great many of the Democratic leaders are

very fierce against Douglas, but the rank and file do not go with them. I think it will not

overrun a few thousand; it may fall below 2,000 for ought I know.

<n>8 Henry S. Lane</n>

<n>9 John C. Breckinridge</n>

I do not consider the state as sure as Illinois, but I am confident, that with a proper effort we can

carry it over all combinations that can be made against us.

I shall get through with my appointments this week and then leave for home. I have some very

urgent private business to attend to which may keep me at home, I am afraid, for some time. If

it is in any way possible I shall make half a dozen more speeches in the south-eastern part of this

state, but it is very uncertain whether and when I shall be able to do so. I wish I could multiply

myself by ten for the next two months; at all events I shall do as much as one man is able to.

I return your scrap-book<a>10</a> by Mr. J. J. McDonald, whom you know, with many thanks.

As soon as I start out again I shall deliver a speech against Douglas, a complete, round argument

with the corresponding thunder and lightning, and have it printed for circulation. I have some

good things against that little giant of ours and I think I shall make them tell.-- Any suggestions

you may see fit to make to me will be most gratefully received.

<n>10 Lincoln had sent Schurz a scrapbook containing clippings of speeches that Douglas had

made since the 1858 Senate campaign. See Collected Works, IV, 88.</n>

With my best respects to Mrs. Lincoln

Yours very truly

C. Schurz

P. S. Letters will reach me at Watertown, Wis. If you should desire me to urge some point or

other in my speeches you would oblige me by making suggestions to that effect.

C. S.


Document: George G. Fogg to Abraham Lincoln, August 23, 1860

Astor House

New York, Aug 23 1860.

My dear Sir --

Yours of the 16th<a>1</a> came duly to hand. In accordance with you request, I called on the

Editors of the Herald, and, in the most diplomatic way of which I was master, explained the

occasion of my call. Mr Bennett<a>2</a> being present, expressed himself very kindly

disposed towards yourself personally, and, of course very far from wishing to misrepresent you.

He was willing to give place to any correction desired. When I explained to him, however, that

I wished the correction made editorially or by his correspondent, he demurred. That would be

to acknowledge the Herald or its correspondent in error -- a thing not to be thought of. He

would publish the correction as a communication over my own, or any responsible name -- or I

write with a communication dated at Springfield, Ill. without any name or initials, and he would

insert it. This was the best, and all he could do.

<n>1 See Collected Works, IV, 96.</n>

<n>2 James Gordon Bennett</n>

I endeavored to be as courtly and courteous as himself -- thanked Mr Bennett for his expressions

of personal kindness to yourself -- told him I would think of his proposition, and, if I concluded

to close with it, would call again. I have thought of it; and do not think the “correction” he

offers, would pay, & ought, perhaps to say that he would have put it in editorially, if allowed to

say by your “request,” of course. I peremptorilly declined that proposition.

Mr Judd<a>3</a> being here, I consulted with him, and he entirely concurs with me, that the

correction tendered “wont pay.” Should your judgment differ from ours, I will, of course, very

cheerfully do what you may desire.

<n>3 Norman B. Judd</n>

The Republican State Convention at Syracuse has terminated as auspiciously as could be desired.

The nomination of Gov. Morgan<a>4</a> is, I am satisfied, under all the circumstances, the

strongest that could be made. I cannot be mistaken in saying that, in spite of all “coalitions”,

New York will choose the Republican Electoral ticket by an overwhelming vote.

<n>4 Edwin D. Morgan</n>

Our friends in Maine are having a great fight, which is to be followed by a great victory. Such

is the intelligence I am receiving day by day.<a>5</a>

<n>5 Lincoln wrote to Fogg on August 29 and informed him that he had “done precisely right in

that matter with the Herald.” See Collected Works, IV, 102.</n>

With the warmest regards,

Your friend & obdt. Servant

George G. Fogg --


Document: John Hanks to Abraham Lincoln, August 23, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: John Hanks, a cousin of Lincoln’s mother, lived in the Lincoln household for four

years during the 1820s and moved to Illinois in 1828. Lincoln, John Hanks and John Johnston

were hired by Denton Offutt in 1831 to take a flatboat to New Orleans. Through arrangements

made by Richard Oglesby, Hanks appeared at the Republican State Convention at Decatur in

May 1860 with rails allegedly split by him and Lincoln in 1830. Hanks’s illiteracy disqualified

him from holding an office, but he did drive wagons for the army during the Civil War. After

Lincoln’s death, Hanks capitalized on his connection with Lincoln by exhibiting a cabin the

Lincolns may have inhabited and selling canes made from rails. William Herndon’s interviews

with Hanks provide a rich source of information regarding Lincoln’s early life.</n>

Decatur August 23rd 1860

Dear sir

I have been thinking about Charles Hankes Letter and a thought struck me that I would answer it

in some particular now I want you to State to me when and where you first saw Brother Charles

my recollection about the matter is that he never saw you untill you mooved ot to this County in

1830 please write to me and give me your recollections about it I shall not use your letter it

shall be as secure in my Keeping as in your own Let me Know how Long your acquaintence

has been with Charles Hanks I am on my way up to Bement to a Republican meeting What is

the prospect since the New York Union men have united with the Douglass<a>2</a> Democracy

we are in fine spirits here we are all well here at presents<a>3</a>

<n>2 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

<n>3 Lincoln supplied John Hanks with his recollections of Charles Hanks in a letter written on

August 24. See Collected Works, IV, 100.</n>

Your sincere friend

John Hanks


Document: Ward Hill Lamon to Abraham Lincoln, August 25, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 The following was written to apprise Lincoln of the latest developments in Vermilion

County concerning the feud between William Fithian and Oscar F. Harmon. Fithian was a

Danville physician and politician who had become a friend of Lincoln’s when they served

together in the state legislature. Harmon was an attorney and the incumbent candidate for a seat

in the Illinois House of Representatives. Apparently both men wanted the seat in the legislature

and Lamon had urged Lincoln to write to his friend Fithian and attempt to persuade him to settle

his differences with Harmon, as a division in the party would allow a Democrat to win the

election. Lincoln wrote Fithian to this effect on August 15 and the following suggests that

Lincoln’s letter may have done some good. For more on this case, see Lamon to Lincoln,

August 17, 1860 and Collected Works, IV, 95.</n>

Danville Illinois

August 25th 1860

Dear Sir:

I am happy to inform you that the difficulty was in our party, here, between Harmon and

Fithian’s friends, was on yesterday -- settled -- compromised by each of them, choosing three of

their friends to adjust the matter-- Their award was that each of them should withdraw their

names, which they have done in writing, and agreed to support our friend Saml. G Craig, for

Representative -- Craig has been by them and their friends recommended. We all think that

this is the best thing that could have been done-- The inevitable result of F & H’s making the

race would have been defeat of our party in Vermilion--

Mr. Craig is not perhaps the best timber in the county for the place but he is universally popular

and will run well on the “clever fellow ticket” -- And I have no doubt but that the two factions

will harmonize and will unite upon him better than on any other man in the county -- he is

acceptable to both factions and we think his nomination under the circumstances will do away

with the necessity of holding another convention. --There has been a very bitter warfare going

on between H & F and their respective friends-- Things now look better in this County-- I

learned yesterday that by the registering of Edgar County -- we will run behind 67. votes-- I

dont know whether this is reliable or not--

I perhaps, in my expressions above have misled you as to the way this matter was adjusted--

Harmon made the proposition to Fithian to withdraw -- which after three days parlying and

passing notes -- Fithian agreed to do so, and then they chose three friends each, to name the


Under the circumstances Mr. Harmon deserves a great deal of credit for his action in the matter--

There can be no doubt of his devotion for the success of the Republican party Oliver Davis is

looking over my shoulder and desires me to say that this much cannot be said for Fithian -- but

some allowance is to be made for Oliver, for he is a “Larapin.”

Every body here now is going to work--<a>2</a>

<n>2 Craig won the election and served a single term in the General Assembly.</n>

Things look well everywhere          in great haste

Very Respy

Your friend

Ward H Lamon

P. S. since the above was written the enclosed handbill has been issued -- I also enclose you a

few lines of “Machine Poetry” thinking that being a candidate for a little office like that which

you are running for, has not at all blunted your appreciation for the rediculous.


Come listen all ye; wise men and my story do not miss

While I sing about the democrats, who went down south to pi--

--ck a candidate, who in the coming race

Would stand some shadow of a chance to get in Old Buck’s plase

And when they got to Charleston, they had to, as is wont

Look round to find a chairman, and so they took a Cu--

--shing, who is known throughout the land

As most prodigious “pumkins” when the nigger is on hand

Then, they made a southern platform an ultra southern platform, they made and tried to pass

When up jumped all the Douglas men, and quickly showed their as--

--tonishment, at proceedings such as these

For a platform made to suit the South would never the North would never please

And then they made another, that on it all might sit

When the South got mad as fury and swore they’d on it sh--

--ow that down among the chivalry in their peaceful sunny land

There was not a single cotton state on its planks would stand

When Douglas found his chances were scarcely worth a shuck

He bade his Delegates, go home, to take a little fu--

--rther time, in order as you see

To meet again in Baltimore on someone to agree


Document: Thurlow Weed to Abraham Lincoln, August 25, 1860

New York, Aug 25.

Dear Sir

The person who wrote the Letter from this city which you endorsed to me, was well informed.

The Douglass<a>1</a> men are making a desperate effort to raise money.

<n>1 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

There is also, an effort making to unite all upon one Electoral ticket. This means an

abandonment of Douglass, whose real friends, if it should be effected, will revolt.

Coalitions and Expedients, of many kinds are being resorted to. But they will all help to insure

the demoralization of the Democracy.

We are united, and as things now look, cannot be beaten.

What I hinted, in a former Letter, viz: that the contest may be between two old Whigs, is

growing more and more probable!

In haste

Truly Yours

T. Weed

The visit of Judge Davis,<a>2</a> in Pennsylvania, was seasonable and beneficial.

I shall look after things in Rhode Island and New Jersey after our State Committee organizes.

<n>2 David Davis</n>


Document: Henry Wilson to Abraham Lincoln, August 25, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Henry Wilson was an influential Massachusetts Republican in the U.S. Senate from

1855 until he resigned in 1873 to serve as vice president. During the Civil War Wilson became

identified with the radical wing of the party due to his position on emancipation and other issues

relating to slavery and reconstruction.</n>

Natick, Mass. Aug. 25th, 1860.

Dear Sir,

During the past four weeks I have rode in New York and New England more than four thousand

miles and made nineteen addresses; and I have seen and talked with many of our friends in

regard to the aspects of the canvass. I know you are pressed with letters from all quarters, but I

return to write a few words in regard to affairs as they appear to me from such observations as I

have made.

Our meetings are well attended. The people are disposed to listen and to go many miles to

attend meetings. All this is very well, but I fear our friends are too confident, and neglect

organization. I fear our friends are trusting too much to the divisions of the Democracy and to

talk and neglect work. These mass meetings are all very well but they should not be wholly

relied upon. We want to go into the school Districts, into the out of the way places and organize

our friends. Everywhere I have pressed this on our friends, and I think our National Committee

should be urged to organize the party as much as it can be. We shall, I fear, lose the House.

These combinations, which have been made or which will be made will harm us in that direction.

I fear we have made little progress during the past twenty days, and a party like ours must

advance or it will soon be forced back.

I would suggest to you, my Dear Sir, the vital importance of pressing upon our leading friends

the duty of work, organization, system. Do not trust to these mass meetings entirely. Press

action upon our National Committee. They ought to have their eyes upon every Congressional

District, and work as men never worked before, for the next seventy days. Our friends

everywhere have great confidence in your direction and integrity. Everywhere, they express the

hope that, if you are elected, we shall have an administration true to principle and against all

corruption. In New York, this feeling has been made stronger, by the action of their last

Legislature. It does ones heart good to listen to the expression of the pure and lofty purposes

and hopes of the masses of our Republican friends. God grant that they may not be

disappointed in their hopes of your election, nor in their confidence that your administration will

reform existing abuses and advance the interests and honor of the country.<a>2</a>

<n>2 In his September 1 reply to Wilson, Lincoln agreed that organization, though “dry, and

irksome labor” was important in order for the Republicans to prevail. See Collected Works, IV,


Yours truly,

Henry Wilson


Document: Abraham Lincoln to Charles H. Fisher, August 27, 1860 [Draft]<a>1</a>

<n>1 This is at least the fourth document in an exchange between Fisher, the brother of author

Sidney G. Fisher, and Lincoln. See Collected Works, IV, 98, and Fisher to Lincoln, August 22,

1860. The allusion is to an international statistical congress in London where Lord Brougham

had criticized American slavery in a speech, to which American Minister to Great Britain George

M. Dallas, who was in attendance, made no rejoinder. In the Philadelphia North American (a

clipping from which is enclosed in Fisher's August 22 letter), Sidney G. Fisher speculated on a

possible reply that Dallas might have made.</n>


Springfield, Ills-- Aug. 27. 1860

Dear Sir:

Your second note, inclosing the supposed speech of Mr Dallas to Lord Brougham, is received--

I have read the speech quite through, together with the real author’s introductory, and closing

remarks-- I have also looked through the long preface of the book<a>2</a> to-day-- Both

seem to be well written, and contain many things with which I could agree, and some with which

I could not-- A specimen of the latter is the declaration, in the closing remarks upon the

“speech” that the institution is a necessity imposed on us by the negro race-- That the going

many thousand miles, seizing a set of savages, bringing them here, and making slaves of them, is

a necessity imposed on us by them, involves a species of logic to which my mind will scarcely


<n>2 Probably one of Fisher's two books: Kanzas and the Constitution (Boston: Damrell and

Moore, 1856), or Law of the Territories (Philadelphia: C. Sherman and Son, 1859)</n>

<n>3 Lincoln did not finish the draft; the letter was doubtless not sent.</n>


Document: Alexander K. McClure to Abraham Lincoln, August 27, 1860

Philadelphia, August 27th 1860

Dear Sir --

We have no new feature in the contest since I wrote you last, excepting that the tendency of the

Bell<a>1</a> men is becoming more strongly marked against us. A vigorous effort is now

being made to transfer them bodily to Foster.<a>2</a> Their State Committee, which was

empowered to nominate a candidate for Governor or not do so as the committee might deem

best, met on the 22d, and decided not to nominate. Not one-fourth of the committee attended,

and most of those who were there were decidedly hostile to Curtin;<a>3</a> but in the country

they have very little force, and in the city their ranks, outside of mercantile circles, are mainly

with mechanics & operatives, who have such a vital interest in the Tariff that they are slow to be

transfered. That a very large proportion of them, including all or most of their mere politicians,

will vote for Foster, I have no doubt.

<n>1 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential nominee of the Constitutional Union


<n>2 Henry D. Foster was the Democratic candidate for governor of Pennsylvania.</n>

<n>3 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

No electoral ticket was formed by the Bell men at the meeting of this committee. They

postponed the matter until the 25th of September, when the contending factions of the

Democracy will have their Electoral tickets in shape, and a fusion, embracing the Bell men, will

doubtless be made in some shape. This tendency to fusion on the Presidency will gradually

weaken Curtin with that element, and we may expect a desperate death-struggle of the combined

forces on Foster a few weeks before the October election

But for the utterly demoralized condition of the Democracy, this would present a most dangerous

aspect; but we shall be fully prepared to meet it.

I doubt not that hundreds tell you that Penna is beyond all danger in October, & that there can be

no contest. It is the single danger we have to fear, & it is a grievous error; but we have started

out in the contest to perfect our organization & in all sections treated the struggle contest as if

we had a united & organized party to combat. Our organization will save us; -- we might be

saved without it -- with it we can’t fail.

Our party is poorly adapted to thorough discipline. I doubt whether it was ever attempted before

to extend an organization into every election precinct, but it will be done. It is now done in

more than 1400 of the 2000 election districts of the State. In ten days I hope to be able to advise

you that it is thoroughly perfected.

My confidence in our success in this State has never been shaken I think I have weighed

carefully & appreciated our dangers -- at least it has been my aim to do so, rather than to seek for

the more flattering aspects of the battle. I have never doubted but that we should have a struggle

in October that would stagger our friends, if not thoroughly prepared for it, for a party voting in

over-confidence is most easily defeated; and to guard that one point the whole efforts of our

organization have been directed.

In a short time I can give you the state of things here in a more tangible shape. I will advise you

fully as events transpire.

I was pained to learn from an unquestionable source that some of our petty bickerings in this

State have been obtruded upon you. Rest assured that there will be no factious war in our ranks.

Those who are charged with the responsibility of this great struggle in Penna. can afford to be

wronged, but cannot afford to quarrel.

Truly thine

A K McClure


Document: John M. Pomeroy to Abraham Lincoln, August 27, 1860

Philadelphia, August 27th 1860

Dr Sir A K McClure<a>1</a> Esq tells me that some of our local troubles<a>2</a> have been

made known to you for purposes which are no doubt apparent to yourself I represent the 2d

Senatorial district of this City on that Committee and I was a delegate from the 2d Cong. District

to the Chicago Convention. I was placed in these positions by the unanimous consent of all

factions -- polling nearly a unanimous vote for National delegate when the contest was fierce in

regard to others of my colleagues. The City delegates you will recollect were slected by popular

vote. I gave Cameron<a>3</a> a moderate support at Chicago Possessing the confidence to

some extent of all parties I have been in a position to know what produced the late assault on the

State Committee & the objects expected to be attained by it

<n>1 Alexander K. McClure</n>

<n>2 This refers to the factional rivalry in Pennsylvania between the supporters of Simon

Cameron and Andrew G. Curtin.</n>

<n>3 Simon Cameron</n>

The quarrel is but of recent origin. It dates back to the time when Cameron & Curtin<a>4</a>

were prominent candidates for the U. S. Senate -- when they succeeded in beating each other --

postponing the election for a year and this resulting in the success of “Weak Kneed

Bigler”,<a>5</a> Cameron disliked the nomination of Curtin for Governor and if the

Presidential election did not occur this year I doubt not he would like to see Curtin defeated

Although Cameron is not interested in this election in the sense that Curtin is he insisted on

having many of his friends placed on the State Committee In some of these applications he was

overruled and the Committee leans to the Curtin rather than the Cameron wing. Cameron

resisted the appointment of W B Maun our District Attorney and after the Chicago Convention

authorized me to say to the Committee that unless Maun was removed or resigned voluntarily he

could not countenance the Committee This was the first indication that there would be any

serious effort made to embarass the Committee. Maun is one of Cameron’s most violent

enemies and opposed him fiercely in this City and afterwards with great violence at Chicago

Cameron has always regarded the Chairman of the State Committee as one of his enemies and it

is against these 2 persons mainly the fight has been made & they it is proper to state done more

than any other 2 men to nominate Curtin Hence the effort of Cameron & his friends aided by

some injudicious Republicans of this City to get up a Committee ostensibly auxiliary to the State

Committee but which was really intended to supercede & destroy it The whole movement is

now virtually broken up & henceforth cordial cooperation with the State Committee may be

expected from all but Cameron & his immediate friends They reported that the State Committee

could not raise 1¢ of money when he actually had over 5000$ in Bank collected entirely by

McClure & myself. One note as to McClure. I have known him since boyhood. I represented

when 22 years of age the County where he now resides The first day he ever was in that County

and when he did not know another man within its limits I purchased for him a printing office

when he was scarcely worth a dollar From this point he has rapidly risen and is destined to rise

much higher. I now know him as intimately as any other man and although he was once poor

and is now rich I have never known him guilty of any dishonorable action. I consider him the

very best politician in the state and if any man can bring this Campaign to a successful issue he


<n>4 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

<n>5 William Bigler was a former governor of Pennsylvania who served as a Democrat in the U.

S. Senate from 1856 to 1861.</n>

The outside Committee is a fizzle as I predicted it would be The Regular Committee is worthy

of and is determined to command the confidence of the party

We could get through the compaign with comparatively little means if it were not for our

doubtful Congressional districts & some attention which the Bell<a>6</a> leaders & papers

require Our whole difficulty & our whole fight is on the October election The Locofocos think

that by by concentratng both wings on Foster<a>7</a> & then securing the Bell vote they may

defeat Curtin. Curtin is making a gallant fight and although I think there is no danger some of

our friends think otherwise

<n>6 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union


<n>7 Henry D. Foster was the Democratic candidate for governor of Pennsylvania in 1860.</n>

I am sorry to trouble you with so long a letter but I thought some of the points might explain our

difficulties which have no doubt been magnified to you

Allow me to congratulate you on the auspicious prospects before us<a>8</a>

<n>8 In his August 31 reply to Pomeroy, Lincoln expressed his wish that “both sides woill allow

by-gones to be by-gones, and look to the present & future only.” See Collected Works, IV,


Very Respectfully

John M Pomeroy


Document: John P. Sanderson to David Davis, August 27, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: John P. Sanderson, a Philadelphia journalist, was one of Simon Cameron’s most ardent

supporters. Following Lincoln’s election, Sanderson visited Springfield to try and persuade

Lincoln to appoint Cameron to the cabinet. When Cameron was finally named Secretary of

War, Sanderson was appointed chief clerk of that department.</n>


Phila: August 27. 1860.

My Dr Sir:

I presume you have reached your home by this time, and, as I have an hour’s leisure this

morning, I will devote it in giving you an account of what has transpired since you left here.

The Committee appointed at the meeting at which you were present consists of William H. Kern,

our High Sheriff, Wm B. Thomas, Jno M Butler, Jno M. Coleman, Peter C. Ellmaker, Samuel

Lloyd, Geo Inman Riche, Peter Fasel, & myself, from Phila, to which list we have since added

the following: Ex-Mayor Charles Gilpin, Robert P. King, Dr David Jayne, Geo R. Smith,

Edwin Booth, Robert M Foust, William Elliott, E. G. Waterhouse, & James Freeborn. Those

from the interior are: David Wilmot, Towanda; A H Reeder, Easton; Joseph Casey & Jacob S.

Haldeman, Harrisburg; Russell Errett & James Park, Jr, Pittsburg; S. Newton Pettis, Meadville;

James Beech, Union Town; Edgar Cowan, Greensburg; Jno Penn Jones, Hollidaysberg; Edwin

Blanchard, Bellepointe; B. Rush Petrikin, Lock Haven; Chas Albright, Mauch Chunk; Gordon F.

Mason, Scranton; George Lear, Doylestown; J Bowman Bell, Reading; Geo A. Frick, Danville;

Alexander King, Bedford. The officers are Sheriff Kern, Chairman; myself the Secretary; Wm

B. Thomas, the Treasurer; Finance Committee: Messrs Thomas, Kern, Butler, Coleman &

Ellmaker. On Friday evening last, we had a very full meeting, all except three being present.

All the minority counties in the State had been visted & their conditions & wants ascertained. It

was found that the aggregate amount of money required to canvass the interior of the State, and

secure, by direct personal effort, such election district organizations as will enable us to bring our

whole vote to the polls at the October election, will not exceed $10.000, if every dollar be

furnished our friends in the respective counties ask for. Our Committee at once assumed the

responsibility of providing each county with the amount asked for, & ordered our friends to go

on & canvass their counties, & draw on the Committee for the money to pay the expense. If,

therefore, our State Committee shall fail to furnish a cent, this important matter, to ensure a full

vote at our first election, will not be neglected.

Our Campaign Committee is busily at work, sending out documents, & doing every thing that

can be done to secure success in October. Enclosed is a circular of which we are now sending

thousands all over the State.

Mr McClure<a>2</a> is doing all he can to embarrass our Committee, but so far we have gone

straightforward without taking any notice of it. Having utterly failed to collect funds, and being

unable to do so in this State, he seems to be determined that no one else shall, prefering to go to

the National Committee & play the part of beggar himself, instead of having others, who can,

collect the requisite funds from our own citizens. He has accordingly gone round our City, &

sent one or two of his minions to such of our people who are accustomed to contribute to induce

them not to contribute. Thus far he has accomplished nothing by it, & I apprehend he will not in

the future Our Finance Committee will be able to raise all the money we shall need.

<n>2 Alexander K. McClure</n>

The indications now are that there will be a thorough union of the Breckenridge,

Douglas<a>3</a> & Bell<a>4</a> parties in support of Foster,<a>5</a> and the leaders

manifest great confidence of success. I frankly confess to you, I still have my fears, if any thing

more strongly now than when you were here. I so expressed myself in a note to Gen

Cameron<a>6</a> a day or two ago, & recd. an answer from him this morning in these words:

“There is no doubt of the election of Lincoln, & as little doubt of his carrying this State.

Curtin,<a>7</a> too, will be elected, unless he defeats himself, which we must try to prevent

him from doing.” Here is stated in a nut-shell our true condition. I perfectly agree with the

Genl that Lincoln will carry this State, if we can get over the October election; but if defeated in

Oct, I am not so sanguine about the result in Nov, though by no means with out strong hopes of

his success even then. So, I also agree with the Genl. that Curtin will succeed, if he does not

defeat himself. Of this I have no earthly doubt, but my doubt is, whether all we can do will

prevent him from defeating himself. The truth is, if he would just stay at home, & let us take

care of his election, I should feel safe, but that he wont do, and hence my fears. Since you have

been in our City, he has been here several times, and has added to our difficulties by his conduct

here. I will tell you how, premising first that, as it involves so much moral & political turpitude,

& would at once destroy all hope of his election if it were to become public, we are studiously

keeping it secret, and I hope you will not allow it to go beyond your own confidential circle.

But for the fact that I feel that it should be known by you, I would not mention it. Well then, it

is this. Curtin is so anxious of success, & at the same time so utterly unscrupulous as to the use

of means to secure it, that during the last week past a negotiation has been going on with his

knowledge, by the clique of bold, bad men who surround & control him, to transfer a certain

number of our electors to Bell in consideration of the Bell vote being cast for Curtin -- in plain

English, that if the Bell vote be given to Curtin, that his influence should be exerted with such

electors as he could influence, after their election, to cast their vote for Bell in the Electoral

College, if by so doing the Presidential election could be thrown into Congress. Now, if this

fact should become known to our people, nothing we could do would save his election. It only

needs to become public to d--n his success.

<n>3 The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction in favor of

Stephen A. Douglas’s candidacy for the presidency and the other for Vice President John C.


<n>4 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union


<n>5 Henry D. Foster was the Democratic candidate for governor of Pennsylvania.</n>

<n>6 Simon Cameron</n>

<n>7 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

I know that a movement so treacherous, and at the same time so impracticable and absurd, you

will be slow to believe, and yet it is true, & in a day or two I will send you the proof of it which

will put at rest all doubt on the subject. With a knowledge of these facts, you will appreciate

fully my meaning when I say, we shall elect Curtin, if he will let us, and you will also understand

my fears that we may not be allowed to do it, & these are really my only fears of the State.

Let me hear from you, & believe me, very truly, yours

J. P. Sanderson


Document: Zachariah Chandler to Abraham Lincoln, August 28, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Zachariah Chandler was a Republican member of the U.S. Senate (1857-75) from

Michigan who became associated with the Radical faction of the party during the Civil War. As

an outspoken member of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, Chandler often

criticized Lincoln’s war strategy and the generals he placed in command. Though a critic of

Lincoln, Chandler supported the president in 1864, when many Radicals favored jettisoning

Lincoln in favor of someone more in accord with their point of view. Chandler helped broker a

deal that involved the resignation of Montgomery Blair from the cabinet in exchange for John C.

Fremont’s withdrawal from consideration as a presidential candidate. After the war, Chandler

served in President Grant’s cabinet as secretary of the interior.</n>

Detroit August 28th 1860

Dear Sir

You may not recollect that we met at Kalamazoo in 1856 at the Mass Convention there. I write

at this time to invite yourself & Mrs Lincoln to visit Detroit & become my guests with Mr & Mrs

Senator Trumbull on the Second of Oct at the time of our State Fair. C. M. Clay & Family will

be with me at that time. I will place at the exclusive disposal of yourself & Friends the

Directors Car upon the Michigan Central R R & will promise you during your stay entire

exemption from the persecution of office seeking & applications to speak. Michigan is one of

the certain states, therefore no political reason can be assigned for the visit. Yet in my

estimation & that of some of your most judicious Friends, if made, it may have an important

bearing upon results. This I will more fully explain to Senator Trumbull should you accept this

invitation I think Mr & Mrs Hamlin will meet you here<a>2</a>

<n>2 Lincoln wrote to Chandler on August 31 that he recalled their meeting at Kalamazoo in

1856. Lincoln appreciated the invitation but declined because, “It is the opinion of friends,

backed by my own judgment, that I should not really, or apparently, be showing myself about the

country” (Collected Works, IV, 102-03).</n>

Very Truly Yours

Z. Chandler


Document: Simon Cameron to Abraham Lincoln, August 29, 1860


Aug. 29, 1860.

My dear Sir

I have been running about the country so much Judge Davis<a>1</a> was gone or I would

sooner have said that the papers he left with me are entirely satisfactory.<a>2</a> They should

have been returned by him, but were neglected,-- but they will be handed over to you safely

when you come to Washington to be inaugurated. You may as well be getting your inaugural

address ready so as to have plenty time to make it short.

<n>1 David Davis</n>

<n>2 Davis had given a collection of Lincoln’s writings or “scraps” on the tariff issue to

Cameron in order to demonstrate that Lincoln was sound on protection. See Lincoln, Fragments

on Protection, [August 1846-December 1847] and Collected Works, IV, 90-91.</n>

If possible we are daily becoming stronger in Pennsylvania, and in New Jersey all is right.

I have recently been in the interior of N. York, and while at Saratoga saw many among the most

intelligent of the leading politicians, of that and other states. Among them Mr Weed<a>3</a>

and Gov Morgan;<a>4</a> and all concurred in saying that no combination could be made that

would prevent your having an unusually large majority in that state.

<n>3 Thurlow Weed</n>

<n>4 Edwin D. Morgan</n>

There was a rumor that Douglas<a>5</a> had made a bargain with the Governor for the little

state of Rhode Island for its votes. There did not seem much foundation for it, and yet he may,

in his extremity be “thankful for the smallest favors.”

<n>5 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

I was in Baltimore for a day, this week, and was assured that the republican ticket would get in

the City over five thousand votes. This is an evidence of the magical influence of expected

success; and the same influence will is silently at work here and in other states to swell our


When you see Judge Davis remember me to him -- but do not answer this-- If any thing occurs

worth your knowing I will write, but do not want replies--

Very truly yrs

Simon Cameron


Document: David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, August 30, 1860

Bloomington, Ills

Augt 30. 1860.

Dear Lincoln

The Davenport case was not decided at Danville

--I intended to decide it, but adjourned the Court for the Chicago Convention, & have not been

back since--

I am very sorry for the postponement of yr fees, but they will have to be deferred until after the

Danville Court-- The Court is not until after the election-- My mind is now wholly unfit to

investigate any law case requiring thought--

I return you the Rhode Island enclosures--

I have hopes of Sprague<a>1</a> would there be any harm of sending Mr Eddy’s<a>2</a>

Enclosure to & his letter to Mr Weed--<a>3</a> If he has not already gone to R I, he would go

at once-- Gov Sprague, if not visited by the right person wd undoubtedly go right-- It looks

that way--

<n>1 William Sprague</n>

<n>2 John Eddy of Providence, Rhode Island</n>

<n>3 Thurlow Weed</n>

--What do you think of the policy of getting Gov Corwin,<a>4</a> Schenck,<a>5</a>

Sherman<a>6</a> & other Ohioans here after the October elections-- They would certainly do

good and -- we ought to keep the state in a blaze the last month

<n>4 ID: Thomas Corwin, a politician and lawyer from Ohio, served as a member of the House

of Representaives (1831-40, 1859-61); governor of Ohio (1841-43); U.S. Senator (1845-50); and

Secretary of the Treasury (1850-53). Corwin began his career as a Whig but joined the

Republican Party rather reluctantly in the late 1850s and was appointed minister to Mexico by

Lincoln in 1861, where he served until 1864.</n>

<n>5 ID: Robert C. Schenck was an Ohio lawyer, politician and diplomat. Schenck served in

Congress as a Whig (1843-51) and became acquainted with Lincoln there. In 1849 Lincoln

recommended Schenck for the position as minister to Brazil and Schenck eventually received the

appointment. During the 1850s Schenck joined the Republican Party and actively campaigned

for Lincoln in 1860. Schenck rose to the rank of major general during the Civil War, but

wounds suffered at Second Bull Run led Schenck to resign his commission in 1863. After

resigning from the army, Schenck again took a seat in Congress and became a critic of Lincoln’s

conduct of the war.</n>

<n>6 ID: John Sherman, the younger brother of William Tecumseh, was a former Whig who

helped organize the Republican Party in Ohio. Sherman was a Representative in Congress

(1855-61) and took Salmon Chase’s Senate seat in 1861 when Chase moved into Lincoln’s

cabinet. Except for a four year stint as Secretary of the Treasury in the Hayes administration

(1877-81), Sherman served in the Senate until 1897, when he resigned and briefly served as

Secretary of State before retiring from political life.</n>

Our own speakers will be worn out by that time

Corwin ought to be seen by while in Indiana if a

I understand Corwin will be in Indiana for some 6 or 8 speeches

I suppose if anything is done, the State Committee ought to do it--


Document: William H. Lincoln to Abraham Lincoln, August 30, 1860

Alexandria, Tenn Aug 30th 1860

Dear Sir

I have been asked the question nearly every day, was I any kin to Abe Lincoln and I thought I

would drop you a few lines to know whether I am or not being of the same name nearly any one

would have a desire to know I. L. Gross told me the other day that he received a letter from you

but I could not gain any information from him, only he said that you had a brother by the name

of Mortikey which is my grand fathers name Also one by the name of Jacob

Stephens tells me th that Grand Father had a brother by the name of Jacob

Write and give me the partictulars when you are at leasure

Stephen A Doughlass stands no chance in Tennessee The fight is between Breckenridge &


<n>1 Lincoln faced three opponents in the 1860 presidential election: Senator Stephen A.

Douglas, Vice President John C. Breckinridge and Senator John Bell. Bell carried his native

state of Tennessee in the election.</n>

I dont think from what I can understand about the 4th Congressional District that Doughlass will

receive 250 votes in the district write and Oblige a friend

Wm. H Lincoln

P. S.

I think Grandfather moved from Virginia whether that is the case or not I cant say positive He

died at Greenville East Tenn a few years ago

Wm. H. L.


Document: Joseph Medill to Abraham Lincoln, August 30, 1860


Chicago, Aug 30 1860

My Dr Sir

I enclose you a letter from E. Ethridge<a>1</a> to S. Colfax.<a>2</a> Ethridge as you know is

one of the gallant spirits of the South, and a friend to your election. The letter is confidential to

Colfax, but the latter and my self have few political secrets from each other, and Colfax is a

warm friend of yours He said to me that I might exercise my discretion as to showing you the

letter Please return it to me after you read it. Our news from Indiana is not of the best or most

fattening character. On the surface all looks well and prosperous. But under the surface there

is unsoundness. I very much fear that we shall be beaten there at the Oct. Election. The Dug,

Breck & Bell<a>3</a> votes are united against us. That is, three fourths or more of the few

Breckites will vote for Hendricks<a>4</a> against Lane<a>5</a> and 3 to 5,000 Americans

under Kentucky & New York K. N. influences will do so likewise. Is it possible to beat this


<n>1 ID: Emerson Etheridge, a Whig member of the U.S. House of Representatives from

Tennessee (1855-57, 1859-61), campaigned for the Republicans in 1860 and was rumored to be a

potential member of Lincoln’s cabinet. From 1861 to 1863 Etheridge served as Clerk of the

U.S. House of Representatives.</n>

<n>2 Schuyler Colfax</n>

<n>3 Stephen A. Douglas, John C. Breckinridge and John Bell were Lincoln’s opponents in the

1860 presidential election.</n>

<n>4 Thomas A. Hendricks was the Democratic candidate for governor of Indiana in 1860.</n>

<n>5 Henry S. Lane</n>

I also learn that Douglas will visit Indiana early in Sept and spend two weeks on the stump in

that state The month of Oct and last of Sept. he intends to spend on the stump in Illinois I have

this from reliable sources He will drop over into Ky & Mo. a few days and will make 2 or 3

speeches in Iowa, Wis and Mich. From Sept. 10 to Nov 5. he intends to stump the West. He

has been breaking the ice in New England and Virginia so as to familarise the Western public

mind to the undignified procedure when he comes among them.

I still fear that our folks are resting in false security as to Pa. What are your latests advices from

there as to the Oct Election Because that is the trying ordeal.

Hamlin<a>6</a> has written to Colfax that two members of Congress will he fears, be lost in

Maine -- the 1st & 6th Dists. and that Washburn’s<a>7</a> maj. for Gov. will not exceed 6000.

<n>6 Senator Hannibal Hamlin of Maine was Lincoln’s runningmate on the Republican


<n>7 Israel Washburn Jr., the brother of Illinois Congressman Elihu B. Washburne, won the

1860 Maine gubernatorial election by a margin of nearly eighteen thousand votes.</n>

Can that be possible? We are stirring up Northen Illinois, and will give you the

Fremont<a>8</a> Majority in 30 Northern counties. I am making some speeches at night

meetings, in addition to a flood of other duties. Judd<a>9</a> has not yet returned from N Y

<n>8 John C. Fremont was the 1856 Republican candidate for president.</n>

<n>9 Norman B. Judd</n>

Yours Truly

J. Medill


Document: David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, September 1, 1860

Bloomington Ills

Septr 1, 1860

Dear Lincoln

I got a letter from Mr Dudley<a>1</a> of New Jersey yesterday morning, stating they were hard

at work in New Jersey, and would know by 20th Septr how every body would vote in the state--

<n>1 Thomas H. Dudley was chairman of the New Jersey State Republican Committee.</n>

I think the main object of Mr Dudley’s writing was to send me a letter to read which Henry C.

Carey<a>2</a> of Philadelphia had sent to him--

<n>2 Carey was a Philadelphia writer, publisher and perhaps the country’s most prominent

political economist.</n>

You know Phild is just across the river from Camden--

Mr Carey’s letter is a terribly scolding one against Genl Cameron<a>3</a> really bitter &


<n>3 Simon Cameron</n>

He says that Cameron would defeat Curtin<a>4</a> if he could--

<n>4 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

The whole letter was a ranting scolding one-- He wound up by saying that you would carry the

state & that Curtin would be elected--

I called on Mr Carey while in Phild, but found that he had gone on a fishing excursion-

I was told by Judge Kelly,<a>5</a> that Carey & Cameron did not love each other--

<n>5 William D. Kelley</n>

Jealousies are great disturbers of party contests--

Your friend

D Davis

P S -- I was at Decatur Friday. Oglesby<a>6</a> dont think Christian looks as well as he


<n>6 Richard J. Oglesby</n>

He wants Matheny to canvass Christian & Piatt -- and wants Palmer<a>7</a> to canvass

Christian & Shelby--

<n>7 John M. Palmer</n>


Document: Charles Nott to Abraham Lincoln, September 1, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 As a member of New York City’s “Young Men’s Republican Union” Nott had helped

arrange for Lincoln to speak at the Cooper Institute on February 27, 1860. Nott supervised the

publication of Lincoln’s speech in pamphlet form and the following pertains to that


New York.

Sept. 1. 1860.

Dear Sir.

I send you a corrected proof by todays mail & have only time to say -- that there will be 2000.

printed from the types and it will then be stereotyped -- and that you will be able to forward

corrections if necessary between this time & the printing from the stereotype plates--

There may be errors in this which we will correct -- it has just come off the types and I have not

time to read it before closing of mail--<a>2</a>

<n>2 Lincoln “hastily” read over the proofsheets, made a few minor corrections and returned

them to Nott on September 6. See Collected Works, IV, 113.</n>

In haste

Respy &

Charles C Nott.


Document: David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, September 3, 1860


Septr 3, 1860

Dear Lincoln--

Have just recd these 3 letters-- Mr Errets’<a>1</a> letter is doleful and astonishes me-- He &

others insisted that the Campaign Committee could get all the money they wanted-- I

understood that from Sanderson’s<a>2</a> letter that the Committee had raised the money--

<n>1 See Russell Errett to Davis, August 27, 1860.</n>

<n>2 See John P. Sanderson to Davis, August 27, 1860.</n>

Caleb Smith’s<a>3</a> letter about Kentuckians pipe laying, I heard of through Hanna.

<n>3 See Caleb B. Smith to Davis, August 30, 1860.</n>

Would it not be a good thing to get Thompson<a>4</a> to come out openly in a speech for

Lane--<a>5</a> I would go to Terre Haute & see him if you thought it best-- The National

Committee ought to throw their whole force on Pennsylvania & Indiana--

<n>4 Richard W. Thompson</n>

<n>5 Henry S. Lane</n>

Do you believe it wd do any good for Henry Winter Davis to go to Pennsylvania & make a


I dont know whether he would or not but I think he would without hesitation, if the judgment of

his friends was that way--

Observe Mr Williams<a>6</a> suggestion--

<n>6 See Jesse L. Williams to Davis, August 31, 1860.</n>

Have written to Mr Weed<a>7</a> about Penn & Indiana--

<n>7 Thurlow Weed</n>

I go this afternoon to Delavan-- Will be back tomorrow night--

Write me tomorrow--

My services can be commanded this week & next in any way that you think best--

Your friend

D Davis


Document: John M. Read to Abraham Lincoln, September 3, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 Read was a Pennsylvania lawyer and Republican politician who had won election to the

state supreme court in 1858.</n>

Philadelphia September 3d 1860

1119 Chestnut Street

Dear Sir

Mr. Brown<a>2</a> arrived on Saturday, and sent round to me, the miniature with the letters of

yourself, Mrs. Lincoln & Mr. Nicolay. It is a magnificent work of art, and must be a faithful

likeness. It corresponds with your bust, of which I have a copy.

<n>2 John Henry Brown was a miniaturist whom Read had commissioned to do a portrait of

Lincoln. Lincoln had written to Read on August 27 that Brown’s likeness of himself was

“excellent” and “without fault” (Collected Works, IV, 102).</n>

To day, Mr. Sartain, and Mr. Brown have been with me, and I may say the engraving is

commenced, and is promised to be finished in two weeks. Mr. Sartain will have the constant

benefit of Mr. Brown’s advice, and no pains will be spared, to make the engraving, worthy of the


Mr. Brown was greatly pleased with his visit to Springfield, and particularly with his reception

by you and Mrs. Lincoln

Please to present my best respects to Mrs. Lincoln,

and believe me

very truly yrs

John. M. Read


Document: Elihu B. Washburne to Abraham Lincoln, September 5, 1860

Washington, D. C.

Sept. 5. 1860.

My Dear Sir:

I arrived here this morning and shall have to remain here some time to help get off documents

from the Committee room. There is a great pressure for speeches and the room is sending off an

average of 40.000 per day. I find nobody here now but Mr. King<a>1</a> to attend to the


<n>1 ID: Preston King, a New York lawyer and politician, served in the U.S. House of

Representatives (1843-47, 1849-53) and the U.S. Senate (1857-63). King began his political

career as a Democrat, joined the Free Soil Party and then became one of the leaders of the

Republican Party. From 1860 to 1864, King was chariman of the Republican National

Committee. During the secession crisis, King opposed compromise with the South and was one

of Lincoln’s strongest supporters in the Senate.</n>

Since I left home I have taken great pains to post myself in regard to the “prospects.” You may

know that I am not so sanguine as many of our friends, and I believe in the old saying that “there

is no telling who will be governor till after election.” I must confess I have felt some anxiety

about N. Y. since these fusions have been going on, but from the best information I can get from

reliable sources I feel confident there is no danger in that quarter. I talked with Mr. Benjn

Welsh, Jr at the National Committee room in N. Y. yesterday, and he is a very cool and

sagacious man. He read me a copy of his letter to you. Though they may make a complete

fusion there, all our friends say it is impossible for it to be carried out so as to beat us. Welsh

begs me to dismiss all anxiety in regard to N. Y.

Then as to Pennsylvania. I stopped over in Philadelphia a few hours last night to see

Forney<a>2</a> and I spent an hour with him. I consider his judgment in regard to that State

better than that of any other man. He told me to say to you that there was no earthly question of

your receiving the vote of Penn. The great fear has been that Foster<a>3</a> might be elected

Governor, as all the factions, Bell Everett<a>4</a> and all, proposed to vote for him. Though

his election would not lose us the State in November, yet the prestige of his success would be

bad against us in other States. He has lately been playing double, and the Douglasites<a>5</a>

are preparing to cut him. The enclosed from Forney’s Press of yesterday is significant. Forney

told me last night he now considered Curtin<a>6</a> about as sure of the State as yourself.

<n>2 John W. Forney</n>

<n>3 Henry D. Foster was the Democratic candidate for governor of Pennsylvania.</n>

<n>4 The newly formed Constitutional Union Party had nominated Senator John Bell of

Tennessee for president and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for vice president.</n>

<n>5 “Douglasite” was a term used to describe a supporter of Stephen A. Douglas’s candidacy

for the presidency. The Democratic Party had split into two factions in 1860, with one faction

in favor of Douglas and the other for Vice President John C. Breckinridge.</n>

<n>6 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

Our friends have no anxiety about N. Jersey. The feud between the Douglas & Breckenridge

men is irreconcileable, and that gives the State to us. Maine votes next Monday, and my

brother<a>7</a> will be elected by 10.000 majority -- some put it much higher. We shall also

carry all the Congressmen.

<n>7 Israel Washburn Jr., Elihu B. Washburne’s brother, won the 1860 Maine gubernatorial

election by a margin of nearly eighteen thousand votes.</n>

Therefore, on the whole, I think things look very favorable indeed. I do not see how we can be

beaten. I will write again when I have anything of interest to communicate. I promised Mrs.

Lincoln she should see any letter I might write to you on the “prospects.” Please present her my

regards. Yours Truly. E B Washburne


Document: Thurlow Weed to David Davis, September 7, 1860

Albany, Sept 7.

Dear Sir,

Your letter awaited my return from a Northern Excursion of five days, from which I got

confirmation of my opinion as to the strength of our cause in this State.

I showed your letter to the Governor, who goes with me to New York, where I shall urge

bending all our strength upon Pa and Indiana.

Messrs Fogg<a>1</a> and Goodrich<a>2</a> take charge of things in Pa. or I would attend to

them personally. As it is I must be careful not to awaken jealousies. But nothing that I can do

shall be neglected.

<n>1 George G. Fogg</n>

<n>2 John Z. Goodrich</n>

I will endeavor to send stump speakers (German) to Indiana. Gen. Wilson<a>3</a> goes there


<n>3 Henry Wilson</n>

Shurz<a>4</a> insists on coming next week to New York. We shall urge him to return to

Indiana. I shall be disappointed if all the fusion efforts between Douglass and

Breckenridge<a>5</a> does not end in confusion.

<n>4 Carl Schurz</n>

<n>5 The Democratic Party had split in 1860, with one faction in favor of Stephen A. Douglas’s

candidacy for president and the other for Vice President John C. Breckinridge.</n>

Truly Yours,

In haste,

T. Weed


Document: Hannibal Hamlin to Abraham Lincoln, September 8, 1860

Hampden Sept 8, 1860

My Dear Sir

I am just in the receipt of your favor of the 4th inst.<a>1</a> and will give an immediate answer,

that it may go by return mail, to-morrow.

<n>1 Lincoln had received a report that Hamlin had allegedly written a letter to Schuyler Colfax

in which he painted a rather grim outlook for Republican candidates in the Maine congressional

and gubernatorial elections that were scheduled for September 10. Lincoln wrote to Hamlin on

September 4 that poor results in Maine would “put us on the down-hill track, lose us the State

elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on the main turn in November.”

Lincoln urged Hamlin not to allow such a disastrous result to occur. See Collected Works, IV,


I regret that you or any of your friends should have been annoyed at anything which it is

supposed I have written. I have neither said or written any thing, which I should not, I am sure,

nor any thing which could possibly annoy any one-- I have not written to Colfax at all, nor to

any one any thing like the extract in your letter. Mr Harlan of Ind. was here some three weeks

since for aid. He came to see me-- I told him frankly that it could not then be had for two


First the moral effect of our election would be such that we must use all our present means at


Second That while we could carry the state by 12, to 15000. that we were so distracted that we

were could do that, and lose one or two members of Congress. That was the truth-- I have

never regarded the 1st Dist as at all doutful-- the 3d & 6th I have, tho I said to Harlan that with

the use of all our means, we would carry them all-- At the last election we carried the 3d by less

than fifty and the 6th by less than one hundred maj.--

Such is substantially what I said to him, and I wrote the same to Trumbull, Doolittle or

Grimes<a>2</a> -- I forget which-- I have in no case stated our maj of less than 12000. It will

be fifteen I now think and I will be disappointed if it is not that, and twenty will not surprise me

at all. The Tel. will give you the result before this reaches you.

<n>2 Senators Lyman Trumbull, James R. Doolittle and James W. Grimes</n>

While I have been silent, I have never been so busy thro’ the Press and by personal effort

endeavoring to strengthen the weak points all along the line -- and I feel a confidence in the

result of Monday which I will not express-- New England will not disappoint our


<n>3 For the results from the Maine elections, see Hamlin to Lincoln, September 11, 1860 and

Elihu B. Washburne to Lincoln, September 11, 1860.</n>

Yours Truly

H. Hamlin


Document: James O. Putnam to Abraham Lincoln, September 8, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: James O. Putnam, a lawyer and politician from Buffalo, New York, played an

important role in the 1860 campaign by persuading many New York Know Nothings to vote

Republican. Putnam’s efforts were rewarded with a lucrative consular appointment to Havre,


Dr Sir

This Rochester meeting was called by 500 straight out Americans

I told Greeley<a>2</a> I would not make the canvass of this State, and lower one inch the

constitutional flag, as it was unfurled by you in the debate with Douglass<a>3</a>

<n>2 Horace Greeley was the influential editor of the New York Tribune.</n>

<n>3 A reference to Lincoln’s 1858 debates with Stephen A. Douglas.</n>

He said I was right and to go ahead My speech will indicate to you the political tone and temper

of 75,000 Americans of NY who will vote for you

I wish to say to you that the Lincoln Americans of New York are Lincoln Americans because of

your bold, noble unflinching adherence to the great Compromises of the Constitution

We Know you are right, and we will stand by you.<a>4</a>

<n>4 Lincoln wrote to Putnam on September 13 and thanked him for the copy of his Rochester

speech. See Collected Works, IV, 115.</n>

With the highest respect

James O. Putnam

P. S. That mistake in my Lockport speech as to John Adams, was a great blunder-- After

recieving your letter,<a>5</a> a pamphlet edition of the speech was published & the error


<n>5 This is a reference to Lincoln’s July 29 letter to Putnam in which he acknowledged the

receipt of a copy of a speech Putnam had made at Lockport. In his note of acknowledgment,

Lincoln pointed out an error Putnam had made concerning the election of 1800. See Collected

Works, IV, 89.</n>

The battle begins to grow hot in New York

Fredonia NY

Sept 8/60


Document: Amos Tuck to Abraham Lincoln, September 8, 1860

Exeter N. H. Sept. 8/60

Dear Sir:

I fear you may, by this time, consider all letters a burden, yet it is possible that short ones from

some persons may be exceptions-- especially if you be relieved from the necessity of answering.

I only propose saying, that the Canvass in N. England goes on privately among the people, in a

quiet, strong reliable manner, much as would be conjectured from the papers, and that if there

were less deep earnestness, there might be more outside show. In N. Hamps., we experience the

inconvenience of having no enemy in the field, with spirit enough to provoke our utmost activity.

The Democrats do not, as heretofore, cavil either at our platform or our candidates, but as to

both, seem to be hors de combat--

We had a great mass meeting in this Town, a few days ago, which it was said, 6 to 8000 people

attended -- Senators Chase & Wilson, Gov. Goodwin of this State, Mr. Fogg,<a>1</a> the Sect.

of the Repub. National Committee, were present, as well as two members of Congress from N.

York, and others. The persons above named, were at my house to dinner and it gives me

pleasure to say, they all expressed confidence in your election, and confidence in your success

after election. I said to Gov. Chase, “what do you think Mr. Lincoln will do if your Senate

refuse to confirm his nominations?” Chase replied; “I can’t tell what Mr. Lincoln will do, but I

know what I would do: I would send back the same nominations, indefinitely, taking the

responsibility like Gen. Jackson, and appealing to the Country for support. But they, the

Southern Senators, will not commence any such work: they know the Republicans too well, to

expect to gain by such a course--” It gratified me, that Gov. Chase, who was a Candidate at

Chicago, had been a near friend of mine for many years, and hoped for the vote of N. H., his

native State, recognised the propriety of our course at the Convention, and expressed such hearty

earnestness in the support of the Candidate of the Country-- I am not certain that there is not

some feeling among rival candidates, who were unsuccessful, but I believe there is none at all, of

an unkind character, towards him who succeeded-- This is well, and better than heretofore--

<n>1 Salmon P. Chase, Henry Wilson, Ichabod Goodwin and George G. Fogg</n>

Yours with esteem, and regards to Mrs. L--

Amos Tuck.


Document: Elbridge G. Spaulding to Abraham Lincoln, September 9, 1860

Buffalo, Sept. 9, 1860

My Dear Sir,

Your last letter<a>1</a> was received sometime since and I intended to have written you an

earlier answer.

<n>1 See Collected Works, Supplement I, 54.</n>

Upon the invitation of Gov Seward<a>2</a> I met him at the Falls last Saturday, and remained

over till Monday morning. Our party consisted of Gov. Seward & Daughter, Gen.

Nye<a>3</a> and Daughter, Mr Weed<a>4</a> & Daughter, Gov. King<a>5</a> & wife and

myself, wife & daughter. We had a very pleasant visit and compared notes as to the prospect in

this state. We believe that no combination can be made that will prevent your carrying this state

by over 40,000 majority.

<n>2 William H. Seward</n>

<n>3 James W. Nye was one of William Seward’s political lieutenants and a gifted stump

speaker. In 1861, Lincoln appointed Nye the governor of Nevada Territory.</n>

<n>4 Thurlow Weed</n>

<n>5 John A. King served as governor of New York from 1857 to 1859.</n>

Buffalo has been the head quarters of Fillmore<a>6</a> americanism, but by the conciliatory

course I have taken here, we have the old Commercial Advertiser with us, and about 2/3 of the

best part of American party. Mr Fillmore and Mr Haven<a>7</a> still stand off, but if we get

their troops it is not so important as to the leaders.

<n>6 Millard Fillmore had been the presidential candidate of the American or “Know Nothing”

Party in 1856. Though the American Party was largely defunct by 1860, Fillmore still had

considerable influence upon the Know Nothing element.</n>

<n>7 Solomon G. Haven was a former mayor of Buffalo who had served as a Whig in the U. S.

House of Representatives (1851-57).</n>

I was renominated by acclimation on the 5th inst. and send you a paper containing my remarks

on accepting the nomination. You will notice what I say of the republican administration in

case of success.

I suppose Mr Haven will be my opponent, who is to be supported by the Douglass<a>8</a>

democracy and the Union league and the remnant of the american party. We shall have a

spirited canvass, but I hope for success.<a>9</a>

<n>8 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

<n>9 Spaulding defeated Haven in the election.</n>

With my best wishes and best efforts for your success I remain

Yours Truly

E G. Spaulding


Document: David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, September 10, 1860

Bloomington. Ills

Septr 10, 1860

Dear Lincoln --

Genl Cameron<a>1</a> enclosed me the “notes”<a>2</a> in a blank envelope this morning-- I

dont know why he did not write-- Having written you that he wanted to retain them he may be

suspicious-- At the close of my letter to him I stated to him that if he had examined them

sufficiently to return them to me, as he had they might be needed elsewhere--

<n>1 Simon Cameron</n>

<n>2 This is a reference to Lincoln’s “scraps” or writings on the tariff issue that he had given to

Davis to carry on his trip to Pennsylvania. It was hoped that these would convince Cameron

and others in Pennsylvania that Lincoln was sound on protection. See Lincoln, Fragments on

Protection, [August 1846-December 1847] and Collected Works, IV, 90-91.</n>

I got a letter this morning from Dudley--<a>3</a> He feels confident of Pennsylvania-- I will

bring it with me-- I will go down to Springfield tomorrow night in the passenger train -- & will

be there two or three hours before train for Jacksonville-- I would like to see you at State House

or at Chenery House. 7. oclk. Wednesday-- I will bring “notes” with me-- You can send n

You can send the notes back or not as you Supp think best-- You may may not write to Genl

Camer-- I would not write until you see me--

<n>3 Thomas H. Dudley was chairman of the New Jersey State Republican Committee.</n>

Your friend

D Davis


Document: George G. Fogg to Abraham Lincoln, September 11, 1860

39 Astor House

New York, Sept 11 1860.

Dear Sir--

Absence from my post, on a trip to N. H. & Maine will be my apology for not sooner replying to

yours of the 29th ult.<a>1</a> I am gratified that my decision in relation to the Herald meets

your approbation. There is, I think, no point in which the Republican party have more

manifestly the advantage of all shades of their opponents, than in the personal bearing of their

candidates. While the other candidates are scouring the country and dinning the ears of the

people with their discussions of the difference “betwixt tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee,” the

“sober second thought of the people” is being brought quietly, but surely, to accept our principles

and our men as the only panacea for the dangers which threaten the peace and liberties of the


<n>1 See Collected Works, IV, 102.</n>

Maine has spoken gloriously.<a>2</a> Our advices lead us to expect an equally cheering voice

from Pennsylvania in October -- a voice which shall proclaim the Presidential battle ended, and a

long-suffering land saved from the spoilers.

<n>2 In elections held on September 10, Republicans in Maine won the governorship and all six

of the state’s seats in the U. S. House of Representatives.</n>

Here in New York, as I wrote you before, there is no danger -- scarcely a possibility -- of our

friends being defeated. At present, the fusion scheme which came so near being consummated,

appears to have entirely aborted. Should this prove to be so, our best informed politicians

predict, confidently, a Republican majority of 90,000.

Very truly Your friend

George G. Fogg --


Document: Hannibal Hamlin to Abraham Lincoln, September 11, 1860

Hampden Sept 11, 1860

My Dear Sir

Altho I wrote you on the 8th,<a>1</a> I cannot resist the temptation of adding a few

congratulatory words this morning upon our election of yesterday-- True you will get the result

over the wires long before this reaches you, and more fully than I can now give them, yet I desire

to say that we have done all our friends could ask or expect. We think Maine has come nobly

up to the crisis and vindicated the right in a gallant manner-- It cannot fail to have a powerful

moral effect every where. It will surly aid us much in Ill. Ind. N. J. and N. Y. I trust it is the

presage of our success, and the triumph of truth and justice.

<n>1 Hamlin’s letter of September 8 is in this collection.</n>

Washburn<a>2</a> will have some 20.000 over Smart and some 17 or 18000 over all-- We have

carried all our Congressmen and swept the State like a prairie on fire--

<n>2 Israel Washburn Jr., a brother of Illinois Congressman Elihu B. Washburne, defeated E. K.

Smart in the 1860 Maine gubernatorial election by a margin of nearly eighteen thousand


We think that will do, and we will wait with confidence for the response of the West--

Yours Truly

H Hamlin


Document: Elihu B. Washburne to Abraham Lincoln, September 11, 1860

Washington, D. C.

Sept. 11. 1860.

My Dear Sir:

Your letter of the 4th<a>1</a> about the Maine election only came to me here, by Galena, on the

very day of the election.

<n>1 Though Lincoln’s September 4 letter to Washburne has not been located, a letter to

Hannibal Hamlin, written on the same date, reveals his thoughts about the Maine elections. See

Collected Works, IV, 110.</n>

I despatched you the result in Portland (which Fessenden<a>2</a> sent) about six o’clock

Monday evening.<a>3</a>

<n>2 ID: William P. Fessenden was a politician from Maine who served as a Whig in the U. S.

House of Representatives (1841-43) before he joined the Republican Party in the 1850s.

Fessenden represented Maine in the U.S. Senate from 1853 until 1864, when he accepted the

position of Secretary of the Treasury following the resignation of Salmon Chase. Fessenden

served in this capacity until 1865, when he resigned his cabinet post to resume his duties as


<n>3 The dispatch sent by Washburne is not in this collection. In elections held on September

10, Republicans in Maine won the governorship and all six of the state’s seats in the U. S. House

of Representatives.</n>

That satisfied me all was right there. The result greatly disappoints the Douglasites here, and

really rejoices the Breckenridgers.<a>4</a> It looks more and more every day as if the thing

was certain.

<n>4 The Democratic Party had split in 1860, with the “Douglasites” supporting the presidential

candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas and the “Breckinridgers” favoring Vice President John C.


Mr. King<a>5</a> is in N. Y. to-day to meet with some members of our National Committee.

<n>5 Preston King</n>

We sent 70.000 speeches from our rooms yesterday.


In haste,

Yours & c.

E B Washburne


Document: E. C. Blankinship to Abraham Lincoln, September 11, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Eli C. Blankinship had been a New Salem merchant who long held a note for which

Lincoln was liable.</n>

Upper Alton 12th Sept 1860

Dear Sir.

in over looking my old claims I find due me in judgment an note asigned me by Lincoln & Berry

on Trent 15th march 1836 $148.22 and last paid by me $14.12 nothing could at any time be

made out of the Trents Martin died some years before I left Springfield insolvent as his Farther

told me since I left Springfield the last ten or twelve years my buisness has been mostly in the

hands of agents and my old claims of whitch I have large amt have not had much attention. I

hope you will find it conveniant to let me have this amt and interest by return mail shoud you

not have the amt at hand you can no doubt make arrangements with Bunn or Ridgley to draw on

an Alton Bank or St Louis for the amt at sixty or ninty days ading the Interest at 10 pr cent as I

should have to pay that amt to raise the money. I should prefer a bill at sight if you find it

conveniant I send statement below of the amt you can refer however to the judgment.<a>2</a>

my best respects to yourself and Mrs Lincoln.

<n>2 Though Lincoln’s reply has not been located, he apparently wrote Blankinship that the note

had already been paid. See Blankinship to Lincoln, October 1, 1860.</n>


E. C. Blankinship


Document: Alexander K. McClure to Abraham Lincoln, September 12, 1860

Philadelphia, Septr 12th 1860

Dear Sir

Your favor of the 6th,<a>1</a> covering letter from a friend in New York, is at hand. It is well

understood here in intelligent circles that the policy of the Democrats has been changed, as your

correspondent indicates. Indeed Gov Walker,<a>2</a> who is with me at the Girard House,

does not conceal the purpose of the party to exhaust themselves on our October election as the

last hope of defeating your election. He announced the change of policy to me in several

conversations since his return from New York.

<n>1 See Collected Works, IV, 112-13.</n>

<n>2 Robert J. Walker was a former Democratic member of the U. S. Senate (1835-45) and

Secretary of the Treausry (1845-49) whom President Buchanan appointed governor of the

Kansas Territory in 1857. Walker broke with the Buchanan Administration over the Lecompton

Constitution and resigned from office in December 1857.</n>

Our friends have been thrown into a little of a panic in this city within a week by the bold

attempt to transfer the Bell<a>3</a> vote to Foster.<a>4</a> Ind Bell papers in the State one in

York, and one in Blair,-- which had Curtins<a>5</a> name up, took it down: and altogether

things looked for a few days quite unpromising here. Democrats started out claiming 5000. to

8000 here for Foster; but a few days restored the confidence in our friends; and we shall go on

confident as before, though with a better appreciation of the necessity of action.

<n>3 Senator John Bell of Tennessee was the presidential candidate of the Constitutional Union

Party. Bell’s support came primarily from Old Whigs and former members of the Know

Nothing movement.</n>

<n>4 Henry D. Foster was the Democratic candidate for governor of Pennsylvania.</n>

<n>5 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

We shall have to war against the combined factions of the Democracy, and a flood of money; but

outside of this city the State is sound to the core, and needs but to know that there is danger to

avert it. I begged our leading friends in the outset to guard against the death-struggle of the

Democrats for October; but nearly all thought my fears idle. The National Committee, two

months ago, when I told them that they did not appreciate the position of Penna, laughed at me.

The Bell vote was then appearing to be with us for Governor, and its sympathies were heartily

with us. A little tender care & substantial arguments would then have made the October contest

a mere matter of form.

But that folly is now of the past; and the future is still with us; but it will exhaust our energies.

We know, however, what must be done, & we shall do it. New York should aid us, for we must

meet the Democracy with their own arguments. Maine has given us a glorious lift & Penna will

be earned for us in October, come what may.

The Douglas<a>6</a> men issue a straight electoral ticket this morning. I enclose it. I also

send you a reliable table of Penn. elections

<n>6 Stephen A. Douglas</n>


A K McClure

I give you an estimate of majorities for Governor which is below the calculations of our most

careful friends in the different counties.


Document: George G. Fogg to Abraham Lincoln, September 14, 1860

39 Astor House

New York, Sept 14 1860.

Dear Sir--

Mr McClure,<a>1</a> Chairman State Committee in Pennsylvania, has sent us your letter to

him,<a>2</a> enclosing an anonymous letter from this city, relating to a mission of Senator

Bigler<a>3</a> to New York, and a meeting which “Gov. Walker”<a>4</a> attended to devise

measures and raise money “to defeat Mr. Lincoln”.

<n>1 Alexander K. McClure</n>

<n>2 For Lincoln’s September 6 letter to McClure, see Collected Works, IV, 112-13.</n>

<n>3 William Bigler was a former governor of Pennsylvania who served as a Democrat in the U.

S. Senate from 1856 to 1861.</n>

<n>4 Robert J. Walker was a former Democratic member of the U. S. Senate (1835-45) and

Secretary of the Treausry (1845-49) whom President Buchanan appointed governor of the

Kansas Territory in 1857. Walker broke with the Buchanan Administration over the Lecompton

Constitution and resigned from office in December 1857.</n>

In relation to that movement and the meeting held, I think we are posted. It is true that a

meeting was held, and an effort made to raise a large sum of money for Pennsylvania. But it is

likewise true that the “substantial men” who attended were not satisfied with the evidence

offered of the practicability of carrying the State, and that the attempt to raise the money required

proved a failure. The money was not raised, and we are assured that it will not be.

The almost uniform tenor of our Pennsylvania correspondence is to the effect that we cannot be

defeated in the October election -- though all concur in saying that our national ticket is much

stronger with the people than the State ticket. I shall go to Philadelphia tomorrow, and shall

visit various points, spending three for four days in the State. I will write you from there.

Very truly Yours --

Geo. G. Fogg --


Document: Elihu B. Washburne to Abraham Lincoln, September 14 1860

Washington, D. C.

Sept. 14. 1860

My Dear Sir:

Mr. King<a>1</a> returned from N. Y. yesterday whither he had been to meet some members of

the National Committee. He reports everything first rate -- our friends entirely confident and

the other side giving up substantially. The fusion has “give up.”<a>2</a> N. Y. Pa. and N.

Jersey I now think can be relied upon as safe. It seems to me our State must also be safe. To

me the out-side look of Indiana is not first rate. I have, however, confidential advices from the

most reliable sources, that the Breckenridgers intend quietly to stab Hendricks<a>3</a> and the

whole loco foco Douglas concern. This, however, is not to be talked of.

<n>1 Preston King</n>

<n>2 Lincoln faced three opponents in the 1860 presidential election: Senator Stephen A.

Douglas, Vice President John C. Breckinridge and Senator John Bell. Such a divided opposition

had little chance to defeat the Republicans in several of the Northern elections unless the leaders

of the various factions could agree upon compromise or “fusion” candidates.</n>

<n>3 Thomas A. Hendricks was the Democratic candidate for governor of Indiana.</n>

The Maine election<a>4</a> has greatly disappointed the office holders here, and many of them

now give up the ghost. A great many say they “always did like Lincoln,” and it was only

Seward<a>5</a> they were fighting against. By the way, Seward is doing us no good by his

peregrinations and speeches.

<n>4 In elections held on September 10, Republicans in Maine won the governorship and all six

of the state’s seats in the U. S. House of Representatives.</n>

<n>5 William H. Seward</n>

I am,

Yours Truly, E. B. Washburne


Document: G. Yoke Tams to Abraham Lincoln, September 15, 1860

Manayunk Sept 15th 1860

Dear Sir

I take the liberty of asking you one plain question-- Are you in favour of a Tarriff & Protection

to American Industry. As I am from one of the largest Manufactoring towns of its size in the

United States & would like to make use of the answer for our cause. By so doing you will

oblige not only myself but a large number of Voters from this district who at present are on the

fence so far as Candidates go<a>1</a>

<n>1 A copy of Lincoln’s September 22 reply to Tams is in this collection.</n>

Yours Respectfully

G. Yoke Tams


Document: Anson G. Henry to Abraham Lincoln, September 16, 1860

Lafayette Sept 16th 1860

My Dear Lincoln

I have just returned from Salem (the seat of Government) where the Legislature is now in

session. It met on Monday last. The House met in the morning at 10 ocl. organized temporary

& adjourned till 2 ocl.-- The Senate done the same thing-- At 2 ocl. the House met & elected a

Douglass<a>1</a> Democrat, (a reliable friend of Baker’s)<a>2</a> Speaker, a Republican for

Clerk & Sergeant at arms, a Douglass Democrat for Door Keeper & Enrolling Clerk-- All this

was done in 30 minutes. The Senate, or rather the Lane<a>3</a> Democrats took the Alarm, &

by a trick played off on the Douglass men, got an adjournment untill Tuesday morning. That

evening the 6 Lane Senators left for Home, for the purpose of breaking a quorum, (the Senate

being composed of 16 members,) declaring that they would not return unless the Douglass

Democrats would give them one of the Senators. Up to Saturday morning, this had been

refused, and I think will continue to be. The Legislature is composed of 50 members, 34 in the

House & 16 in the Senate.

<n>1 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

<n>2 Edward D. Baker</n>

<n>3 Joseph Lane</n>

We had a good deal of trouble in uniting the 13 Republicans on Baker, for the reason that

Logan<a>4</a> permitted his name to be used against Baker, and done all in his power to defeat

Baker him & failing in this, used his influence to prevent the Election of Senators. This course

surprised Evry body acquainted with the circumstances. Logan had joined with me & others in

urging Baker to come here, with the express understanding that if we beat Lane &

Smith,<a>5</a> he was to be the Republican Senator--

<n>4 David Logan, the son of Lincoln’s former law partner Stephen T. Logan, had moved to

Oregon and was active in Republican politics there.</n>

<n>5 Delazon Smith had become a Democratic member of the U. S. Senate shortly after Oregon

was admitted as a state in 1859. Smith served less than one month and was an unsuccessful

candidate for reelection.</n>

But for the delay, caused by this most extraordinary course of Logan, I think the Senate would

have organized on Monday, & Senators, (Baker & Nesmith)<a>6</a> would have been Elected

that Evening. On Thursday evening Logan withdrew his name from the Republican caucus, and

transferred his two votes to Holbrook<a>7</a> a member of the House from the Republican

County of Clackamus, with the expectation that his two colleagues would go for him against

Baker, and the two from Washington, one from Columbia, & one from Yamhill, would nominate

Holbrook-- I know they were counting our man, and one from Washington & one from

Clackamus, that would vote for Baker. They allowed them to hope for their votes & even

consider them sure, in order to get them to bring on a vote in caucus, after voting unanimously to

unite on the man getting the Majority-- The result was 8 voted for Baker on the first Ballot, 3

for Holbrook & 2 scattering & 9 on the next Ballot-- All are now for Baker & from this on he

will be the acknowledged leader-- He is the only man in the world that could have done this,

not having been in the State over 90 days all told, and his continuing a resident understood to

depend on his Election to the Senate, although I know he means to hold on if no Senators are

Elected, a contingency that must happen if he or his friend is not one of them-- The contingency

that I suggested might happen, I do not now anticipate for all the strength that can be

concentrated on any Republican, can be united on Baker, the three Douglass Democrats that

were pledged against Baker, having as is now understood yielded to the pressure of their

colleagues, & their constituents, who are extremely anxious to Elect their friend “Nez” & who

stands no chance if he breaks with the Republicans who are now united on Baker--

<n>6 James W. Nesmith won election to the U. S. Senate and served from 1861 to 1867.</n>

<n>7 Amory Holbrook</n>

On Wednesday the Senate organized without a quorum, & the next day sent their Sergeant at

Arms after the Runaways, with power to call to his aid the military if necessary. He is the right

kind of a man, & will bring them back, dead or alive if he can find them, and I think one of the

six is willing to be forced back.

If a quorum cant be had, the House will invite the majority of the Senate to visit them & Elect

Senators -- nine of the Senate & a majority of the House voting for them, making a stronger case

than that of Bright & Fitch of Ind.<a>8</a>

<n>8 This is a reference to the proceedings in the Indiana state legislature that resulted in the

elections of Democrats Jesse D. Bright and Graham N. Fitch to the U. S. Senate. Republicans

questioned the legality of these elections and when they gained control of the legislature in 1859

new elections were held that resulted in the election of two new senators. The Senate Judiciary

Committee examined the matter and reported that Bright and Fitch had been legally elected. On

February 14, 1859 the Senate agreed to the report from the Judiciary Committee.</n>

Baker is very confident he will be Elected some how, if not strictly legal, I hope & so does he,

that a quorum will be had & thus remove all doubt-- If they get no quorum in the Senate,

nothing will be found on the journals of the Senate or the joint convention showing it, for there

will be no one in the Senate to move a call of the House. We having the officers of both houses,

can control every thing-- Nothing has or will be done by Baker & his friends, that would invite

dishonor if known to the world. His great power over men consists in his bold, frank, generous

bearing in public & private. In all my intimate acquaintance with him for 30 years past I have

never known him to encourage or countenance a dishonorable act-- It is the crowning glory of

my old age, that I can say this of my two oldest & best friends, Abraham Lincoln & Edward D.

Baker, and it is glory enough for one life time.

It being known that I hold this relation to you and Baker, & that I was a practical Surveyor, it

was used by Logan against Baker, by charging publicly that I was to have the Surveyor Genl.

office (the best in the State) and if it had not been counteracted by a public denial on my part of

any such arrangement, & by private pledges to Leading Republicans (that I knew were

Expectants of office & who would be governed more by self than the Partys welfare) that I

would not accept of any office in the State if tendered me, it might have worked irreparable

mischief-- So you may be sure that I will not add to your burthens by importunities for office--

I am in a fair way to live without aid from Government, and it is far more honorable to refuse

office than to accept under the existing state of things.

You may get the result of the Election by Pony Express before this letter reaches you, for I have

made arrangements with Mr Harwill of the “Alta California” to keep you posted. We send him

news from here in four days by stage & telegraph-- Mr Harwill left Salem for home on Friday

last, having spent a few days as the guest of Col. Baker-- The factious course of the Lane men

will help Douglass, & thus indirectly, if not directly, help you I think you may safely count on

Oregon, and our friends are beginning to count on California, and not without reason-- Dont

fail to write me on receipt of this & let me know how Illinois will go-- The Douglass men are

betting on its going for Douglass-- This cant be I think-- You will be likely to know by the

time you get this-- The certainty of your carrying Illinois & consequently being Elected, will

make a thousand votes for you in Oregon-- Your answer will may not be likely to reach here

before the Election, but we shall be in terrible suspense-- Yours Truly as Ever A. G. Henry


Document: Samuel T. Glover to Abraham Lincoln, September 17, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Samuel T. Glover was a St. Louis attorney and the law partner of one of Mrs. Lincoln’s

cousins. Glover supported Edward Bates for the 1860 Republican presidential nomination.

When the Civil War started, Glover was appointed to the St. Louis “Committee of Safety” and

played an important role in keeping Missouri in the Union.</n>

St Louis Sept 17/60

Dear Sir

I acknowledge the honor of yr Favor 11th inst.<a>2</a> The enclosure was shown to Mr

Bates<a>3</a> & is now herewith returnd. He says he will be guilty of murder in the first

degree if he kills any man now because his blood is cool whereas some days ago he was not so


<n>2 Lincoln’s letter to Glover has not been located.</n>

<n>3 Edward Bates</n>

I agree that things look much better. And if we have no mishaps in October I shall be firm as

iron. A word on Missouri. The constitutional union party is gradually distributing its elements

to the Republicans and democrats. The bond of their union is fear. As they severally overcome

this influence they pass away from their organization So many as do not come to us will

coalesce with the slave democracy. We are making some recruits from Douglas<a>4</a> men.

I am really surprised at our success. Men frequently say to me “If I could know that the

republicans mean to do no more than their platform would indicate I shd vote for Mr Lincoln, but

I must wait & see how the party will use their power if they get it” The Buchanan democrats

are violent, appeal to the worst passions of the multitude, would go further if they dared and I

would not be surprised if they dared to go further The proceedings at Hannibal are greatly

exagerated in the papers Still they were bad enough

<n>4 Stephen A. Douglas</n>

With very great regard I am sir yr obdt srvt

Saml T Glover


Document: George G. Fogg to Abraham Lincoln, September 18, 1860

Philadelphia, Sept 18 1860.

Having been here a day among the Committees and politicians, I take a moment to say to you

that, while the Republican politicians are less cordial toward each other than could be desired, I

am strongly impressed with the belief that the State is safe. Curtin<a>1</a> and the whole

Republican State ticket will be triumphantly elected in October -- perhaps by 20,000, and may be

by a majority much larger.

<n>1 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

In haste,

Yours truly

Geo. G. Fogg--


Document: Isaac Hazlehurst to Abraham Lincoln, September 19, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 Hazlehurst had been the American or “Know Nothing” candidate for governor of

Pennsylvania in 1857.</n>

Phil: Sep: 19. 1860

Dear Sir

Since my letter of yesterday<a>2</a> I have had carefully prepared by a prominent member of

our Committee a detailed estimate of the probable results of our October election. I now

enclose it to you. It has been prepared with great care and can be relied on. As it is important

that I should know that this paper reaches its destination I will be obliged to you if you will let

one of your friends advise me of the fact.

<n>2 Hazelhurst’s September 18 letter to Lincoln is not in this collection.</n>

I am truly,

Isaac Hazlehurst.


Document: Francis E. Spinner to Abraham Lincoln, September 19, 1860

Mohawk, N. Y. Sept. 19. 1860.

Dear Sir:--

By yesterday’s mail was forwarded a Bag containing the ten first volumes of the Pacific Rail

Road Survey Report, to your address.--

The Supplement to the first volume, has not yet been received, & when it is, it will be sent you.--

This state is sure for the right.-- We fear our foes intend to transfer the War to


<n>1 Lincoln wrote to Spinner on September 24 and thanked him for the books. See Collected

Works, IV, 120.</n>

Very Respectfully Yours

F. E. Spinner


Document: Elihu B. Washburne to Abraham Lincoln, September 19, 1860

Taunton, Mass.

Sept. 19. 1860.

My Dear Sir:

Judge Kilgore<a>1</a> of Indiana having come to Washington, I was able to get away and get

home into the canvass. I am here to try and get some speakers to go into the northern part of our

State next month. Sumner<a>2</a> had promised to go, but has backed out. I am trying to get

Wilson, Burlingame<a>3</a> and Hale.<a>4</a> We must keep the fires burning there, in order

to keep our vote up to /56.

<n>1 ID: David Kilgore was a Republican member of the U. S. House (1857-61) from


<n>2 Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts</n>

<n>3 ID: Anson Burlingame was a Republican member of Congress from Massachusetts

(1855-61) who actively campaigned for the Republicans in 1860. In 1861, Lincoln appointed

Burlingame minister to Austria, but Burlingame was unacceptable to the Austrians due to the

sympathy he had expressed for Kossuth and Hungarian independence. Lincoln then sent

Burlingame to China, where he served with distinction.</n>

<n>4 John P. Hale</n>

I was in N. Y. on Monday and saw some of our leading friends there. Weed<a>5</a> told me

to say to you he thought we might now “begin to laugh.” Battles seem really to be getting into

that shape as to render defeat impossible.

<n>5 Thurlow Weed</n>

Mr. Fogg<a>6</a> of N. H. and of the National Committee, will probably be in Springfield

about the time this reaches you. He is one of our most reliable men and best politicians. You

can talk with him freely. His views correspond with mine on many important matters of policy.

<n>6 George G. Fogg</n>

I shall start for home as soon as I make some arrangments for Speaker.

I am,

Yours Truly

E B Washburne


Document: Julius White to Abraham Lincoln, September 20, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 ID: Julius White was a Chicago businessman who campaigned for the Republicans in 1860

and rose to the rank of brigadier general during the Civil War.</n>

Wigwam, Chicago, Sept 20 1860

My Dear Sir

I take the liberty of saying that I hope your views of propriety will permit you to be here to join

the Republicans of Illinois in welcoming Mr Seward<a>2</a> to this State.

<n>2 William H. Seward</n>

There may be some reasons against it which I, in common with others, do not understand or

appreciate, but I am confident there are cogent reasons in favor of your extending the hand of

welcome to Mr Seward within our own borders-- He is an old soldier in the cause -- has an

army of admirers, and the news that our candidate, gave him a cordial greeting on our own soil,

would manifestly produce a feeling of gratification, wherever a friend of Mr Seward is found--

I presume the subject has presented itself to your consideration, and hope you will not deem this

impertinent or obtrusive--

What I express is the sentiment of the Committee of which I am a member.<a>3</a>

<n>3 Lincoln did not travel to Chicago to welcome Seward. Instead, the two met when

Seward’s train made a stop in Springfield.</n>

Very Respectfully

Julius White

Chm. Campn. Com.


Document: Abraham Lincoln to John Chrisman, September 21, 1860<a>1</a>

<n>1 According to the compilers of Collected Works, John Chrisman was a grandson of

Lincoln's great-uncle Jacob Lincoln. Having a common great-grandfather, the two men would

thus be second cousins. John Chrisman may have lived at Waverly, Missouri. See Collected

Works, IV, 117.</n>

Springfield, Ills. Sep. 21 1860

My dear Sir

Yours of the 13th was duly received--<a>2</a> I have no doubt that you and I are related. My

Grand-father’s Christian name was “Abraham”-- He had four brothers -- Isaac, Jacob, John &

Thomas-- They were born in Pennsylvania, and my Grand-father, and some, if not all the

others, in early life removed to Rockingham Co. Virginia. There my father -- named Thomas --

was born-- From there my grand-father removed to Kentucky, and was killed by Indians, about

the year 1784-- His brother Thomas, -- who was my father’s uncle -- also removed to Kentucky

-- to Fayette Co. I think -- where, as I understand he lived, and died--

<n>2 Chrisman’s letter is not in this collection.</n>

I close, by repeating, I have no doubt you and I are related--

Yours very truly

A. Lincoln


Document: Simon Cameron to Abraham Lincoln, September 21, 1860


Sep. 21, 1860

My dr Sir

Since I last wrote you, my visits have extended over a large portion of the State, and among the

leading men of all sections. The result of my inquiries and observation is to convince me that

the election of Curtin<a>1</a> in Oct. will be made by a still more positive majority than I had

expected. I write this to put your mind at rest if you have had any doubts as to Pennsylvania

<n>1 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

Your majority will be much larger than his but he will have enough for all purposes.

All looks right in New Jersey. I still have some fears of Indiana, but you are nearer and know

more about it than I can learn. Only urge our friends to put all their force on that point.-- Let

us have no dark spot in the North, east of the Rocky Mountains.

Very truly yrs

Simon Cameron

Mr. Coleman, the chairman of the Lebanon meeting, was for Filmore<a>2</a> in 1856. Mr

Hazelhurst<a>3</a> ran for elector the same year on the Filmore ticket & in 1857 was the

American candidate for Governor. He is a high toned cultivated gentleman, & respected for his

great purity of character. He will speak in every county which gave him a large vote in ‘57.

He was at my house to day.

<n>2 Millard Fillmore was the presidential candidate of the American or “Know Nothing” Party

in 1856.</n>

<n>3 Isaac Hazelhurst</n>

I bring these gentlemen before you because, not being of the class called politicians, they

indicate the movements of the people in your behalf.


Document: Abraham Lincoln to G. Yoke Tams, September 22, 1860 [Copy]<a>1</a>

<n>1 Lincoln responds here to Tams to Lincoln, September 15, 1860. Tams wrote from

Manayunk, Pennsylvania, “one of the largest manufacturing towns of its size in the United

States,” where tariff protection was a matter of especially keen interest.</n>

Private & confidential

Springfield, Ills-- Sep. 22. 1860

My dear Sir:

Your letter asking me “Are you in favor of a Tariff & Protection to American Industry?” is

received-- The convention which nominated me, by the 12th plank of their platform, selected

their position on this question; and I have declared my approval of the platform, and accepted the

nomination-- Now, if I were to publicly shift the position, by adding or subtracting anything,

the convention would have the right, and probably would be inclined, to displace me as their

candidate-- And I feel confident that you, on reflection, would not wish me to give private

assurances to be seen by some, and kept secret from others--

I enjoin that this shall, by no means be made public--

Yours Respectfully

A. Lincoln


Document: James E. Harvey to Abraham Lincoln, September 22, 1860



North American Office,

Sept 22d 1860.

My dear Sir,

I returned here a fortnight ago, and after a calm survey of the whole ground, and a conference

with a few of our most discreet & sagacious friends, determined to postpone my proposed visit to

the West, & to devote myself to the Canvass, which in some respects had not been conducted

with the best judgment, either through the Committees or the newspapers. This course was also

rendered necessary, by the constant requisitions upon our Mr. McMichael<a>1</a> to address

popular audiences throughout the State, upon which service he is still engaged, & will be, up to

the day of the Gubernatorial election. Besides, parties had assumed such a shape, that I doubted

the practical advantage of a visit to Tennessee.

<n>1 Morton McMichael was editor and proprietor of the Philadelphia North American, a

prominent Republican newspaper.</n>

My information is pretty extensive & complete from all parts of the state, and I am quite

confident, with a good vote out, that we shall elect Curtin<a>2</a> by a very decided majority.

The West & North are as much roused in feeling, as in 1840, and the country parts generally are

sound. It is easy to speculate on majorities, but the data depend upon too many contingencies to

be reliable. I shall not therefore indulge in that common comfort. Any fair majority for

Governor will answer all our purposes, & whether it be high or low, I am persuaded your vote

will exceed the best in October, by very many thousands. So much we know for certainty. Mr

Curtin is a drag upon us in many respects & in many localities, but the higher object induces our

people to conquer their prejudices, and to work with zeal and efficiency. Still, it is not to be

disguised, that until the last fortnight he had been losing ground. A favorable reaction has now

commenced, & we are profiting by the impulse.

<n>2 Andrew G. Curtin</n>

One great element of Safety in this State, is, that the Democratic Vote will not be out. Their

distractions have necessarily prevented concerted effort, & while Mr Foster<a>3</a> will be

ostensibly supported by both wings, neither is in a condition to exhibit its entire strength. We

know of large defections, & also of a willingness on the part of proprietary politicians, to wager

that their customary majorities will be reduced at various points here & elsewhere. Of course,

they feel the certainty of a foreshadowed defeat. We have the prestige of a coming victory

which is worth much.

<n>3 Henry D. Foster was the Democratic candidate for governor of Pennsylvania.</n>

In this city & some of the adjoining counties, our greatest difficulty is to be encountered. We

have a nervous element to deal with, which has to be handled with extreme delicacy & caution.

Our best endeavors are now directed to conciliate it on the Governor, caring little what direction

it may take afterwards, as we can spare that much & more without a particle of hazard. I think

we shall save nearly half of this vote, & if we do, the majority against us in this section will be

small, & by no means dangerous. Sensible men are beginning to reflect as to the consequences

of aiding another term of misrule, & our old Whigs, will pause before aiding to elect a

Democratic Governor. Altogether, my confidence in the result is firm & settled. Having been

often disappointed before, I have schooled myself to investigate closely, & to discard all

romantic speculations. I think the vote of the country will surprise our friends, by its numbers &


The opposing factions have for days past, been striving to harmonize, & meetings between the

Douglass, Bell & Breckinridge<a>4</a> leaders & managers have resulted as we knew they

would, in increased hostility, confusion & acrimony. The Douglass chairman proposed an

alliance, but was not accepted, & for the rejection, he has turned round with a fury which would

honor Billingsgate. They are now more bitter against each other than ever, & no reconciliation

is possible. Hearty & zealous fusion we have long since known to be impossible, & for very

sufficient reasons.

<n>4 Lincoln faced three opponents in the 1860 presidential election: Stephen A. Douglas, John

Bell and John C. Breckinridge.</n>

There is a personal matter to which I will refer now, to correct any possible misapprehension

hereafter, which you will be pleased to receive in confidence. After returning here, I found

quite a number of our active & inluential friends, much disturbed by a report or impression, that

Judge Kelly,<a>5</a> a Democratic recruit in our ranks & one of the candidates for Congress,

was represented to be the personal exponent of your views & wishes, & in the event of success

would be so regarded. I have reason to believe, that this rumor originated in an error or

weakness on the part of the Judge, whom we do not consider very discreet, in referring to some

correspondence with you. At all events, finding that inquiry was resulting from the report, I

took occasion to say, upon the faith of a general & almost public knowledge of the prudent

course you had prescribed for yourself, that no man had a right to assume any relation or

authority to the future, & if such was the fact, I was quite sure, without any inquiry, that no such

permission had been received from you. A little reflection satisfied most of the discontented

parties, & one of the principle leaders -- a gentleman of substance, influence & character, who

was much exercised about the probability of such counsels being recognized unduly hereafter --

has just left me, with a practical earnest of his good feeling towards the cause. We are met

constantly by these small embarassments, but strive to be patient and calm. In a few weeks

more, we hope to find compensation in a great success.<a>6</a>

<n>5 William D. Kelley</n>

<n>6 On September 27, Lincoln wrote Harvey that there was “no reality in that suspicion about

Judge Kelley.” See Collected Works, IV, 122.</n>

New York has reached the point, which every sagacious man must have foreseen long ago, &

which I wrote you would inevitably happen, after comparing opinions with competent men in

July at Saratoga & elsewhere.

Very Truly,

Your friend,

James E. Harvey

To top