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Economic dimension of the Olympic Games

University lecture on the Olympics



Holger Preuss









Holger Preuss is Assistant Professor at the German Sport University Cologne

preuss@coubertin.de









The contents of this document cannot be reproduced, neither in whole nor in part, without the written consent of the Centre d’Estudis

Olímpics (UAB).



This text has been published as part of the educational project of the Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB), University lectures on the

Olympics, aiming to provide open access through its web site to material aimed at university students and professors about major

Olympic-related themes, written by experts on the field. Web site: http://olympicstudies.uab.es/lectures/







 of the content 2002 Holger Preuss

 of the edition 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB)

International Chair in Olympism (IOC-UAB)

Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









To refer to this document, you can use the following reference:

Preuss, Holger (2002): Economic dimension of the Olympic Games: university lecture on the Olympics [online article]. Barcelona : Centre

d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB). International Chair in Olympism (IOC-UAB). [Date of consulted: dd/mm/yy]





[Date of publication: 2002]









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 2

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









Summary





1. Introduction ......................................................................................... 5

2. The dimension of Olympic Games in comparison .......................................................... 6

3. The dimension “Time” ......................................................................................... 7

3.1 The start and the end of economic impacts ............................................................ 7

3.2 The development of revenues ................................................................................ 9

3.2.1 Revenues from television rights .................................................................. 10

3.2.2 Revenues from marketing ........................................................................... 11

3.2.3 Revenues from ticketing .............................................................................. 12

3.2.4 Revenues from “special financing means” ................................................... 14

4. The dimension “Space” ......................................................................................... 14

5. Conclusions ......................................................................................... 15





Bibliographical references ......................................................................................... 16

Further reading ......................................................................................... 18

Related web sites ......................................................................................... 19









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 3

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 4

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









1. Introduction

The mechanisation and the development of telecommunication in the 1960s gave the opportunity to a

growing number of people to experience the Olympic Games live. In the 1970s, the increased interests of

the TV-audience led to huge ratings. With more private TV-networks competing for the rights to broadcast

the Games, this forced the networks to pay higher fees for the TV-rights of the Olympic Games. Later, in

the 1980s, borders started to open for capital and global players intensified their efforts to reach a world-

wide market and used the Olympic Games as an opportunity to penetrate their market through one single

platform. Since 1985 the International Olympic Committee (IOC) operates its own international marketing

program called “The Olympic Program” (TOP).





The television broadcast and the creation of the TOP program are both examples of globalisation. Since

the 1960s the IOC gradually increased its power over key financing sources. In the 1990s the IOC was

able to gain control on all television and international marketing negotiations (Preuss, 2002). It generated

68% of all revenues for the Olympic Movement. The IOC then distributed the money mainly to the OCOG

of Nagano 1998 and Sydney 2000. The local origin of financing sources in the past changed to a global

orientation today.





The economic dimension of the Olympic Games can neither be determined by a single figure nor by a

trend through comparing several Games. On the one hand the economic dimension depends on why the

city wants to host the Games, on the other hand it strongly depends on the development level and size of

the host city. Smaller and/or less industrialised cities must invest much more in their infrastructure than

larger cities.





Therefore “expensive” and “cheap” Games have to be distinguished. Games are “expensive” if they

require extensive investments in traffic infrastructure, communication systems, housing and sports facility

construction. Sydney, Barcelona, Seoul, Montreal and Munich invested large sums of money in the

construction of sports facilities. Barcelona and Seoul used, and Beijing will use the Games for extensive

improvements to the infrastructure of the city, while Munich, Montreal and Athens developed parts of their

cities (Meyer-Künzel, 2000). All organisers saw the basic maxim in compensating short-term expenditures

with long-term benefits. Games were “cheap” if cost were largely limited to organising and staging the

Games. Los Angeles and Atlanta only built a few sports facilities while maximising the use of their existing

infrastructures. Their basic maxim was maximising short-term profit or avoiding any deficit.





The economic dimension of the Olympic Games cannot solely be explained through the financing of the

Games and the necessary investments in infrastructure. Two essential long-term, and often less

considered benefits, for the Olympic city are the enhancing of their image and the creation of a higher level

of awareness. These changes can stimulate tourism and bring decisive arguments for a city to be chosen

as a location for the settling of industry. However there are also other economic and social impacts of

Olympic Games.









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 5

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









2. The dimension of Olympic Games in comparison

The comparison of some national key figures with the costs of hosting the Olympic Games illustrate the

economic dimension of the Olympic Games for a country.





Table 1 - Games costs in relation to national accounts



Games Costs in US$m in % of GDP in % of government

6 years prior Games (6 years period) consumption

(6 years period)

Olympic Games

Atlanta 1996 2021 0,006 0,026

Sydney 2000 3438 0,102 0,553

Olympic Winter Games

Lillehammer 1994 1511 0,245 1,154

Nagano 1998 3412 0,015 0,156

Source: Preuss (2001); International Monetary Fund (2000)





Table 1 shows that Olympic Games have no important economic dimension in relation to national

accounts. A country can finance Olympic Games easily, while the same dimension is huge for a city. For

the 1976 Olympics, Canada did not give the city of Montreal a financial guarantee. Because of a "written

guarantee that the federal government would not be called upon to absorb the deficit nor to assume

interim financing for organisation" (OCOG Montreal 1976: 55) the OCOG had to stage the Games by

completely financing them itself, with the sole support of the city. In the end, the private revenues of the

OCOG amounted to a mere 5% of the funds required. The remaining 95% were provided by special

financing means and the public sector. When including the interest paid on the debt over the years and the

additional $537 million that was required to complete the facilities after the Games, the Olympic debt

totalled $2.729 billion (Levesque, 2001). The burden of the debt has been absorbed by municipal and

provincial tax dollars with final payment scheduled for the financial year 2005/2006.





Figure 1 compares the economic dimension of the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games with those of the Nagano

1998 Olympic Winter Games, the 1998 Soccer World Championships in France and the 2002

Commonwealth Games in Manchester, England. Revenues from ticket sales, sponsorship, TV-rights and

licensing were chosen to cover the business economic dimensions. Macroeconomic dimensions are

represented by the number of athletes and sports events which indicate costs related to investments in

sport facilities and the organisation. Additionally, the number of tickets is related to spectators (Olympic

tourists) who spent their money in the host city. However, this figure does not distinguish between

spectators who are citizens who are just re-allocating their money and tourists who bring in additional

money to the city. This distinction is important when calculating the size of the true economic impact on a

city.









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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









Fig. 1 - Mega sport events in comparison to the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games





Olympic Games 2000 -- Olympic Winter Games 1998 Olympic Games 2000 -- Commenwealth Games 2002







Events Events

1000 1000



750 750

Licencing in US$ 100,000 Athletes in 10 Licencing in US$ 100,000 Athletes in 10

500 500



250 250



0 0



Ticket revenues in US$m Tickets in 10,000 Ticket revenues in US$m Tickets in 10,000









TV-rights in US$m Sponsor revenues in US$m TV-rights in US$m Sponsor revenues in US$m









Olympic Games 2000 -- Soccer World Championship 1998





Events

1 0 00



7 50

Licencing in US $ 1 00,0 00 Athletes in 10

5 00



2 50



0



Ticket revenues in US $m Tick ets in 1 0,000









TV-rights in U S$ m Sp ons or revenues in US $m









Sources: IOC (1998); IOC (1999); IOC (2001a); Preuss (2000); Tourism Forecasting Council (1998); Herren (2001);

Devos (2001)







The economic indicators of Figure 1 solely represent the organising committee. FIFA, for example, does

not share its revenues from the licensing or TV-rights to the organising committees. Thus, this makes the

soccer world championships appearing smaller than the actual revenues indicate. However, it can be seen

that the Olympic Games are the biggest event from an economic point of view.









3. The dimension “Time”





3.1 The start and the end of economic impacts

Preparing to stage the Olympic Games is a huge effort of adopting the city’s infrastructure to the needs of

the event. This explains why the Games are awarded to the host city seven years in advance. The

economic effect begins during the bid process and increase considerably during the preparation phase

(Figure 2).









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 7

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









Fig. 2 - Phases of economic impacts of Olympic Games



n-11 n-9 n-7 n



Time



I II III IV



Idea to NOC IOC Olympic

bid decision Games







The sizes of the economic impacts are different from Games to Games because the conditions and the

aims of each host city vary (Table 2).



Table 2 – Timetable of economic impacts

Year Situation Impact

n= Olympic Year (Fig.2)



n-11 Idea to bid – NOC decision

First a bid city does feasibility studies. On the one hand money is spent for the Impact I

studies, on the other hand urgent projects are started due to the fact that the

studies show deficits in the structure. In some countries such as USA or

Germany many cities are planning to bid for 2012. In 2003 (n-9) one city gets

nominated by the NOC to candidate internationally (IOC 2003, §37, 2).





n-9 NOC decision – IOC decision

The bid city has to prove that it can reach Olympic standards. Therefore, they Impact II

do cost-benefit-analyses and finally write the bid-book. Other activities are the

start of construction projects, the support of Olympic family and to pull in

international events in order to prove highest motivation to stage the Olympic

Games and to reach political consents.





n-7 Winning the bid





N IOC decision – Olympic Games Impact III

Construction of sport facilities and infrastructure as well as preparation for the

Games.



n+? Olympic Games – ? Impact IV

Use of structure and initiation of follow up impacts, pulling in new industry,

leverage tourism effects.







The different amount of autonomous expenditures (investments) can be illustrated by using the examples

of the Barcelona, Sydney and Beijing Olympics. In this simplistic consideration, imports and crowding out

as well as any consumption expenditures are not considered. Figure 3 shows the amount of investments

during the seven pre-Olympic years in percentage. Figure 4 shows the effect of the investments based on

an estimated multiplier. In the subsequent years each investment induces further expenditures. The data

refers exclusively to investments in the host cities.









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 8

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









Fig. 3: Investments in Barcelona 1992, 2000 and Fig. 4: Effects of the multiplier for Sydney Beijing

2008 by index (dA=100) investments in 1992, 2000 and 2008

by index (dA=100)

Index (dA = 100) Index (dA = 100)

70 70

Beijing'08 Beijing'08

Sydney'00 60 Sydney'00

60

Barcelona'92 Barcelona'92

50 50





40 40





30 30





20 20





10 10





0 0

n-7 n-6 n-5 n-4 n-3 n-2 n-1 n n+1 n+2 n+3 n+4 n-7 n-6 n-5 n-4 n-3 n-2 n-1 n n+1 n+2 n+3 n+4





Sources: Modified based on Brunet (1993:119); Arthur Andersen (1999:11), Beijing 2008 Olympic Games Bid

Committee (2000); for calculations see Preuss (2000)





In Beijing, all levels of government (municipal, regional and state) and the private sector invested much

earlier than in the case of Barcelona/Sydney. However, the final effect is the same. Once the Olympic-

related investments stop, the economic impact decreases and vanishes completely within a few years.





However, the economic impact IV – the Olympic legacy – lasts several years longer. For example, hosting

sporting events, tourism, and the possible settlements of new industries in the host city are all follow up

impacts resulting from the Games. Further, the positive or revived image of the city may impact of tourists

interest to the host country. It is estimated that the Sydney 2000 Games will attract more than a million

international visitors to Australia and generate billions of AU$ in tourism export earnings between 1997

and 2004 (Tourism Forecasting Council, 1998:13). In different measures a 10% increase in the number of

visitors to Australia will create 30,000 jobs (Australian Tourist Commission, 1999: 10). Research indicated

that the Sydney 2000 Games have changed the image of Sydney and Australia positively for tourism

(Dennis/Wyld, 2001:12). The image changed due to the friendliness of volunteers, the showcasing of

Australian culture and the success of the Olympics and the Paralympics. After the Games attributes such

as “friendly”, “fun” or “different” were – at least by Germans – more often associated with Australia (Preuss,

2001a).







3.2 The development of revenues



The next analysis will consist of a comparison of single financing sources over the past 30 years. There

are obviously two methodological problems. First, since the Olympic Games were staged in different years

over a long period of time, the inflation makes revenue from the past not as valuable as today. Second, the

Games were celebrated every time in a different country making the exchange rates of the host nation

currency fluctuate too much to easily transfer the revenues in one currency. In order to minimise

transformation errors all currency data is adjusted by purchasing power parities into US$. Then they are

inflation adjusted by the GDP-deflator of the USA ( Preuss, 2000: 24).









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 9

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









3.2.1 Revenues from television rights



Television is the engine that has driven the growth of the Olympic Movement. The IOC created a television

policy to ensure maximum presentation of the Games to the widest possible audience free of charge.





Fig.5 - Revenues of TV rights of Olympic Games from Rome 1960 to Beijing 2008



1200

TOTAL 1133

USA

1000 Europe

Remaining countries 884



800

699 2%



600

3.6%

458

419

400 2%



180 3.6%

200

60 89

8 41

6

0

60



64



68



72



76



80



84



88



92



96



00





*



*

04



08

19



19



19



19



19



19



19



19



19



19



20



20



20

* inflation rates estimated; profit share from NBC and EBU not included

Source: Preuss (2002)





When examining the development of the TV-revenues (Figure 5), we note that the inflation-adjusted

revenues rose slowly until Montreal 1976 and sharply increased afterwards until Sydney 2000. The kink in

the curve was caused by American TV stations competing for TV rights which started at the end of the

seventies. Up to Los Angeles in 1984, the networks greatly contributed to the development of total revenue

by mutually outbidding each other. The fierce competition from the networks for the TV rights was the

result of large American enterprises who were prepared to pay huge prices for commercial TV time. At the

end of the eighties, the same situation developed in Europe as a result of the increasing number of private

networks.





The figures deviating from the linear increase since 1976 can be explained as follows: The Moscow 1980

Games earned lower revenues than expected because the commercial contracts were partly adjusted

downwards due to the boycott of the Western world. The revenue decrease in Seoul 1988 may be the

result of the fear of a new boycott and the large time-lag to the financially strong regions of North America

and Europe (Kim, 1990). It is expected that the rates will fall again in the future leading to a second kink.

The development of future rates can already be foreseen, since TV rights have been sold to the decisive

regions until 2008 in Beijing.





In the USA, the most significant market for the TV rights, we can note a distinct regression. The leap for

the 2000 Games is caused by the unbalanced distribution of funds made by the IOC. In fact, the IOC will

transfer a total of US$ 2.35 billion to the OCOGs from broadcasting revenue until 2008. Even today, it is

obvious that the hosts of the Athens 2004 and Beijing 2008 Olympics must accept constant or even lower

revenues from selling TV rights for the USA depending on inflation. Only a possible share of profits earn by

NBC (2004 and 2008) and EBU (2008) from the sales of commercial time could bring a further increase.

This can be possible only if a certain number of sales is reached. Since the 1960 Games in Rome, the







 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 10

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









EBU has held the European rights for television of the Olympics. The EBU will continue to be the official

broadcaster until 2008. A total of US$'95 1.16 billion of the sales revenues are paid to the OCOGs. It is

interesting to note that the increase in revenues develops in the same way as it did in the USA twelve

years earlier.





Fig.6 - Revenues from TV rights from Squaw Valley 1960 to Salt Lake City 2002



1200

TOTAL

USA

1000 EBU

Remaining countries

800





594

600

469

400 363 367

318



200 150

38

7.5 22 25

0.2 4.8

0

60





64





68





72





76





80





84





88





92





94





98





02

19





19





19





19





19





19





19





19





19





19





19





20

Source: calculated by Preuss (2000); IOC (2001c)



The sales of the rights for the Olympic Winter Games developed similar to those of the Olympic Games

(Figure 6). However, traditionally, revenue for the Winter Games has been much more dependent on

American stations. This explains the kink of the Calgary Games in 1988 broadcast during prime time hours

in the USA. Although in 2002 the Games will be held in the USA and television rights will be higher, we

note that it has become a more independent source IOC (2001c: 3).







3.2.2 Revenues from marketing



Sponsoring has become the second pillar of Olympic financing. Prior to 1984 no real international

marketing existed and fewer than 10 NOCs generated any revenue from marketing programs. Since 1996

long-term broadcast and sponsor agreements signed through 2008 have secured the financial future of the

Olympic Movement. “The Olympic Program” (TOP), launched by the IOC in 1985, provides funding to all

199 NOCs, to the OCOGs and the IOC. In addition, it provides a global promotional platform for the

“Olympic brand” across 199 countries. It is a fact that the above mentioned payments for TV-rights are

dependent on Olympic sponsorship. In 2000 national and international sponsors bought approx. 35% of

the advertising time during Olympic broadcasting and therefore the sponsors help refinance the

investments of the TV-stations (Preuss, 2001b).





Since Los Angeles 1984 the number of sponsors was reduced which increased the revenues dramatically

(Figures 7 and 8). Due to problems to secure exclusivity in the host country the NOC and the OCOG

started in 1996 to run joint marketing programs.









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 11

International Chair in Olympism (IOC-UAB)

Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









Fig.8 - OCOG revenues from sponsoring

Fig.7 - Number of enterprises advertising with

Olympic Games (without licensees)

Number of enterprises

800

742

600

588 588

550



600 500





400



400

325 300

219 215

200

200

98 107 119 104

80 100

40

0

0

0

0

6









6

8

2









2

0









0

4

'7









'9

l '8









2









6

'7









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8









2

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Source: Preuss (2000)



An important new source of financing will be merchandising. In Atlanta and Sydney the licensing fees were

approx. US$'95 44 million. If the revenues of merchandising achieved in the short period before and after

the Games are compared to the revenues of the largest single American sport event, the Super Bowl, the

turnover of the Olympic Games is four times higher (Ruffenach, 1996). In Sydney 2000 it amounted to

approx. US$'95 500 million. The IOC is expected to create its own international merchandising program and

therefore, increase the dimension of this source.







However, there is a concern that marketing will be to much emphasised as financing source and therefore

“over-commercialise” the Olympic Games. Empirical data evaluated during the Games in Sydney 2000

(n=1973) showed that 53,4% saw commercialisation as a threat for the Olympic Games in the next 20

years. The same concern was given by 518 P.E. students from Germany and Austria (62,2%). However,

that is already lower than after the 1996 Atlanta Games. In a survey 66% of German tourists (n=212) and

72,3% of 628 P.E. students felt this threat (Messing/Müller, 1996; Preuss, 1997).





3.2.3 Revenues from ticketing

Ticketing has been an important source of financing since Athens 1896 (Figure 9). It lost some significance

in the 70s and 80s because the financing was mainly done through public sources. However, in Atlanta

and Sydney ticketing was a source that contributed approximately 23% of the OCOG budget. The growing

number of events combined with the larger sport facilities has led to an increase in the number of available

tickets for the Games.









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 12

International Chair in Olympism (IOC-UAB)

Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









Figure 9 - Total number of entrance tickets and share of tickets sold

from Munich 1972 to Beijing 2008



Tickets in million %

12 100

93% 11

90% 87%

10 77% 77% 80

80% 80% 9

8.5

66% 74%**

8 7.8 7.6

7 60

6.7

6.1

6

5 5.3 5.3

4.7 4.8 40

4.4

4 3.8

3.3 3.2 3.3



20

2





0 0

1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992* 1996* 2000* 2008***

Utilization rate of venues (%) Total of tickets Tickets sold



* Free tickets could not be considered in the utilization rate since they were included in

accreditation.

** ERA (1981) stated an utilization rate of 65%.

*** Estimated by Beijing 2008 Olympic Games Bid Committee (2000)

Sources: Preuss (2000); Beijing 2008 Olympic Games Bid Committee (2000)





A comparison of ticket sales revenues of different Olympic Games is impossible due to the manifold

factors which are influenced by location and country as well as by the policy pursued by the respective

OCOG. However, the total gained revenues through the selling of entrance tickets should be displayed in

order to show its economic dimension.





Fig.10 - Total ticket sales revenues from Munich 1972 to Beijing 2008

in million US$'95

500

468.35

416.64

400







300



227.56

200

166.4





100 91.7

58.5 56.56

42.61



0

2









6









0

8









8*

2









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4

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* inflation rate estimated

Sources: Preuss (2000); Beijing 2008 Olympic Games Bid Committee (2000); IOC (2001b)





Figures 9 and 10 show the financial potential of this financing source for the US$'95 468 million achieved by

the OCOG of Sydney 2000. The high revenues at the Los Angeles 1984, Atlanta 1996 and Sydney 2000

Olympics were reached due to the large number of tickets sold at relatively high prices (Preuss, 2000).









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 13

International Chair in Olympism (IOC-UAB)

Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









3.2.4 Revenues from “special financing means”

Olympic commemorative coins, postage stamps and lotteries are called special financing means (Figure

11). The government of the host country must approve them prior to their usage to finance the Olympic

Games.





Olympic coins as a finance source was used for the first time in Finland in order to finance the Helsinki

Games in 1952. However, the peek of this source was reached in Munich 1972, when the coins financed

the major part of the Games. If one considers the revenues of OCOGs from the selling of Olympic coins, a

decline in the significance of this financing source is becoming evident.





Fig. 11 - OCOG revenue from selling Olympic coins, stamps and from the lottery

in million US$'95 million US$95

800 10 in million US$'95

735.5

Olympic Coins Olympic Stamps 500

481.6 Olympic Lottery

8

7.8

600 7.27 400





6

5.19 300

400

4

203.5 195.4

3.42 200 183.6

260.25

* 187.2 117

200 157.6 2

100

OCOG did OCOG did OCOG did

52.5 **

56.3 6.2 million not share

*** not share not share Rubel no no no

14.6 18.3 5.1 ? rubles'80 revenues revenues revenues 368 m lottery lottery lottery

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6

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6







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* value calculated solely by means of exchange rate

** according to a letter from R. Huot (1997), indirect OCOG revenues were higher.

*** estimated, according to a letter from B. Elphinston (2000)

Sources: Preuss (2000); Beijing 2008 Olympic Games Bid Committee (2000)





Olympic stamps are also one of the oldest financing sources for the Games. In Athens 1896 and Tokyo

1964 they helped finance the Games significantly. Finally, an Olympic lottery is a financing source that

collects money from the citizens such as through the sale of Olympic coins and stamps. However, new

lotteries cannot be started easily and therefore have been no financing source for several past Games.









4. The Dimension “Space”



Space is another element that is important to consider when examining the economic dimensions of

Olympic Games. The smaller the region, the more autonomous money comes in and the bigger is the

economic impulse for the city. However, in a small region the imports are greater and therefore the impulse

loses its power sooner. The money is spent outside the region and therefore is lost. A similar effect

happens if the Games are staged in developing countries. The other extreme is seen if the whole world is

examined. Then there would be no impulse, because no autonomous money comes in and no money

leaves the world. This case demonstrates that the economic dimension of Olympic Games is strongly

dependent from the size of the region.







At the beginning of the Modern Olympic Games, its financing was mainly done by the OCOG and the

government. The only exception had been the ticket sales and consumption expenditures of foreign

tourists, who spent autonomous money in the region. However, the economic dimension of the Games

was basically reduced to the host nation. Globalisation has changed both the financing of the Olympic

Games and the benefit a host nation can expect through staging Olympic Games. Technology and









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 14

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









mechanisation enabled live coverage of the Olympic Games since Tokyo 1964. Additionally, the Internet

condensed the flow of information about the Games since Atlanta 1996. The world became a “global

village”.





The three main financing sources, TV-rights, sponsoring and ticketing mainly stem from consumers all

over the world. That secures a host city high autonomous revenues which create a positive economic

impulse. This global dimension became visible in the late 1980s and can be seen today by the high

number of bidding cities for 2012.









5. Conclusions



The run of the time is difficult to measure and the economic dimension of Olympic Games is difficult to

calculate as it varies from city to city. It has become clear that the staging of Olympic Games from a

financial point of view is much bigger than all other major sport events. Although the Games have no

crucial dimension for a state it has one for a city and a region.





Overtime the financing sources became global. In other words the financing of the Games is mainly done

by consumers from all over the world. The USA still plays a key role due to the fact that 70% of the TOP

sponsors and 55% of the TV-rights come from that country.





The IOC has taken over the control of most major financing sources. It distributes the revenues among the

NOCs, Olympic IFs and some sports orientated organisations. As such, the economic dimension of the

Olympic Games has spread all over the world.





Since the 80s two decisive important changes occurred for a host of the Olympic Games. First, the OCOG

can be confident that the Games will have a financial surplus when subtracting the operative costs from

the revenues. Secondly, the Games have reached a dimension that requires huge sport facilities and

adequate infrastructure for the athletes, tourists and media representatives. Although the IOC has

controlled the growth concerning the number of athletes and sports, gigantism has become obvious in

other dimensions. This can be seen by the significant larger number of ticket sales (Figure 9) and more

media representatives at the Games than athletes (IOC, 2001b: 9).





The shift from the problem of financing the organisation of the Games to a provision of adequate

infrastructure did not change the fact that the Olympic Games are still an event that has reached the

border of being financially viable.









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 15

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Bibliographical references



Arthur Andersen (1999): Economic Impact Study of the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games. Centre for Regional

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Commission.



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Committee. http://www.beijing-2008.org/olympic_new/english/features/candidature.html



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(D.C.) : International Monetary Fund



IOC (1998): Marketing Matters, no. 13. Lausanne : International Olympic Committee.

http://multimedia.olympic.org/pdf/en_report_279.pdf



IOC (1999): Marketing Matters, no. 15, Lausanne : International Olympic Committee.

(http://multimedia.olympic.org/pdf/en_report_277.pdf)



IOC (2001a): Marketing Matters, no. 18, Lausanne : International Olympic Committee.

http://multimedia.olympic.org/pdf/en_report_274.pdf



IOC (2001b): Sydney Games of the Olympiad: facts and figures. Lausanne : International Olympic

Committee.



IOC (2001c): Marketing Matters, no. 19. Lausanne : International Olympic Committee.

http://multimedia.olympic.org/pdf/en_report_273.pdf



IOC (2003): Olympic Charter. Lausanne : International Olympic Committee.

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Wilhemina, Braunschweig.



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Touristen in Barcelona 1992”, in N. Müller; M. Messing (eds.), Auf der Suche nach der Olympischen Idee.

Bonn : Kassel, pp. 219-250.



Müller, N.; M. Messing (1997): unpublished tables to report on the survey among German Olympic tourists

in Atlanta'96. Sports Faculty of the Johannes Gutenberg Universität-Mainz.









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 16

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









OCOG Montreal (1976): Games of the XXI. Olympiad, Montreal 1976, Official Report, vol. 1. Montreal :

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Müller (red.), Coubertin and Olympism Questions for the Future. Report of the Congress 17 to 20

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Preuss, H. (2001): “Le implicazioni economiche delle Olimpiadi”, in Luigi Bobbio and Chito Guala (ed.s),

Olimpiadi e grandi eventi. Verso Torino 2006: come una città può vincere o perdere le Olympiadi. Roma :

Carocci, p. 37-55.



Preuss, H. (2001a): homepage: (http://www.sport.uni-mainz.de/Preuss)



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Preuss, H. (2002): Olympic economics. the Games from 1972 to 2008. Beijing : [s.n].



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Sydney 2000 Games. Canberra : Tourism Forecasting Council.









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 17

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Further reading



Brunet, F. (1995): “An economic analysis of the Barcelona ´92 Olympic Games: resources, financing, and

impact”, in M. Moragas Spà; M. Botella (eds.), The Keys to success: the social, sporting, economic and

communications impact of Barcelona’92. Barcelona : Centre d’Estudis Olímpics i de l’Esport, p. 203-237.



Chalip, L. (2000): “Volunteers and the organisation of the Olympic Games: economic and formative

aspects”, in M. Moragas; A. B. Moreno; N. Puig (eds.), Volunteers, global society and the Olympic

Movement: International Symposium Lausanne. 24th, 25th and 26th November 1999. Lausanne :

International Olympic Committee, p. 205-214.



Chappelet, J.L. (2001): “Management of the Olympic Games: the lessons of Sydney”, European Journal

for Sport Management, special issue, vol. 8, p. 128-136.



Getz, D. (1997), “The impacts of mega events on tourism: strategies for destination.” in The Impacts of

mega events: papers of the Talk at the Top Conference, 7-8 July 1997. Östersund : Mid Sweden

University.



Guttman, A. (1984): The Games must go on: Avery Brundage and the Olympic Movement. New York :

Columbia University Press



Hall, C.M. (1992): Hallmark tourist events: impacts, management and planning, London : Belhaven.



Häusermann, H; Siebel, W. (eds.): Festivalisierung der Stadtpolitik. Stadtentwicklung durch große

Projekte, Leviathan, Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft, special vol. 13, Opladen.



Hill, C.R. (1996): Olympic politics, 2nd ed. Manchester : Manchester University Press.



Hoberman, J. (1986): The Olympic crises: sport, politics and the moral order. New Rochelle, NY : A. D.

Caratzas.



Houlihan, B. (1994): “Olympic sport, politics and economics”, in Houlihan B. (ed.), Sport and international

politics. New York : Harvester-Wheatsheaf.



Howard, D.R.; J.L. Crompton (1995): Financing sport. Morgantown : Fitness information technology.



Kim, J. G [et al.] (1989): Impact of the Seoul Olympic Games on national development. Seoul : Korea

Development Institute.



King, F.W. (1991): It's how you play the game: the inside story of the Calgary Olympics. Calgary : Script.



Landry, F.; M. Yerlès (1996): The International Olympic Committee: one hundred years. The idea, the

presidents, the achievements, vol. 3. Lausanne : International Olympic Committee.



Lenskyj, H.J. (2000): Inside the Olympic industry: power, politics, and activism. New York : State University

of New York Press.



Moragas, M; N. Rivenburgh; J.F. Larson (1995): Television in the Olympics. London : John Libbey.



Park, S.J. (1991): The Seoul Olympics: the inside story. London : Bellew.



Pound, R.W. (1996): “The Importance of commercialism for the Olympic Movement”, Olympic Message –

Sources of Financing Sports, vol. 3, p. 10-13.



Preuss, H. (2000): “Globalization and its economic impact on the Olympic Games”, in Report of the Thirty-

Ninth Session in 1999. Athens : Hellenic Olympic Committee, p. 123-142.



Reich, K. (1986): Making it happen: Peter Ueberroth and the 1984 Olympics. Santa Barbara : Capra

Press.



Ritchie, B.J.R.; B.H. Smith (1991): “The Impact of a mega-event on host region awareness: a longitudinal

study”, Journal of Travel Research, no. 1, p. 3-10.



Ueberroth, P: R. Levin; A. Quinn (1985): Made in America: his own story. New York : W. Morrow.







 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 18

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Holger Preuss – Economic dimension of the Olympic Games









Related web sites





Athens 2004 Olympic Games

http://www.athens2004.com/



Australian Tourism Commission

http://www.australia.com/



Beijing 2008 Olympic Games

http://www.beijing-2008.org/



Broadcast revenue generation and distribution

http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/facts/revenue/broadcoast_uk.asp



European Broadcasting Union

http://www.ebu.ch/



FIFA

http://www.fifa.com/en/index.html



International Olympic Committee

http://www.olympic.org/



IOC Top Program

http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/facts/programme/sponsors_uk.asp



Manchester 2002 Commonwealth Games

http://213.131.178.162/home/



NCB

http://www.nbc.com/



Olympic broadcasting

http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/facts/broadcasting/index_uk.asp



Olympic licensing

http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/facts/programme/licensing_uk.asp



Olympic Marketing

http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/facts/introduction/index_uk.asp



Olympic Sponsorship

http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/facts/programme/index_uk.asp



Salt Lake City Broadcast Operations

http://multimedia.olympic.org/pdf/en_report_71.pdf



Sydney 2000 Olympic Games information

http://www.gamesinfo.com.au/home.html



The Sydney 2000 Olympic Games broadcast

http://multimedia.olympic.org/pdf/en_report_249.pdf









 2002 Centre d’Estudis Olímpics (UAB) 19

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