pca

Document Sample
pca Powered By Docstoc
					Number    Word        Hupa          Hupa #     Hupa notes
      0                        20            0 Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Golla 1996; Golla 1970; Hoijer 19
      1   all         ʔah-tʼiŋ               1 Golla 1996: 3; Golla 1970: 240. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus) / completely'. Mor
      2   ashes       xoŋʼ-tin               1 Golla 1996: 6. Substantive xoŋʼ 'fire' q.v. + locative suffix -tin/-tiŋ 'at the place' [Gol
      3   bark        possr=sicʼ             1 Golla 1996: 29 sub 'dye'; Golla 1964: 112; Golla 1970: 219. Polysemy: 'bark / human
      4   belly       possr=mitʼ             1 Golla 1996: 10; Golla 1964: 110. Glossed as 'belly, stomach'. The same root with the
      5   big         =kʰʸah                 1 Golla 1996: 11; Golla 1970: 137. Cf. the regular root variant =kʰʸaːw (< =kʰʸah-i ). T
      6   bird        kʼʸi=yaːʍ              1 Golla 1996: 11; Golla 1964: 110. Literally 'small one' < the impersonal thematic pron
      7   bite        =xucʼ                  1 Golla 1996: 11. Applicable to humans, animals and insects. Different from =qos [im
      8   black       =ʍin                   1 Golla 1996: 11. Verbal root: 'to be black'. The perfective root variant is =ʍeʔn < =ʍ
      9   blood       cʰeː=lin               1 Golla 1996: 12. A nominalized formation from the verb =lin 'to flow', cʰeː=lin 'to flo
     10   bone        possr=cʼinʼ ~ possr=cʼiŋʼ ~ possr=cʼin-eʔ Polysemy: 'bone / leg'. The variants =cʼinʼ ~ =cʼiŋʼ < =cʼin-ʔ < =
                                             1 Golla 1996: 13, 56.
     11   breast      possr=tʼ-ah-ti-ye-ʔ 1 Golla 1996: 14. Glossed as 'chest, breast'. A descriptive formation, although its meani
     12   burn tr.    =litʰ                  1 Golla 1996: 15. Transitive and intransitive usage. The root variant =lil is progressive
     13   nail (claw) possr=laʔ=kʰʸeʔcʼ 1 Golla 1996: 18, 35. Polysemy: 'fingernail / front claw'. Literally = laʔ 'hand' q.v. + kʰʸ
     14   cloud       ʔah                    1 Golla 1996: 19.
     15   cold        =qʼucʼ                 1 Golla 1996: 19. Verbal root: 'to be cold'. The root variant =qʼacʼ probably < =qʼacʼ-
     16   come        =ya                    1 Golla 1996: 19; Golla 1970: 229 et passim. Same root as 'to go' q.v. The general mean
     17   die         =yah                   1 Golla 1996: 25. According to the same source, the most common expression for 'to di
     18   dog         ɬiŋʼ ~ possr=liŋkʼʸ-eʔ 1 Golla 1996: 27; Golla 1964: 117. Polysemy: 'pet animal / dog / horse'. Another design
     19   drink       =nan                   1 Golla 1996: 29; Golla 1970: 147. The perfective root variant is =naʔn (< =nanʼ < =n
     20   dry         =cʰaːy                 1 Golla 1996: 29; Golla 1970: 137, 177 et passim. Polysemy: 'to be dry (=cʰaːy ) / to dr
     21   ear         possr=čiwʼ ~ possr=čiw-eʔ 1996: 30; Golla 1964: 113.
                                             1 Golla
     22   earth       ninʼ                   1 Golla 1996: 30. Polysemy: 'dirt / earth / ground'. Cf. also ninisʼaːn 'country, land, wo
     23   eat         =yan                   1 Golla 1996: 30; Golla 1970: 154. The perfective root variant is =yaʔn (< =yan-ʔ-i ). C
     24   egg         possr=weːʍ-eʔ          1 Golla 1996: 31; Golla 1964: 110.
     25   eye         possr=naː-ʔ            1 Golla 1996: 32. Synchronously the root is apparently defined as naː (not naːʔ ), as ca
     26   fat n.      possr=qʼah             1 Golla 1996: 33. Glossed as 'fat (on smb.'s body)', but the following example proves th
     27   feather     possr=čʼilʼ ~ possr=čʼil-eʔ 1996: 33; Golla 1964: 114. Polysemy: 'feather(s) / fin'. Corresponds to words m
                                             1 Golla
     28   fire        xoŋʼ                   1 Golla 1996: 35.
     29   fish        ɬoːqʼ                  1 Golla 1996: 35. Glossed as 'fish; salmon (general term)'. Cf. also the descriptive form
     30   fly v.      =xis                                                                                The
                                             1 Golla 1996: 37. The perfective root variant is =xicʼ . §	 verb =       tʼah (quoted in [H
     31   foot        possr=xe-ʔ             1 Golla 1996: 37. Polysemy: 'foot (of human or animal) / footprint / track'. As is noted i
     32   full        =min                   1 Golla 1996: 38; Golla 1970: 141. Verbal root: 'to be full'.
     33   give        =ʔa                    1 Golla 1996: 40. A classificatory verb whose general meaning is 'to handle a round ob
     34   good        =ʍon                   1 Golla 1996: 41. Verbal root: 'to be good'. The variant =ʍoːn < =ʍon-i .
     35   green       =cʰow                  1 Golla 1996: 12. Polysemy: 'to be blue / to be green'. Cf. also =loy 'to be green, unripe
     36   hair        cʰi=wu-ŋʼ ~ possr=cʰi=wu-nʼ 1996: 43. A compound of the old root =cʰe 'head' q.v. and =waʔ 'body hair, fur
                                             1 Golla
     37   hand        possr=laʔ              1 Golla 1996: 43. Polysemy: 'hand / finger'. The root is =laʔ , not =la , cf. possr=laʔ-kʰʸe
     38   head        possr=eː=ta=ʔa-y       1 Golla 1996: 44. Literally 'it extends against smb.' with the verbal root =ʔa 'to extend'.
     39   hear        =cʼeh                  1 Golla 1996: 45; Golla 1970: 261. According to available sources, there are three way
     40   heart       possr=kʰʸun sa=ʔaːn 1 Golla 1996: 45. Literally 'smb.'s entrails are/lie (here)' with the anatomical term =kʰʸa
     41   horn        possr=te-ʔ             1 Golla 1996: 47. The synchronic Hupa root is =te , not =teʔ , cf. the allomorph teː in th
     42   I           ʍe                     1 Golla 1996: 49, 61; Golla 1970: 236.
     43   kill        =we                    1 Golla 1996: 53; Golla 1970: 152, 163 et pass. Used with sg. obj. (object may be huma
     44   knee        possr=qotʼ             1 Golla 1996: 53. Polysemy: 'knee / joint (anatomic)'. The same root is represented by t
     45   know        =cʼitʰ                 1 Golla 1996: 54. Different from =ʔa 'to know how' [Golla 1996: 54].
     46   leaf        possr=tʼuŋʼ            1 Golla 1996: 56; Golla 1970: 220; Golla 1964: 112. Applied to trees and plants. May d
     47   lie         =tʰe                   1 Golla 1996: 56; Golla 1970: 162. Polysemy: 'to lie / to lie down', used with sg. subj.,
     48   liver       possr=sitʼ             1 Golla 1996: 57.
49   long       =nes                1 Golla 1996: 58; Golla 1970: 77. Normally a verbal root: 'to be long'.
50   louse      yaʔ                 1 Golla 1996: 58. Glossed as 'louse (specifically head louse), parasite'.
51   man        xo=ʔos=ta-y ~ xʷe=ʔes=ta-y 1996: 60. Polysemy: 'man / male (subst.)'. Apparently derived from the verb =t
                                    1 Golla
52   many       ɬaːn                1 Golla 1996: 60. Also used as a verb: =ɬan 'to be many, lots'.
53   meat       possr=cʰiŋʼ         1 Golla 1996: 61; Golla 1964: 113. The root is probably cʰin .
54   moon       ʍa ~ xiƛʼeʔ=ʍa      1 Golla 1996: 63, 92; Hoijer 1956: 223. The word ʍa shows the standard areal polysem
55   mountain ninisʼaːn             1 Golla 1996: 63. Polysemy: 'world, surface of the earth / mountain'. Should probably b
56   mouth                          1 Golla 1996: 63; Golla 1964: 112. There are two words for 'mouth' in Hupa: §	 pos
                possr=sah ~ possr=saːqʼ                                                                                  1)
56   mouth      possr=ta-ʔ          2 Golla 1996: 63; Golla 1964: 111.
57   name       possr=o=ʍe-ʔ        1 Golla 1996: 65. The prefix o- can be a "semitransitive" marker, cf. [Golla 1970: 164]
58   neck       possr=qʼos          1 Golla 1996: 65.
59   new        qʼuŋ                1 Golla 1996: 65. Polysemy: 'recently, just now / new'.
60   night      xu=ƛʼeʔ ~ xi=ƛʼeʔ ~ xa=ƛʼeʔ 1996: 65; Golla 1964: 117. The first element xV- is not entirely clear; it may be
                                    1 Golla
61   nose       possr=n=čʰʷiʍ       1 Golla 1996: 66; Golla 1964: 114.
62   not        toː-                1 Golla 1996: 66; Golla 1970: 291. The prefix toː- is used for both indicative and proh
63   one        ɬaʔ                 1 Golla 1996: 67; Golla 1970: 255.
64   person     kʼʸi=win=yaʔn=yaːn 1 Golla 1996: 71. Polysemy: 'person / people / Indians'. Literally 'acorn eat(er)', from th
65   rain       naː=n=ya-y          1 Golla 1996: 77. Polysemy: 'rain (subst.) / it's raining'. A descriptive formation with th
66   red        cʰeːlnehwaːn        1 Golla 1996: 78. As noted by Golla, a contraction from cʰeː-lin ne-h-waːn , literally 'bl
67   road       tʰin                1 Golla 1996: 79. Polysemy: 'trail / road'.
68   root       qutʰ ~ qatʰ         1 Golla 1996: 80; Golla 1964: 116.
69   round1 (3D)=woɬ                1 Golla 1996: 80. Verbal root: 'to be round (3D)'.
69   round2 (2D)=maːcʼ              2 Golla 1996: 80. Verbal root: 'to be round (2D)'.
70   sand       ɬi=čʼiʍ             1 Golla 1996: 29, 81; Golla 1964: 114. Polysemy: 'sand / sandy dirt / dust'. The first ele
71   say        =ne                 1 Golla 1996: 81. Glossed as 'to say something, make noise, speak'. Different from =ye
72   see        =cʰis               1 Golla 1996: 82. The paradigm is irregular: =cʰis (imperf.) / =cʰan (perf.). §	 verThe
73   seed       possr=saːy ~ possr=saːy-ʔ
                                    1 Golla 1996: 82; Golla 1964: 112. Glossed in [Golla 1996] as 'small seeds', opposed to
74   sit        ya=ʔa               1 Golla 1996: 85. Used with sg. subj. With pl. subj the verbal stem ya=ʔeƛʼ is used ins
75   skin       possr=sicʼ          1 Golla 1996: 86; Golla 1964: 112. Polysemy: 'bark / human skin / hide'.
76   sleep      =wuŋ                1 Golla 1996: 86. The perfective root variant is =waʔn < =wan-ʔ-i .
77   small      =kiyʔ-kicʰ          1 Golla 1996: 57, 87. Morphologically obscure. Probably a compound of two roots: 1)
77   small      =kiyʔ=kicʰ          2 Golla 1996: 57, 87.
78   smoke      ɬitʰ                1 Golla 1996: 87; Golla 1964: 117. The same root as 'to burn' q.v.
79   stand      =yen                1 Golla 1996: 90; Golla 1970: 189. Used with sg. subj. For pl. subj. the root =ya is use
80   star       cʰiŋʼ               1 Golla 1996: 90; Golla 1964: 113.
81   stone      cʰe ~ cʰeː          1 Golla 1996: 79; Golla 1964: 113.
82   sun        ʍa                  1 Golla 1996: 92; Hoijer 1956: 223. The word ʍa demonstrates the standard areal poly
83   swim       =me                 1 Golla 1996: 93; Golla 1977: 357. Polysemy: 'to swim / to bathe'. According to the ana
84   tail       possr=kʰʸeʔ         1 Golla 1996: 94; Golla 1964: 115. The root is kʰʸeʔ , not kʰʸe , cf. such compounds as k
85   that       yoːw                                                                                        1)
                                    1 Golla 1996: 95. The general deictic system in Hupa is ternary: §	 te ~ teː-ti ~ hay=
85   that       yeːw                2 Golla 1996: 95.
86   this       te                  1 Golla 1996: 96. See notes on 'that'.
87   thou       niŋ                 1 Golla 1996: 110; Golla 1970: 236.
88   tongue     possr=saːstʰaːn     1 Golla 1996: 98. A descriptive formation < sah-si-tʰaːn 'inside the mouth (q.v.) it (stic
89   tooth      possr=woʔ           1 Golla 1996: 95; Golla 1964: 110.
90   tree       kʰʸiŋ               1 Golla 1996: 99; Golla 1964: 115. Polysemy: 'tree / timber / stick'. Different from čʰʷič
91   two        nahx                1 Golla 1996: 100; Golla 1970: 255.
92   go (walk) =ya                  1 Golla 1996: 40; Golla 1970: 59 et passim. The same root as 'to come' q.v. The genera
93   warm (hot) =seɬ                1 Golla 1996: 47, 104; Golla 1970: 143. Polysemy: 'to be hot / to be warm'. Applicable
94   water      tʰaʔ=naːn           1 Golla 1996: 105. Glossed as 'water (for drinking)'. A descriptive formation < tʰaʔ=ti=
                                                                                         nd
 95   we           nehe                 1   Golla 1996: 105; Golla 1970: 236. Cf. the 2 p. pl. pronoun nohn 'you'.
 96   what         tay-ti ~ tiy-ti      1   Golla 1996: 106, Golla 1970: 237. The morpheme -ti is a general pronominal interrog
 97   white        =qay                 1   Golla 1996: 107. Verbal root: 'to be white'.
 98   who          tun-ti               1   Golla 1996: 107; Golla 1970: 237. The morpheme -ti is a general pronominal interrog
 99   woman        cʰumehsƛʼoːn         1   Golla 1996: 108. A descriptive formation. As is noted by Golla, < cʰuŋ meh-s-ƛʼon-i ,
100   yellow       taʔkʰʸaːw-nehwaːn 1      Golla 1996: 110. A descriptive formation, literally 'oriole' + 'it resembles'. As is noted
101   far          ni=sah               1   Golla 1996: 33.
102   heavy        =tas                 1   Golla 1996: 45. Verbal root: 'to be heavy'.
103   near         =tiŋ                 1   Golla 1996: 65. Verbal root: 'to be close, near by'. The perfective root variant is =teʔn
104   salt         ɬeh=qʼončʼ           1   Golla 1996: 81. Should be analyzed as ɬeh=qʼončʼ . The first element is ɬeh- 'a sloppy
105   short        =citʰ                1   Golla 1996: 84. Verbal root: 'to be short'.
106   snake        ƛʼiʍ ~ ƛʼiːʍ ~ ƛʼiwiʍ1   Golla 1996: 87; Golla 1964: 117. Glossed as 'rattlesnake, snake (in general)'.
107   thin1 (2D)   =tʼaʔnye             1   Golla 1996: 96. Verbal root: 'to be thin (2D)'. Historically, < =tʼanʔyi [Golla 1970: 1
107   thin2 (1D)   =tʼikʼʸ              2   Golla 1996: 96. Verbal root: 'to be thin (1D)'. Polysemy: 'to be thin / slender / narrow
108   wind         tʰeh=s=čʼe           1   Golla 1996: 107. Literally 'it blows along' from the verbal root =čʼe 'to blow (of wind
109   worm         qo                   1   Golla 1996: 108; Golla 1964: 116. Polysemy: 'worm / maggot'.
110   year         xay                  1   Golla 1996: 108, 110; Golla 1964: 115. Polysemy: 'year / winter'.
 . {Sources: Golla 1996; Golla 1970; Hoijer 1956.} {Ethnologue: hup.}
emy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus) / completely'. Morphologically unclear.
 .v. + locative suffix -tin/-tiŋ 'at the place' [Golla 1996: vi], [Golla 1970: 307].
112; Golla 1970: 219. Polysemy: 'bark / human skin / hide'. Cf. also some specific terms: kʼʸi=laː-tos-čʼeʔ 'heavy bark of conifers' [Golla 1996: 9] (not en
sed as 'belly, stomach'. The same root with the full grade of the izafet suffix: possr=mit-eʔ 'the belly part (in cutting fish), deer tripe' [Golla 1996: 10], [G
he regular root variant =kʰʸaːw (< =kʰʸah-i ). The same morpheme constitutes the augmentative suffix -kʰʸoh [Golla 1996: 11], [Golla 1970: 262].
 ally 'small one' < the impersonal thematic pronoun kʼʸi- + yaːʍ 'animal's young' [Golla 1996: 110].
  animals and insects. Different from =qos [imperfective] / =qocʼ [perfective] 'to bite off' [Golla 1996: 11].
ck'. The perfective root variant is =ʍeʔn < =ʍen-ʔ-i .
 on from the verb =lin 'to flow', cʰeː=lin 'to flow (of blood), bleed' [Golla 1996: 12, 37]. For the so-called "simple prefix" cʰeː- cf. [Golla 1970: 147]; the
 eg'. The variants =cʼinʼ ~ =cʼiŋʼ < =cʼin-ʔ < =cʼin-eʔ . According to Golla, the variant with the full grade of the izafet suffix (-eʔ ) is attested only in the
 st'. A descriptive formation, although its meaning and the derivational root =ye seems unclear. Cf. also a different term for 'woman's breasts, milk': possr
 tive usage. The root variant =lil is progressive (< =lit-iɬ-i [Golla 1977: 356]). The same root as 'smoke' q.v.
 ail / front claw'. Literally = laʔ 'hand' q.v. + kʰʸeʔcʼ 'claw, nail'. The latter morpheme is probably unattested outside of this compound as well as the parall

d'. The root variant =qʼacʼ probably < =qʼacʼ-i . Widely applicable (to things, water, humans, weather, etc.).
 sim. Same root as 'to go' q.v. The general meaning of the root is 'to move somewhere [intrans.]' [Golla 1970: 162, 301]. Used with sg. subj. The set =yah
 source, the most common expression for 'to die (of human)' is the euphemistic tah-xoːʔ ʔaː-č'i-ti-yaw 'in-some-way he-did-it' (=yaw < =yah-i ), based on
semy: 'pet animal / dog / horse'. Another designation of 'dog' is the descriptive term noː=kʼʸi=neː=yoːtʰ , literally 'it barks at something' [Golla 1996: 9, 27
perfective root variant is =naʔn (< =nanʼ < =nan-ʔ-i ).
et passim. Polysemy: 'to be dry (=cʰaːy ) / to dry (=cʰay-ʔ , a perfective form)'. Widely applicable to various matter (e. g. clothes, wood), food (e. g. salmo

/ ground'. Cf. also ninisʼaːn 'country, land, world, earth' [Golla 1996: 30], probably < *ninʼ-sa-ʔaːn 'ground-lies', according to Golla.
perfective root variant is =yaʔn (< =yan-ʔ-i ). Cf. the paronymous noun kʼʸi-wi=yul 'what one eats (in general), food' < =yan-ɬ-i [Golla 1996: 37].

t is apparently defined as naː (not naːʔ ), as can be seen in some compounds like possr=naː-tʼuŋʔ 'eyelash' etc. [Golla 1964: 112], [Golla 1996: 32].
b.'s body)', but the following example proves that =qʼah is more widely applicable: "On looking closer he was surprised to see that her dress was (made)
semy: 'feather(s) / fin'. Corresponds to words meaning 'wing' in several other Athabaskan languages. Cf. also a different descriptive term possr=cʼi-s-kʸeː-

on (general term)'. Cf. also the descriptive formation tʰohnaːy 'fish, eels, general term for all edible water creatures' [Golla 1996: 35] (probably tʰ-oh-n=aː
                    The
riant is =xicʼ . §	 verb =     tʼah (quoted in [Hoijer 1956: 223] as 'to fly') means 'to float about in the air, wave (like a flag), waft about' [Golla 1996: 36]
man or animal) / footprint / track'. As is noted in [Golla 1964: 115], on the synchronic level the root has two shapes: xe ~ xeː (as in possr=xeː-tʰulʼ 'heel',

whose general meaning is 'to handle a round object'. The set =ʔa-ʍ / =ʔaː-n is directional imperfective/perfective, =ʔa / =ʔa-ʔ is nondirectional imperfec
 d'. The variant =ʍoːn < =ʍon-i .
  to be green'. Cf. also =loy 'to be green, unripe (of berries etc.)' [Golla 1996: 42] < 'to tie' (i. e. 'green, unripe' as 'astringent').
d root =cʰe 'head' q.v. and =waʔ 'body hair, fur' [Golla 1996: 43]. It is stated in [Golla 1964: 110] that the synchronic Hupa root is =waʔ , not =wa , althou
 er'. The root is =laʔ , not =la , cf. possr=laʔ-kʰʸeʔcʼ 'fingernail' and see [Golla 1964: 117]. The meaning 'arm' is expressed by the descriptive formation po
ainst smb.' with the verbal root =ʔa 'to extend'. The old root cʰe 'head' is retained in compounds sych as possr=cʰeː-kʰʸiŋʼ 'back of the head' (literally 'head
                                                                                                          1)
ording to available sources, there are three ways in Hupa to express the semantics of hearing: §	 The enclitic -cʼeh or -cʼiw (< cʼih-i ), attached to the c
 s are/lie (here)' with the anatomical term =kʰʸaːne ~ =kʰʸaːn ~ =kʰʸuŋ 'insides, entrails' [Golla 1996: 50] and the classificatory verb =ʔaː-n 'to handle a ro
root is =te , not =teʔ , cf. the allomorph teː in the compound kʼʸi-teː-kʰʸinʼ 'spoon', literally 'smth.'s horn's base' [Golla 1996: 89], [Golla 1964: 111].

et pass. Used with sg. obj. (object may be human or animal). The perfective root variant is =we-n . Different from =wan 'to kill', used with pl. obj. [Golla
 (anatomic)'. The same root is represented by the verb =qotʼ 'to bend (e.g., stick, rod); to set a snare' [Golla 1996: 11, 87].
 know how' [Golla 1996: 54].
a 1964: 112. Applied to trees and plants. May denote a single leaf or several leaves. The root is tʼanʔ , not tʼan , cf. the paronymous verb =tʼaŋʼ / =tʼaʔn
semy: 'to lie / to lie down', used with sg. subj., applied to humans or animals. A classificatory verb with the generic meaning 'to handle living being'. Root
ally a verbal root: 'to be long'.
cifically head louse), parasite'.
  (subst.)'. Apparently derived from the verb =ta 'to stay; to live' [Golla 1996: 57, 90].
 ɬan 'to be many, lots'.
root is probably cʰin .
The word ʍa shows the standard areal polysemy 'sun / moon', although there exists a specialized expression for 'moon': xiƛʼeʔ=ʍa , literally 'night' q.v. +
ace of the earth / mountain'. Should probably be analyzed as ni=ni=s=ʔaːn . The derivational verbal root =ʔan or =ʔa-n is not entirely clear: cf. =ʔa 'to
                                          1)
e are two words for 'mouth' in Hupa: §	 possr=     sah 'oral cavity', glossed by Golla as 'the inside of the mouth' and 'mouth (interior)'. The variant possr=s

 "semitransitive" marker, cf. [Golla 1970: 164]. Also functions as a verbal root: =ʍe 'to call by name, to be named' [Golla 1996: 65], [Golla 1970: 164].


first element xV- is not entirely clear; it may be a permutation of the root xiɬ 'dark, murky color' [Golla 1996: 24], [Golla 1964: 116].

prefix toː- is used for both indicative and prohibitive.

ople / Indians'. Literally 'acorn eat(er)', from the word kʼʸi-win-yaʔn 'acorn' - literally '(what) someone eats' with =yan 'to eat' - and the same verb =yan 'to
) / it's raining'. A descriptive formation with the directional prefix na- 'down from vertically above' [Golla 1970: 125] and the verbal root =ya 'to move s
ontraction from cʰeː-lin ne-h-waːn , literally 'blood' q.v. + 'it resembles' [Golla 1996: 78], [Golla 1970: 63].




 olysemy: 'sand / sandy dirt / dust'. The first element ɬi- is not entirely clear (cf. ɬeh- 'a sloppy object', which is singled out from compounds like 'mud', 'cl
ething, make noise, speak'. Different from =yeʍ [sg. subj.] / =waʍ [pl. subj.] 'to speak, talk' [Golla 1996: 88, 94].
                                          The
 lar: =cʰis (imperf.) / =cʰan (perf.). §	 verb =     ʔen (quoted in [Hoijer 1956: 223] as 'to see') means 'to look (on, at, around, etc.)' [Golla 1996: 58].
sed in [Golla 1996] as 'small seeds', opposed to possr=naː-ʔ 'large seed, pit', literally 'eye(s)' [Golla 1996: 82].
ith pl. subj the verbal stem ya=ʔeƛʼ is used instead. Literal meaning: 'to extend upward' with the directional prefix ya- [Golla 1970: 124] and the suppleti
semy: 'bark / human skin / hide'.
riant is =waʔn < =wan-ʔ-i .
bscure. Probably a compound of two roots: 1) =kiyʔ (quoted as a separate root 'to be small' in [Golla 1970: 88, 143, 144]), and 2) kicʰ . Resulting forms, l

same root as 'to burn' q.v.
 with sg. subj. For pl. subj. the root =ya is used instead [Golla 1996: 90].


 word ʍa demonstrates the standard areal polysemy 'sun / moon', although there also exist specialized expressions for this celestial body: čiŋkʰʸoːwitʰ-ʍa
semy: 'to swim / to bathe'. According to the analysis in [Golla 1977: 357], a classificatory verb with the following variants: directional imperfective/perfec
root is kʰʸeʔ , not kʰʸe , cf. such compounds as kʰʸeʔ-čʰʷil 'bobbed tail', literally 'tail-blunted' [Golla 1996: 94]. Different from possr=kʰʸeːl-ʔ 'fish tail' [Goll
                                 1)                                                                                  2)
stem in Hupa is ternary: §	 te ~ teː-ti ~ hay=te ~ hay=teː-ti 'this' [Golla 1996: 96], [Golla 1970: 299]; §	 yoːw ~ hay=yoːw ~ hay=yoːw-i 'that (close




n < sah-si-tʰaːn 'inside the mouth (q.v.) it (stick-like object) lies'.

semy: 'tree / timber / stick'. Different from čʰʷičʰ 'wood, firewood' [Golla 1996: 108].

im. The same root as 'to come' q.v. The general meaning of the root is 'to move somewhere [intrans.]' [Golla 1970: 162, 301]. Used with sg. subj. The set
Polysemy: 'to be hot / to be warm'. Applicable both to objects and weather.
r drinking)'. A descriptive formation < tʰaʔ=ti=naːn , literally 'what one drinks'; cf. xonʼ-tʰaʔnaːn 'alcohol', literally 'fire + water' [Golla 1996: 3], tʰaʔnaːn
     nd
the 2 p. pl. pronoun nohn 'you'.
 morpheme -ti is a general pronominal interrogative element, see examples in [Golla 1970: 237].

 morpheme -ti is a general pronominal interrogative element; see examples in [Golla 1970: 237].
on. As is noted by Golla, < cʰuŋ meh-s-ƛʼon-i , literally 'apron (cʰuŋ ) tied (ƛʼon ) on to her'.
on, literally 'oriole' + 'it resembles'. As is noted by Golla: "this is a recent term. In traditional times the color yellow was not distinguished from brown or


e, near by'. The perfective root variant is =teʔn < =ten-ʔ-i .
ɬeh=qʼončʼ . The first element is ɬeh- 'a sloppy object', singled out from other compounds like 'mud', 'clay', etc. [Golla 1964: 117]. The second element q

sed as 'rattlesnake, snake (in general)'.
 (2D)'. Historically, < =tʼanʔyi [Golla 1970: 144], but the whole root is synchronically unanalyzable.
 (1D)'. Polysemy: 'to be thin / slender / narrow'.
ng' from the verbal root =čʼe 'to blow (of wind)' [Golla 1970: 169, 201]. Names of specific kinds of wind are mostly based on the same root [Golla 1996
ysemy: 'worm / maggot'.
. Polysemy: 'year / winter'.
heavy bark of conifers' [Golla 1996: 9] (not entirely clear morphologically), si-kʰʸeːcʼ 'thin bark of deciduous trees; shell (of a nut)' [Golla 1996: 9].
n cutting fish), deer tripe' [Golla 1996: 10], [Golla 1964: 110]. Cf. also E. Sapir's possr=čont-eʔ 'belly' quoted in [Golla 1964: 114].
h [Golla 1996: 11], [Golla 1970: 262].




"simple prefix" cʰeː- cf. [Golla 1970: 147]; the meaning of this element is unclear.
 of the izafet suffix (-eʔ ) is attested only in the meaning 'leg'.
different term for 'woman's breasts, milk': possr=cʼoː-ʔ [Golla 1996: 14] and the relational noun possr=čeːʔ-xʷ 'at smb.'s breast, in front of smb.' [Golla 19

d outside of this compound as well as the parallel form possr=xeʔ=kʰʸeʔcʼ 'toenail' [Golla 1996: 98] ('foot' q.v. + 'claw, nail').


0: 162, 301]. Used with sg. subj. The set =yahʍ / =ya is treated in [Golla 1977: 357] as directional imperfective/perfective, whereas =ya / =ya-ʔ is defin
ome-way he-did-it' (=yaw < =yah-i ), based on the suppletive verb =nih [impf.] / =yah [perf.] 'to do (so); to happen' [Golla 1996: 26, 43], [Golla 1970: 2
erally 'it barks at something' [Golla 1996: 9, 27] from the verb yoːtʰ (the variant =yoh < =yotʰ# ) 'to bark' [Golla 1996: 9]. Golla [Golla 1996: 27] quotes ɬ

 matter (e. g. clothes, wood), food (e. g. salmon), snow etc.

 d-lies', according to Golla.
 ral), food' < =yan-ɬ-i [Golla 1996: 37].

 etc. [Golla 1964: 112], [Golla 1996: 32].
was surprised to see that her dress was (made) of deer fat" [Goddard 1904: 164, 168]. The corresponding verb =qʼah (/ =qʼaːw < =qʼah-i ) means 'to be
so a different descriptive term possr=cʼi-s-kʸeː-ʔ 'fine feathers, down' [Golla 1996: 33], although the derivational root =kʸe is unclear.

 eatures' [Golla 1996: 35] (probably tʰ-oh-n=aː-i from the root =ya 'to move', see under 'go').
wave (like a flag), waft about' [Golla 1996: 36].
o shapes: xe ~ xeː (as in possr=xeː-tʰulʼ 'heel', literally 'foot stamper' [Golla 1996: 45]) and xeʔ (as in possr=xeʔ-kʰʸeʔcʼ 'toenail'). A paronymous verb is

 ective, =ʔa / =ʔa-ʔ is nondirectional imperfective/perfective [Golla 1977: 357].


synchronic Hupa root is =waʔ , not =wa , although the discussed compound rather suggests =wa . By contrast, the shape =waʔ does not seem to be atteste
m' is expressed by the descriptive formation possr=kʼʸaːŋʼay (< possr=kʼʸa=win=ʔa-i ), literally 'it extends away from smb.' [Golla 1996: 5], [Golla 1970:
 ssr=cʰeː-kʰʸiŋʼ 'back of the head' (literally 'head-base') [Golla 1996: 44] or adverbial formations like naː=cʰe 'ahead, first, preceding' [Golla 1996: 3].
 litic -cʼeh or -cʼiw (< cʼih-i ), attached to the clause, which denotes the perceived act, see [Golla 1970: 261] and [Golla 1996: 45]. The generic meaning o
 d the classificatory verb =ʔaː-n 'to handle a round object' [Golla 1977: 357].
ase' [Golla 1996: 89], [Golla 1964: 111].

nt from =wan 'to kill', used with pl. obj. [Golla 1996: 53], [Golla 1970: 152, 163] (object may be human or animal).


 ʼan , cf. the paronymous verb =tʼaŋʼ / =tʼaʔn (< =tʼanʔ-i ) 'to come out (of leaves)' [Golla 1996: 56]. Different from collective possr=ƛʼowʼ 'plant's leave
 generic meaning 'to handle living being'. Root variants: directional imperfective/perfective =tʰi-ʍ / =tʰeː-n , nondirectional imperfective/perfective =tʰe /
 n for 'moon': xiƛʼeʔ=ʍa , literally 'night' q.v. + 'sun / moon'. For similar specialized expressions for 'sun' see under the latter.
=ʔan or =ʔa-n is not entirely clear: cf. =ʔa 'to extend' [Golla 1996: 32].
                                                                                                                                              2)
 uth' and 'mouth (interior)'. The variant possr=sah is a plain root, but alternatively possr=saːqʼ (apparently < possr=saːh-ʔ ) can be used; §	 possr=ta-ʔ

 e named' [Golla 1996: 65], [Golla 1970: 164].


 6: 24], [Golla 1964: 116].




 with =yan 'to eat' - and the same verb =yan 'to eat' q.v.
 1970: 125] and the verbal root =ya 'to move somewhere' (for which see notes on 'come' & 'go').




 h is singled out from compounds like 'mud', 'clay', etc., [Golla 1964: 117]). The second element is possr=čʼiʍ-eʔ 'dust, particles of something' [Golla 199

ook (on, at, around, etc.)' [Golla 1996: 58].

 l prefix ya- [Golla 1970: 124] and the suppletive verb =ʔa [sg. subj.] / =ʔeƛʼ [pl. subj.] 'to extend' [Golla 1996: 32], [Golla 1970: 141].                   Different fr
                                                                                                                                                              §	


 : 88, 143, 144]), and 2) kicʰ . Resulting forms, listed in [Golla 1996: 57, 87], demonstrate various contractions and vowel fluctuations, as well as the shift




 essions for this celestial body: čiŋkʰʸoːwitʰ-ʍa , literally 'daytime' + 'sun', čiŋkʰʸoːwitʰ-qaːl , literally 'daylight' + 'comes along', teːti-qaːl , literally 'here' + 'it
  owing variants: directional imperfective/perfective =mi-ʍ / =meː-n , nondirectional imperfective/perfective =me / =me-ʔ .
 ]. Different from possr=kʰʸeːl-ʔ 'fish tail' [Golla 1996: 94].
  2)                                                                                                            3)
 	 yoːw ~ hay=yoːw ~ hay=yoːw-i 'that (close by, visible)' [Golla 1996: 95], [Golla 1970: 299]; §	 yeːw ~ hay=yeːw ~ hay=yeːw-i 'that (far off, invisib




 a 1970: 162, 301]. Used with sg. subj. The set =yahʍ / =ya is treated in [Golla 1977: 357] as directional imperfective/perfective, whereas =ya / =ya-ʔ i

 literally 'fire + water' [Golla 1996: 3], tʰaʔnaːn-ɬiʍin 'coffee', literally 'water + black' [Golla 1996: 19]. Cf. also such contexts with tʰaʔnaːn as 'I pour it a
r yellow was not distinguished from brown or red". Cf. čuŋ-nehwaːn 'brown' (literally 'muddy water' + 'it resembles') [Golla 1996: 14] and cʰeːl-nehwaːn




, etc. [Golla 1964: 117]. The second element qʼončʼ is not entirely clear (cf. the verbal root =qʼočʼ 'to be sour, salty' [Golla 1996: 81]).




are mostly based on the same root [Golla 1996: 107].
 us trees; shell (of a nut)' [Golla 1996: 9].
oted in [Golla 1964: 114].




-xʷ 'at smb.'s breast, in front of smb.' [Golla 1996: 14] (the latter contains the locative -xʷ(i) 'at' [Golla 1970: 275]). The root čeʔ is also retained in expre




                                                                                                 With
ective/perfective, whereas =ya / =ya-ʔ is defined as nondirectional imperfective/perfective. §	 pl. subj. the root =tiɬ [imperf.] / =teːƛʼ [perf.] is us
to happen' [Golla 1996: 26, 43], [Golla 1970: 286]. Textual evidence confirms this as a default expression, cf. such examples with =yah / =yaw as: "Tha
Golla 1996: 9]. Golla [Golla 1996: 27] quotes ɬiŋʼ and noː-kʼʸi-neː=yoːtʰ as synonyms in the meaning 'dog', but browsing through Hupa texts in [Goddard




erb =qʼah (/ =qʼaːw < =qʼah-i ) means 'to be fat' [Golla 1996: 33], [Golla 1970: 139], but its application is unclear.
tional root =kʸe is unclear.




sr=xeʔ-kʰʸeʔcʼ 'toenail'). A paronymous verb is =xeh [impef.] / =xeʔ [perf.] 'to track (an animal)' [Golla 1996: 99]. The meaning 'leg' is expressed with th




ast, the shape =waʔ does not seem to be attested in unequivocal morphological contexts. The final *-n-ʔ contains an old N- suffix with the synchronic iza
away from smb.' [Golla 1996: 5], [Golla 1970: 220] (cf. the similar structure of the stem for 'head' q.v.). Cf. a separate term for 'forearm': possr=cʼeːlʼ [G
 e 'ahead, first, preceding' [Golla 1996: 3].
 ] and [Golla 1996: 45]. The generic meaning of -cʼeh / -cʼiw is perception in general (e.g., feeling), but the usual and most frequent meaning is simply 'h




erent from collective possr=ƛʼowʼ 'plant's leaves, foliage' [Golla 1996: 56].
 , nondirectional imperfective/perfective =tʰe / =tʰe-ʔ [Golla 1977: 357]. Cf. the verb =tʰečʼ 'to lie, lie down (of humans and animals)' [Golla 1996: 56; G
                               2)
< possr=saːh-ʔ ) can be used; §	 possr=ta-ʔ 'mouth opening and lips', glossed by Golla as 'mouth, lips', although for 'lips' per se there is an alternative




iʍ-eʔ 'dust, particles of something' [Golla 1996: 88], [Golla 1964: 114].




1996: 32], [Golla 1970: 141].       Different from expressions for 'to sit down', which are based on the root =ta 'to stay; to live' for sg. subj. and on the ro
                                   §	


ons and vowel fluctuations, as well as the shift kʸ > k (for this consonant symbolism see [Golla 1970: 263]). Cf. the following examples for the abovemen




t' + 'comes along', teːti-qaːl , literally 'here' + 'it comes along' [Golla 1996: 92]. For a similar specialized expression for 'moon' see under the latter.


                                                                                          We
~ hay=yeːw ~ hay=yeːw-i 'that (far off, invisible)' [Golla 1996: 95], [Golla 1970: 299]. §	 treat yoːw and yeːw as synonyms.




                                                                                                   With
mperfective/perfective, whereas =ya / =ya-ʔ is defined as nondirectional imperfective/perfective. §	 pl. subj. the root =tiɬ [imperf.] / =teːƛʼ [perf.]

 also such contexts with tʰaʔnaːn as 'I pour it again into the water' [Golla 1970: 249]. The old root tʰo means 'body of water, ocean' [Golla 1996: 105], bu
esembles') [Golla 1996: 14] and cʰeːl-nehwaːn 'red' (literally 'blood' + 'it resembles') q.v. By contrast, 'yellow' is quoted as =cʰow in [Hoijer 1956: 223], c




our, salty' [Golla 1996: 81]).
 0: 275]). The root čeʔ is also retained in expressions for 'breastbone' [Golla 1996: 14] and 'to be tired' [Golla 1996: 97].




 ubj. the root =tiɬ [imperf.] / =teːƛʼ [perf.] is used instead [Golla 1996: 19, 40], [Golla 1970: 162].
  cf. such examples with =yah / =yaw as: "That night he said, 'I've got a headache!' Before dawn, in the first light, he died" [Golla 1984: 53, 55], "They th
 , but browsing through Hupa texts in [Goddard 1904] and [Golla 1984] clearly suggests that ɬiŋʼ is the default designation for 'dog'. Examples for ɬiŋʼ 'do




 96: 99]. The meaning 'leg' is expressed with the word for 'bone' q.v.




ontains an old N- suffix with the synchronic izafet exponent -iʔ .
 . a separate term for 'forearm': possr=cʼeːlʼ [Golla 1996: 5].

e usual and most frequent meaning is simply 'hearing'. Examples for -cʼeh / -cʼiw 'it is heard' or 'subj hears it' are numerous, e.g.: "I hear (cʼeh ) that bird c




wn (of humans and animals)' [Golla 1996: 56; Golla 1970: 162], which is used with pl. subj.
                                                                                                                                       Browsing through [Gol
lthough for 'lips' per se there is an alternative specialized expression: possr=taː-sicʼ , literally 'mouth + skin' [Golla 1996: 57]. §	




t =ta 'to stay; to live' for sg. subj. and on the root =tiɬ [imperf.] / =teːƛʼ [perf.] 'to move somewhere [intrans.]' for pl. subj. [Golla 1996: 85-86].


). Cf. the following examples for the abovementioned compound: "it was as if little (=keʔ-kicʰ ) leaching pits [in the sand] were being made" [Golla 1984




pression for 'moon' see under the latter.


nd yeːw as synonyms.




pl. subj. the root =tiɬ [imperf.] / =teːƛʼ [perf.] is used instead [Golla 1996: 19, 40], [Golla 1970: 162].

ns 'body of water, ocean' [Golla 1996: 105], but seems to be used mostly in compounds or bound forms, cf. tʰoː-xʷ 'at the river' (literally 'water-at') [Golla
ow' is quoted as =cʰow in [Hoijer 1956: 223], coinciding with the term for 'green' q.v.
st light, he died" [Golla 1984: 53, 55], "They thought he had been dead for some time" [Golla 1984: 46, 49], "If I should talk the Indians would be no mo
ault designation for 'dog'. Examples for ɬiŋʼ 'dog' are numerous in [Goddard 1904] (e.g., "I wish I had a dog to go along with me" [Goddard 1904: 114, 13




it' are numerous, e.g.: "I hear (cʼeh ) that bird crying; I feel (cʼeh ) the salmon have come; I hear (cʼeh ) Salmon's Grandmother crying" [Golla 1984: 15, 1
                      Browsing through [Golla 1970], [Golla 1996] and other sources does not permit to make a definite choice; therefore, we treat =sah
n' [Golla 1996: 57]. §	




ns.]' for pl. subj. [Golla 1996: 85-86].


 ts [in the sand] were being made" [Golla 1984: 36, 37], "Across the ocean toward the west lives the small ({mis-kai-gits }) fork-tailed fish" [Goddard 190




. tʰoː-xʷ 'at the river' (literally 'water-at') [Golla 1996: 6], tʰoː-tiŋ 'beach, shore' (literally 'water-place') [Golla 1996: 9], tʰo-sqʼucʼ 'spring (of cold water),
], "If I should talk the Indians would be no more. They would die" [Goddard 1904: 217, 219], "When they came to the village they were told that a man h
g to go along with me" [Goddard 1904: 114, 131], "A dog skin blanket was hanging there over the door" [Goddard 1904: 170, 173]), Golla's examples ar




mon's Grandmother crying" [Golla 1984: 15, 16], "And a kissing noise she heard (cʼeh )" [Goddard 1904: 111], "I hear (cʼeh ) two (people)" [Goddard 19
make a definite choice; therefore, we treat =sah and =ta as synonyms.




({mis-kai-gits }) fork-tailed fish" [Goddard 1904: 364, 368].        Cf.
                                                                    §	 also the widely applicable diminutive suffix -či [Golla 1970: 261].          The
                                                                                                                                                   §	 word ya




la 1996: 9], tʰo-sqʼucʼ 'spring (of cold water), cold water' < tʰoː-siqʼucʼ 'water + cold' [Golla 1996: 19], etc. Cf. also various verbal directional tʰ- prefixes
                                                                                       It
came to the village they were told that a man had died" [Goddard 1904: 175, 178]. §	 is interesting that, according to [Goddard 1904], the root tʼen 'to
Goddard 1904: 170, 173]), Golla's examples are: "Don't even let a dog look from there!" [Golla 1984: 32, 34], "dogs never come here" [Golla 1970: 301].




111], "I hear (cʼeh ) two (people)" [Goddard 1904: 170], "I heard (cʼiw ) them get up" [Golla 1984: 13, 14], "Let me see what it was that I heard (cʼiw ) do
e suffix -či [Golla 1970: 261].    The
                                  §	 word yaːʍ (quoted in [Hoijer 1956: 223] as 'small') means '(animal's) young' according to [Golla 1996: 81 sub 'sap




c. Cf. also various verbal directional tʰ- prefixes such as tʰa- 'into the water (and out again), moving through the water' etc. [Golla 1970: 126-127]. For oth
, according to [Goddard 1904], the root tʼen 'to do; to happen' [Golla 1996: 26, 43] (which is closely synonymous to =nah / =yah ) can also be used in th
4], "dogs never come here" [Golla 1970: 301]. By contrast, no textual examples for noː=kʼʸi=neː=yoːtʰ have been found.




, "Let me see what it was that I heard (cʼiw ) doing something" [Golla 1984: 19, 22], "in that direction inside it someone was singing there she heard (cʼiw
s) young' according to [Golla 1996: 81 sub 'sapling', 100 sub 'trout', 110], not 'small (adj.)' in general.




h the water' etc. [Golla 1970: 126-127]. For other terms with the semantics of 'water', see [Golla 1996: 105].
nymous to =nah / =yah ) can also be used in this expression 'to do it in some way' = 'to die', cf. the following examples: "People would never have died bu




de it someone was singing there she heard (cʼiw )" [Golla 1984: 28], "he sang along there she heard (cʼiw )" [Golla 1984: 29], "And he walking along a cr
ng examples: "People would never have died but for that" [Goddard 1904: 221, 224], "He took care of the people who died" [Goddard 1904: 346, 349], "b




 [Golla 1984: 29], "And he walking along a creek heard (cʼiw )" [Goddard 1904: 111], "he heard croak (cʼiw )" [Goddard 1904: 112], "it sounded he hear
people who died" [Goddard 1904: 346, 349], "but if she does eat them, these eels of mine won't die" [Goddard 1904: 253, 261], "It (= the eels) won't die"




                                                                                    2)
iw )" [Goddard 1904: 112], "it sounded he heard (cʼiw )" [Goddard 1904: 144], etc. §	 the adverb ʔun-kʸaʔ or ʔan-kʸaʔ (also plain kʸaʔ ), glossed as 'une
ard 1904: 253, 261], "It (= the eels) won't die" [Goddard 1904: 256, 262]; it should be noted that, according to the two latter examples, the expression 'to




ʔ or ʔan-kʸaʔ (also plain kʸaʔ ), glossed as 'unexpectedly, surprisingly, seeing something suddenly, lo and behold!' [Golla 1996: 57, 93], which is applied
g to the two latter examples, the expression 'to do it in some way' is applied to animals as well. Modern sources, however, do not confirm such usage of t




behold!' [Golla 1996: 57, 93], which is applied to the act of perception (seeing, hearing, etc.). Normally ʔun-kʸaʔ ~ ʔan-kʸaʔ is used together with the wor
                                                                                                                        A
urces, however, do not confirm such usage of tʼen ; therefore, we regard it as archaic and exclude tʼen from the list. §	 second candidate is the verb =č




n-kʸaʔ ~ ʔan-kʸaʔ is used together with the word that denotes perception. Examples for ʔun-kʸaʔ ~ ʔan-kʸaʔ with -cʼeh / -cʼiw in the meaning 'subj hears
m the list.    A
              §	 second candidate is the verb =čʼitʰ 'to die; to be tired out, weak from exhaustion' [Golla 1996: 25, 97], which, in the meaning 'to die', is no




ʔ with -cʼeh / -cʼiw in the meaning 'subj hears (it)' are numerous. E.g.: "Then I heard (ʔan-kʸaʔ ... cʼeh ) something making a cracking noise going" [Golla
96: 25, 97], which, in the meaning 'to die', is noted by Golla as "direct term; very impolite". In known examples =čʼitʰ is applied preferably to animals, my




mething making a cracking noise going" [Golla 1984: 11], "Then in the middle of the night she heard (ʔan-kʸaʔ ... cʼeh ) something uncertain making a no
ples =čʼitʰ is applied preferably to animals, mythological monsters or the waning moon: "It (= the salmon) died at once" [Goddard 1904: 266, 268], "He (




kʸaʔ ... cʼeh ) something uncertain making a noise" [Golla 1984: 18, 22], "As she was coming down the ridge towards Xonsahding, she heard (ʔan-kʸaʔ ...
died at once" [Goddard 1904: 266, 268], "He (= the monster Two-Neck) did not die ... And then he died" [Goddard 1904: 164, 167], "He (= the monster)




ge towards Xonsahding, she heard (ʔan-kʸaʔ ... cʼeh ) people crying downstream from Xonsahding. She thought, 'I hear (cʼeh ) something there; let me go
[Goddard 1904: 164, 167], "He (= the monster) thought, 'For nothing I will die' ... At that resting place he died" [Goddard 1904: 346, 347, 349], "the wan




ought, 'I hear (cʼeh ) something there; let me go down there'" [Golla 1984: 21, 23], "Inside it she heard (ʔan=kʸaʔ ... cʼeh ) someone was singing" [Golla 1
ied" [Goddard 1904: 346, 347, 349], "the waning moon (when its going from full to new)" [Golla 1996: 104]. A clear example for =čʼitʰ applied to a hum




=kʸaʔ ... cʼeh ) someone was singing" [Golla 1984: 28], "He was surprised to hear (ʔun-kʸaʔ ... cʼeh ) someone splitting logs" [Goddard 1904: 108], "As h
04]. A clear example for =čʼitʰ applied to a human being is "His brother almost died (of fright)" [Goddard 1904: 328, 330]. Cf. also two examples withou




one splitting logs" [Goddard 1904: 108], "As he walked along he heard (ʔun-kʸaʔ ... cʼiw ) laughing" [Goddard 1904: 109], "In a hollow tree she heard (ʔu
1904: 328, 330]. Cf. also two examples without contexts (the subjects is unknown): "I am going to die' [Golla 1970: 261], "it's impossible for us to die" [




dard 1904: 109], "In a hollow tree she heard (ʔun-kʸaʔ ... cʼeh ) a baby rolling around" [Goddard 1904: 157], "when they came they heard (ʔun=kʸaʔ ... cʼe
                                                                        A
olla 1970: 261], "it's impossible for us to die" [Golla 1996: 16, 49]. §	 third candidate for 'to die' is the verb =čeh (/ =čeːw < =čeh-i ) 'to crowd, flock;




], "when they came they heard (ʔun=kʸaʔ ... cʼeh ) talking" [Goddard 1904: 170], etc. Sometimes the second element of the collocation ʔun-kʸaʔ ... -cʼeh /
                                                                                                          The
verb =čeh (/ =čeːw < =čeh-i ) 'to crowd, flock; to pile up', noted in [Golla 1996: 25] as "polite term". §	 default Hupa expression for 'to die (of huma




d element of the collocation ʔun-kʸaʔ ... -cʼeh / -cʼiw can be omitted; two examples are found with the semantics of hearing: "Then she heard (ʔun-kʸaʔ ) a
he default Hupa expression for 'to die (of human)' is apparently the one with =yah ('to do it in some way').




antics of hearing: "Then she heard (ʔun-kʸaʔ ) a baby crying" [Goddard 1904: 135], "he heard (ʔun-kʸaʔ ) here he came running" [Goddard 1904: 360]. §	
                                           3)
ere he came running" [Goddard 1904: 360]. §	 Finally, there is a predicative way to express the semantics of hearing with the verbs =ya 'to move' or =ʔ
s of hearing with the verbs =ya 'to move' or =ʔa 'to extend': the descriptive collocations possr=eːtaʔay =ya 'smb.'s head moves to' [Golla 1996: 45] and p
a 'smb.'s head moves to' [Golla 1996: 45] and possr=eːtaʔay =ʔa 'smb.'s head extends to'. Four examples have been found: "it was midnight and he heard

				
DOCUMENT INFO
Shared By:
Categories:
Tags:
Stats:
views:4
posted:11/28/2011
language:English
pages:85