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HR 3962 A Hurdle to Risk Spreading

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By Frances Simmons

American Bar Association - Tort Trial and Insurance Practice Section

2009-10 Law Student Writing Competition

Third Prize Winner



HR 3962: A Hurdle to Risk Spreading







Introduction



On November 7th, 2009, the House of Representatives passed the Affordable Health Care for



America Act. This act, also known as HR 3962, includes the most significant and comprehensive changes



to the way health care is delivered in this country since the creation of Medicare in 1965. While the



purported intent of HR 3962’s sweeping language is to enhance the ability of United States citizens to



obtain affordable health insurance, the provisions create barriers to an important tool insurance companies



use to decrease cost: risk spreading.



HR 3962 constitutes an exponential expansion of federal government control of health insurance



entities. Its provisions prevent health insurance companies from (1) identifying high-risk individuals, (2)



charging high-risk individuals higher premiums, and (3) applying cost spreading to insureds. In addition, it



does not create enough of an incentive for low risk individuals to obtain health insurance.



This paper first provides a background on the state of health insurance in the United States



followed by a basic review of barriers to risk spreading. The paper then examines specific HR 3962



provisions, and then presents a discussion of their practical effects and implications for the healthcare



insurance industry.

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Status of Health Care Insurance



Depending on the source, almost 18% of non-Medicare eligible adults lack health insurance in the



United States.1 The problem with this number is that there is no indication as to what prevents this



population for obtaining health insurance from the private market. 2 While pundits claim that the



prohibitively high health insurance premiums are the cause, there is evidence that suggests this is not the



case. Michael Chernew states, “[a]lthough the overwhelming majority of individuals participate in their



employer's plan, there appears to be a subset who do not, even at prices heavily distorted by the employer. 3



He speculates that, for this population, a further subsidy would not increase participation in employer



provided plans.4



What can explain this? It is possible that the issue is individual demand for health insurance. Amy



B. Monahan suggests that demand may vary based on perceived risk. 5 For example, young adults are more



likely to be uninsured than older adults.6



HR 3962 attempts to increase the number of individuals who are covered by health insurance in



numerous ways. The primary provisions involve (1) changing the tax treatment of health insurance



premiums, (2) requiring all individuals to purchase health insurance coverage, (3) requiring all employers



to offer health insurance coverage to their workers, and (4) reducing health insurance companies’ ability to



use pre-existing condition clauses. As drafted, HR 3962 will adversely affect health insurance companies’



ability to constrain cost through risk spreading by the phenomenons moral hazard and adverse selection.









1

Paul Fronstin, Sources of Health Insurance and Characteristics of the Uninsured: Analysis of the March

2007 Current Population Survey, EBRI Issue Brief, No. 310 at 4 (Washington, Employee Benefit Research

Institute, Oct. 2007), available at http://www.ebri.org/pdf/briefspdf/EBRI IB 10a-20071.pdf.

2

M. Kate Bundorf et al., Health Risk, Income, and the Purchase of Private Health Insurance (Nat'l Bureau

of Econ. Res., Working Paper No. 11677, 2005).

3

See, e.g., Michael Chernew et al., The Demand for Health Insurance Coverage by Low-Income Workers:

Can Reduced Premiums Achieve Full Coverage?, 32 Health Services Res. 453, 464 (1997)

4

Id; See also Jonathan Gruber & Ebonya Washington, Subsidies to Employee Health Insurance Premiums

and the Health Insurance Market (Nat'l Bureau of Econ. Res., Working Paper No. 9567, 2008), available at

http://www.nber.org/papers/w9567.

5

See, Amy B. Monahan, Health Insurance Risk Pooling and Social Solidarity: A Response to Professor

David Hyman, 14 Conn. Ins. L.J. 325, 329.

6

See, Paul Fronstin, Sources of Health Insurance and Characteristics of the Uninsured: Analysis of the

March 2007 Current Population Survey, EBRI Issue Brief, No. 310 at 15 (Washington, Employee Benefit

Research Institute, Oct. 2007), available at http://www.ebri.org/pdf/briefspdf/EBRI IB 10a-20071.pdf.

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Hurdles to Risk Spreading



Moral Hazard



The first hurdle to risk spreading is moral hazard. Moral hazard is the “theoretical tendency for



insurance to reduce incentives to protect against loss (ex ante moral hazard) or to minimize the cost of loss



(ex post moral hazard).”7 The greater the control the insured has over the loss, the greater the moral hazard.



Put simply, it is an information problem. Insurance companies could eliminate moral hazard “if they could



determine what people would do to be careful in the absence of insurance and then require people to take



the same level of care with insurance.”8 Unfortunately, it is not practical for insurers to set up a system to



determine whether their insureds were taking an adequate level of care.



Insurers utilize three strategies to address moral hazard: (1) Insurers provide a financial incentive



for insureds to invest in some form of durable protection; (2) insurers create a “community of fate” with the



policyholder, so that the policyholder feels some of the pain of the loss through deductibles and co-



payments; (3) insurers design insurance contracts so that risks that pose a very high degree of moral hazard



are not covered or are covered less completely.9



(1) Financial Incentive



Insurers restrict the amount of coverage an individual can take by requiring a deductible on



insured policies. It is thought this can encourage investment in protective measures and often improves

10

both individual and social welfare.



(2) Community of Fate



Costs are incurred on the insured when insurers assert control. Carol Heirner coined the phrase



“community of fate” which occurs when the asserted control is so expensive that even the most risk averse



insured prefers some coinsurance rather than pay the price of full insurance. 11



(3) Limited Coverage



As a practice, risks that carry a high moral hazard tendency are not insurable at all. Medical



underwriting excludes specific individuals or groups for non-fortuitous risks.12 Lesser risks are covered less



7

Tom Baker, Insurance, Law, and Society: Beyond Risk Spreading (2008).

8

Id.

9

See, id.

10

Alexander Muermann et al., Self-Protection and Insurance with Interdependencies (NBER Working

Paper No. 12827, 2008), available at http://www.nber.org/papers/w12827

11

Carol Heimer, Reactive Risk and Rational Action: Managing Moral Hazard, Insurance Contracts (1989).

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completely.13 Insureds are classified and segregated into groups by type and amount of risk they represent



in actuarially fair insurance policies. 14 Each policy contains different coverage, exclusions, and premiums.



In health insurance, insurers utilize these tools to market policies segmented into categories with



distinct products and pricing. Insureds pay for their most likely health problems. Other risks are aligned by



actuarial fairness to premium rates with the risk profile of the individual or group.15 Cost sharing devices,



like co-pays and deductibles, discourage unnecessary medical care and make the insureds insure their own



losses.16 Coverage limits and caps on claims, like annual or lifetime limits on the amount of coverage,



provide a ceiling on the risk insurers face.17







Adverse Selection



The second hurdle to risk spreading is adverse selection. Adverse selection refers to the theoretical



tendency for high-risk people to be more interested in insurance than low-risk people. This tendency,



propitious selection, results in the average risk level of people who chose to purchase insurance being



higher than the average level of risk of the population as a whole. 18 Propitious selection comes about in two



ways. First, people who buy insurance may be on average more risk averse than people who do not.



Second, higher levels of risk aversion are correlated with more safety-oriented behavior.



Like moral hazard, this is an information problem. Addressing adverse selection requires insurers



to be able to identify and act on the risk status of potential insureds. Insurers use risk-shielding tools to



avoid propitious selection pre and post enrollment in their plans.



Pre Enrollment risk shielding tools



The initial strategy for insurers to limiting risk is to bar, prevent, or constrain enrollment. Insurers



use gate-keeping tools to weed out undesirable risks: (1) barring enrollment by refusing to issue a product;



12

See Milliman, Individual Medical Underwriting Guidelines, and Small Group Medical Underwriting

Guidelines (updated periodically).

13

Tom Baker, Containing the Promise of Insurance: Adverse Selection and Risk Classification, 9 Conn.

Ins. L.J. 371, 374 (2002/2003).

14

Robert H. Jerry II, Understanding Insurance Law (2d ed. 1996); Malcolm Clarke, Policies and

Perceptions of Insurance, 256-57 (1997).

15

John C. Goodman, National Center for Policy Analysis, Characteristics of an Ideal Health Care System,

Policy Report No. 242 (April 2002), available at http://www.ncpa.org/pub/st/st242/.

16

Id.

17

Wendy Mariner, Social Solidarity and Personal Responsibility in Health Reform, 14 Conn. Ins. L.J. 199,

207 (2008).

18

Tom Baker, Insurance, Law, and Society: Beyond Risk Spreading (2008).

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(2) medical underwriting to classify and adjust premiums; (3) the use of pre-existing condition exclusions



and waiting periods; and (4) coverage rescissions and cancellations.







1) Barring enrollment by refusing to issue a product



An individual’s health status alone may bar health insurance outright. This principle is primarily



used in the individual market and not group plans. For example, a person with a history of a congenital



defect of the kidney may be barred from enrollment.



2) Medical underwriting to classify risks and adjust premiums



As discussed above, insurers may use medical underwriting to classify and segregate individuals



into groups based on potential future use of care. These classifications permit allocation of premiums based



on the financial risk the individual posses to the insurer. An individual whose characteristics (both health



status and personal characteristics that predict health status and insurance use) pose higher financial risks



thus would be expected to pay a higher premium, and in some cases sufficiently high enough to render



coverage unaffordable.19



3) The use of pre-existing condition exclusions and waiting periods



Instead of barring enrollment, an insurer may allow enrollment, but will impose exclusions for



pre-existing conditions or waiting periods. The insurers assumption of risk is reduced by applying



restrictions on enrollment rather than completely barring individual enrollment.



4) Coverage rescissions and cancellations



In the case of an individual that is allowed to enroll, an insurer may rescind coverage of a benefit



or revoke coverage when an individual’s usage of care exceeds anticipated norms or when the insurer



suspects fraud at the point of enrollment. 20 In the case of rescissions, not only is coverage of the pre-



existing condition revoked, all claims leading up to rescission are no longer the responsibility of the



insurer.







Post-Enrollment Techniques



19

Sara Rosenbaum, Legal Solutions in Health Reform: Insurance Discrimination on the Basis of Health

Status: An Overview of Discrimination Practices, Federal Law, and Federal Reform Options, 37 J.L. Med.

& Ethics 103, 106 (2009)

20

See, id at 107.

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Once enrollment occurs, insurers strategies to limit risk shifts to management of risks associated



with coverage and utilization of health care. Insurers use case management and utilization tools to limit



risks: (1) limiting the scope of coverage; (2) high cost sharing; (3) utilization management techniques and



constraining challenges to coverage denials; and (4) constraining the size and operation of provider



networks and provider payment.



1) Limits on the amount, duration, or scope of coverage



Insurers place limits on the amount, duration, and scope of coverage to minimize the financial



risks of health coverage. Classes of benefits offered, how covered benefit classes are defined, and the



conditioning of coverage on certain requirements defines the scope of coverage provided.21 In addition, the



medical necessity standard defines treatments as necessary only when the treatment restores the individual



to previous functioning level. This can, in some cases, bar coverage of treatments that maintain function or



prevent the loss of function.22



2) Cost sharing



Insurers utilize cost-sharing techniques like deductibles, copayments, and coinsurance. In-network



and out-of-network tiering creates an incentive for insureds to use care economically by steering them to



providers that have a track record of efficient use. In addition, imposition of annual and lifetime limits on



care overall or by condition shifts the burden of coverage back on the insured.



3) Utilization management and procedures for challenging coverage denials



Insurers limit their risks by implementing utilization review processes. Insurance contracts are



drafted to retain discretion over the approval of coverage or limitation of coverage. 23 Courts and the federal



government have extended this power to allow insurers to define the appeals process.24 The ultimate burden



of proof lies with the insured.





21

See, Sara Rosenbaum, Legal Solutions in Health Reform: Insurance Discrimination on the Basis of

Health Status: An Overview of Discrimination Practices, Federal Law, and Federal Reform Options, 37 J.L.

Med. & Ethics 103, 107 (2009)

22

See, Id.

23

Firestone Tire and Rubber Co. v. Bruch, 489 U.S. 101 (1989) (applying lesser standard of review for

challenges to plan denial of coverage if the plan gives the administrator or fiduciary discretionary authority

to construe the terms of the plan).

24

Metropolitan Life Ins. Co. v. Glenn, 128 S.Ct. 2343, 2347 (2008); Regulations published by the

Department of Labor in 2000 limit the discretion of plan administrators to design the appeals process in the

case of appeals involving the denial of claims for health benefits. 29 C.F.R. ß 2560.503-1(h) (2008).

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4) Network size, composition, and payment



Insurers will use the above tools to control the size of their provider networks and their



compositions. Altering network size and composition, in turn, will affect utilization. For example, high-risk



individuals will be deterred from enrolling in plans that limit coverage, decreasing the number and



concentration of high-risk individuals in a network. In addition, insurers can shield risk by constraining



payments. This is accomplished by restricting the scope of covered procedures within a covered benefit



class and by reimbursing at lower rates for covered benefits.



These pre and post enrollment tools aid insurers in spreading the financial risk between



themselves and their insureds. Pre enrollment tools help to reduce propitious selection. Post enrollment



tools help to reduce moral hazard and limit financial losses due to over utilization of care.







Brief Overview of HR 3962



HR 3962 amends existing federal laws (HIPAA, ERISA etc) and imposes new restrictions on the



business of insurance. Contained in the bill are mandates that all health insurers accept all applicants, that



insurers limit the use of pre-existing exclusions, that policies cannot be rescinded or cancelled, and that



insurers no longer increase premiums for the more risky individuals. In addition, individuals will be taxed



for not obtaining health insurance, but the mandate has a big loophole. These provisions, as written, will



decrease insurers’ ability to shield them from and to spread risk.







Key Provisions



Rate Controls



Sec. 104. Sunshine on price gouging by health insurance issuers. Under §104, insurers lose the ability to



raise premiums without prior approval. Insurers must submit to a yearly review of their premiums. 25 In



order to increase premiums, the insurer must “submit a justification” for the increase “prior to



implementation of the increase” to the Secretary of Health and Human Services. 26



Sec. 213. Insurance rating rules.



Section 213 places restrictions on what classifications qualify for different premium rates. The



25

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §104.

26

Id.

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premium rate charged for plan coverage cannot vary except by age, premium rating areas, and family



enrollment.27 Each of the categories will be designed and specified by the Health Choices Commissioner



(created by §224).







Pre and Post Enrollment Controls



Sec. 103. Ending health insurance rescission abuse.



Under § 103, insurers lose the authority to determine when coverage can be rescinded. Insurers



must prove by “clear and convincing evidence” that there was fraud on the part of the insured. 28 That



evidence must be presented to an independent third party.29 In addition, a waiting period is imposed on the



insurer before the rescission can occur and coverage must stay in effect until the independent third party



determines rescission is appropriate.30



Sec. 212. Guaranteed Issue and Renewal for Insured Plans and Prohibiting Rescissions.



Section 212 requires insurers to accept for enrollment every individual who applies for enrollment



during the period in which the individual first becomes eligible to enroll under the terms of a group or



individual health plan. Additionally, insurers may not place any coverage restrictions on the individual. In



addition, no coverage can be rescinded except as provided for under section 103. 31



Sec. 106. Limitations on preexisting condition exclusions in group health plans in advance of applicability



of new prohibition of preexisting condition exclusions.



Under §106, the insurer look back period and duration of limitation periods are decreased. This



provision, in conjunction with §211, reduces the look back period for pre-existing conditions from 6



months to 30 days and reduces the limitation in coverage of pre-existing conditions from 12 months to 3



months.32



Sect. 211. Prohibiting Pre-existing Condition Exclusions.



Section 211 replaces section 106 once the grace period for adhering to the new standard of a





27

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §213(a)(1)-(3).

28

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §103(b)(1)-(2).

29

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §103(b)(1)-(2).

30

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §103(c)(1)(b).

31

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §212 (citing §2711 of the Public Health

Services Act).

32

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §106(a)(1)-(2).

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qualified health benefits plan ends.33 Section 211 guarantees coverage to all individuals despite pre-existing



conditions within 5 years of enactment.34 This section prohibits an insurer from imposing any pre-existing



condition exclusion or any limitations or conditions on coverage under the plan with respect to an



individual’s “health status, medical condition, claims experience, receipt of health care, medical history,



genetic information, evidence of insurability, disability, or source of injury.”35



Sec. 109. Elimination of lifetime limits.



Under §109, lifetime limits on covered benefits are eliminated. All plans, whether covered by



ERISA, HIPAA, or state laws, “may not impose an aggregate dollar lifetime limit with respect to benefits



payable under the plan or coverage.” 36



Sec. 222. Essential Benefits Package Defined.



Section 222 places restriction requirements on cost sharing. No cost sharing is allowed for



preventive items and services recommended by the “Task Force on Clinical Preventive Services.”37 Cost



sharing is capped at an annual rate of $5000 for individuals and $10000 for families with adjustments at the



discretion of the Secretary of Health and Human Services.38







Individual Mandate



Sec. 501. Tax on individuals without acceptable health care coverage.



Section 501 alters the Internal Revenue Code to include a tax on individuals who fail to obtain



health care coverage. If an individual fails to maintain health care coverage during a taxable year, a tax



equal to 2.5 percent of the individual’s modified adjusted gross income is imposed.39 This tax is capped at



the national average premium for that taxable year. 40







Potential Risk Spreading Challenges for Health Insurance Entities





33

Five years after enactment, most health care plans must conform to QHBPs requirements in order to

operate within the United States.

34

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §202(b)(1)(A).

35

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §211.

36

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §109(a)(1), (b)(1), (c)(1).

37

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §222(c)(1)(A).

38

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §103(c)(2)(A)(B).

39

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §501(a).

40

Id.

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HR 3962 hobbles insurers from utilizing methods to reduce moral hazard and adverse selection,



affecting their ability to spread risk and reduce costs. The bill’s provisions affect the risk spreading tools



through premium rate controls, restrictions on pre and post enrollment controls, and individual mandates.



Rate Controls



The drafters of HR 3962 intended for the rate control provision coupled with the guaranteed issue



provision to expand access to health care coverage by restricting insurers’ ability to utilize risk



classification and medical underwriting. Yet, these requirements, when implemented in state markets, have



had a destabilizing effect on health care plans. 41



HR 3962 switches an insurers rating model from “experience rating” to “community rating.”



Under traditional “experience rating,” insurers charge different premiums to groups of individuals based on



how much care that group utilizes.42 Under “community rating,” regulations limit how much insurers may



take into account factors like a group’s status, age, and past care utilization levels. 43 “Pure” community



rating models require insurers to spread the costs of coverage evenly across all groups. 44 Under this



scheme, all individuals pay the same premium, regardless of what grouping they may have been placed in



or past level of care utilization. For this reason, healthier groups end up paying higher premiums and



subsidizing less healthy groups. In addition, the “premiums of low risks exceed their actuarially fair level,



while those of high risk are lower than their fair actuarially fair level. 45 Market equilibrium may not be



sustainable under this arrangement.



Section 213 prohibits insurers from taking into account an individual’s health history or present



health status as a factor in deciding whether to allow enrollment in their plans. A consequence of this



mandate is that the low risk individuals, the young and the healthy, will have the same premiums as those



that are high risk, the old and the infirmed. As constructed, the mandate prevents insurers from offering



41

Alan C. Monheit and et al., Community Rating And Sustainable Individual Health Insurance Markets In

New Jersey, Health Affairs, 23, no. 4 (2004): 167-175, available at http://content.healthaffairs.org/cgi/

content/full/23/4/167#R4.

42

The Maze: Rate Regulation in Arizona, available at http://www.slhi.org/publications/policy_primers/

pdfs/pp-2003-11.pdf.

43

Id.

44

Id.

45

M. Rothschild and J. Stiglitz, Equilibrium in Competitive Insurance Markets: An Essay on the

Economics of Imperfect Information, Quarterly Journal of Economics 90, no. 4 (1976): 630–649; and T.

Buchmueller and J. DiNardo, "Did Community Rating Induce an Adverse Selection Death Spiral?

Evidence from New York, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut," American Economic Review 92, no. 1 (2002):

280–293.

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lower premiums to individuals that preserve and protect their health.



Section 213 does modify the community rating. It allows insurers to account for three rating



factors: age, location, and family composition. This modification does nothing to lessen the impact on the



insurers and healthy individuals. Healthy insureds of a given age group still subsidize the claims of sick



individuals by being forced to pay the same premiums. In addition, if the rates are the same for the healthy



and the sick, there lacks a financial incentive not to utilize the policy as much as possible.



Most troubling of all, states that have enacted similar mandates tend to have both problems: higher



premiums and overutilization. In 1993, New Jersey implemented the Individual Health Coverage Program



(IHCP). IHCP implemented similar provisions proposed in HR 3962:



1. Guaranteed issue of policies to any New Jersey resident without



access to group health insurance.



2. Guaranteed renewal to any person covered by an individual policy.



3. Limits preexisting-condition exclusions to 1 year.



4. Portability of coverage is guaranteed if an enrollee switches from



one carrier to another. The preexisting condition exclusion cannot be



restarted if the enrollee has had a lapse in coverage of less than 32 days.



5. Standardization of policies that can be sold, with specified benefits



packages and cost-sharing arrangements. The actual design of the six



original standardized plans was intended to reduce adverse selection



among the types of policies that could be bought in the IHCP market.



6. Premiums must be community-rated for policies sold in the



individual market, that is, a carrier must offer each plan it sells to all



applicants at the same premium.46



Eight years after implementation, enrollment in the program dropped by more than half.47 At the same time,



premiums increased two and three fold over initial rates. 48 In addition, the age composition of the enrollees





46

Katherine Swartz and Deborah W. Garnick, Can Adverse Selection Be Avoided in a Market for

Individual Health Insurance?, Medical Care Research and Review, Vol. 56 No. 3, (September 1999) 373,

376.

47

Alan C. Monheit and et al., Community Rating And Sustainable Individual Health Insurance Markets In

New Jersey, Health Affairs, 23, no. 4 (2004): 167-175, available at http://content.healthaffairs.org/cgi/

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changed. The enrollee population shifted toward older and potentially higher-cost enrollees.49 Between



1996 and 2002, the percentage of new enrollees aged 45-64 increased by over 20 percent.50 During that



same time period, the percentage of enrollees that reported their health as fair to poor doubled. 51 According



to Alan C. Monheit, this “separating market equilibrium” can be sustained only if low risks find more



restrictive plans of value and remain in the market. 52 Without this retention, high-risk enrollees will



dominate a program profile and as premiums rise to cover the increase in costs, further defections of low-



risk enrollees will occur.



The HR 3962 mandates place hurdles in the purpose of insurance to spread risk among the healthy



and the sick. When similar mandates are in place, healthy individuals tend to wait until they are sick before



enrolling in a plan. Because of guaranteed enrollment, there is no need for an individual to purchase



insurance while healthy if insurers are required to enroll him when he applies and to charge him the same



rate as if he were well. The resulting effect is to spread coverage expenses among the sick and the less



sick. As a consequence, insurers will be required to raise their rates or if they cannot provide adequate



justification to the Secretary of Health and Human Services, to leave the market all together.







Pre and Post Enrollment Controls



Pre-existing conditions



Currently, group insurers can only use the past six months of an individual’s medical history to



find a pre-existing condition.53 In individual markets, the look-back period ranges from six months or



less.54 Group insurers may not exclude an individual’s pre-existing condition form coverage for more than



12 months after an enrollment date.55 In most states, individual insurers are not restricted from imposing



permanent pre-existing condition exclusions.56









content/full/23/4/167#R4.

48

Id.

49

Id.

50

Id.

51

Id.

52

Id.

53

Kaiser Family Foundation, State Health Facts, www.statehealthfacts.org/glossary.jsp

54

Id.

55

Id.

56

Id.

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Section 106 shortens the look back period and insurer can use during medical underwriting and



section 212 guarantees coverage to all individuals despite pre-existing conditions within 5 years of



enactment57. If insurers have to cover all individuals and their pre-existing conditions, there is no incentive



for a healthy individual to obtain insurance coverage before getting sick. Insurers would be left covering an



increased ratio of those who are sick defeating a major component of insurance, risk spreading. As a



consequence, insurers would have to increase premium rates. The increased rates, as described above,



would drive more healthy individuals out of the market, perpetuating the problem of adverse selection.







Insurance rescission



While pre-enrollment medical underwriting can catch most pre-existing conditions, some do slip



through the cracks. The option of insurance rescission, through post enrollment underwriting, performs the



task of reducing adverse selection after enrollment. Adverse selection increases costs to all enrollees in a



plan. Concentration of risks and cost create a disincentive for lower risk individuals to obtain coverage.



Surprisingly, 20% of the United States population accounts for 80% of all medical costs. 58 High-risk



individuals may have the incentive to hide information about his health or level of risk in order to obtain



coverage from an insurer who would not otherwise offer coverage. In some cases, an individual may



accidently fail to disclose information to a potential insurer (e.g.- childhood illnesses, minor illnesses or



conditions). Another reason could be that the individual was not aware of the condition before enrollment.



An insurer may initiate an investigation if a new enrollee files a claim for a serious or expensive



condition during the first year of coverage. If it is determined that the enrollee failed to disclose all



pertinent health information or that the medical condition was pre-existing, an insurer could address the



issue several ways: coverage cancellation, coverage rescission, retroactive coverage riders, pre-existing



condition exclusion or no change in coverage.59









57

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §202(b)(1)(A).

58

Kaiser Family Foundation calculations using data from U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,

Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS), 2006.

Calculations located in Kaiser Family Foundation, “Health Care Costs: A Primer,” March 2009.

59

Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, Post Claims Underwriting and Rescission Practices: A Primer, 2009,

1-7, at 4, available at (last visited

November 18, 2009).

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Section 103 addresses coverage rescission. Coverage rescission is the retroactive cancellation of



health coverage. Not only is the individual’s coverage cancelled, the insurer is no longer responsible for



any previously submitted claims. Usually an insurer rescinds a policy if it determines that the enrollee



committed fraud, knowingly lied about or attempted to conceal a pre-existing medical condition in order to



qualify for coverage. Rescission for fraud is designed to protect both insurers and enrollees. Insurers are



shielded from individuals who “intentionally misrepresent their medical history and heath status in order to



obtain health insurance.”60 This tool creates an incentive for an individual not to wait until he is in need of



coverage before he obtains it, which, in its absence, would drive up cost for all enrollees. Insureds are



protected from losing coverage that they obtained in good faith. While there has been some evidence of



coverage rescission misuse, this tool acts as a deterrent to potential enrollees from being dishonest on their



applications.61



Coupled with pre-existing condition restrictions and guaranteed enrollment, insurers lose the



ability to avoid adverse selection. HR 3962 places blinder on insurers, effectively eliminating the role of



medical underwriting. Individuals will have the incentive to wait until they are sick before obtaining



coverage, undermining a basic principle of insurance: risk spreading. A concentration of risks has the



potential of creating higher costs for all individuals enrolled in healthcare plans.







Cost-Sharing



Insurers utilize cost-sharing techniques like deductibles, copayments, and coinsurance. Individuals



must have their own resources to pay for their most likely health problems. This serves two purposes. First,



it discourages unnecessary medical care.62 Second, it engages the insured in “insuring” his losses.63



Coverage limits, which limit the number and amount of covered services, also discourage unnecessary









60

Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, Post Claims Underwriting and Rescission Practices: A Primer;

Findings from Texas in Individual Health Insurance Market, 2009, 1-14, at 5, available at

(last visited November 18, 2009).

61

See for example, California Department of Managed Health Care News Release, “Department of

Managed Health Care Fines Blue Cross of California for Illegally Rescinding Health Insurance

Policieshttp://www.hmohelp.ca.gov/library/reports/news/prbccpcusurvey.pdf.

62

John C. Goodman, National Center for Policy Analysis, Characteristics of an Ideal Health Care System,

Policy Report No. 242 (April 2002), available at http://www.ncpa.org/pub/st/st242/.

63

Id.

#10

medical care.64 In addition, imposition of annual and lifetime limits on care overall or by condition shifts



the burden of coverage back on the insured and provides a ceiling on insurers’ risk. The “community of



fate” decreases utilization of care and decreases costs.



Section 109 eliminates annual and lifetime limits on medical coverage. Section 222 places a cap



on out-of-pocket expenses insureds pay per year. This cap applies to preventative services and care that a



third party panel decides is a necessary benefit. As posited by Wendy Mariner, “if services to prevent



illness and promote health and fitness become a mandated part of health insurance coverage, the role of



insurance may be converted from risk spreading into financing personal services.”65 She finds the use of



insurance to promote public policy “challenges the nature of commercial insurance.” 66 Preventive care is



predictable and under the control of the insured, therefore it is not normally an insurable risk.67 When an



insured elects to obtain these services, the insurer pays them for. Mariner believes that, since insurers can



predict the cost of this type of coverage without assuming risk, coverage contracts are removed from the



realm of insurance.68 Insurance payments would “function like assets of the insured to pay for a defined set



of services, resulting in a service contract rather than an insurance policy. 69



Under this setup, difficulties arise in placing boundaries on the demand for services or their costs.



Pushing expensive illnesses to later ages creates an incentive to push younger (i.e. healthier) individuals



into the risk pool to spread costs of the old.







Individual Mandates









64

See Tom Baker, Containing the Promise of Insurance: Adverse Selection and Risk Selection, 9 Conn.

Ins. L. J. 371 (2002/2003).

65

Wendy K. Mariner, Article: Social Solidarity and Personal Responsibility in Health Reform, 14 Conn.

Ins. L.J., 199, at 228 (Spring 2008).

66

Id at 210.

67

See, e.g., SCA Servs. Inc. v. Transportation Ins. Co., 419 Mass. 528, 532, 646 N.E.2d 394, 397 (1995)

(explaining that a risk that the insured knows is likely to happen "ceases to be contingent and becomes a

probable or known loss").

68

Wendy K. Mariner, Article: Social Solidarity and Personal Responsibility in Health Reform, 14 Conn.

Ins. L.J., 199, at 228 (Spring 2008).

69

Id.

#10

82 percent of the population of the United States currently has health insurance.70 Of the



remainder, only one percent of those under the age of 65 are uninsurable. The majority of the uninsured



lack health insurance not because they cannot afford it.71 This population has come to the conclusion that



the price of coverage is higher than the benefits they would receive. 72 An individual is less likely to obtain



health insurance if he is healthy and determines that he will not incur medical costs in excess of coverage



premiums. Part of the cause of this phenomenon is government insurance regulation that requires



individuals of all risk types to enter insurance pools at the same rate. This results in higher premiums for



the healthy to cover the cost of the other end of the spectrum. In the end, premiums rise as a result of the



healthy dropping their coverage.



As discussed above, Section 501 alters the Internal Revenue Code to include a tax on individuals



who fail to obtain health care coverage. If an individual fails to maintain health care coverage during a



taxable year, a tax equal to 2.5 percent of the individual’s modified adjusted gross income. 73 This tax is



capped at the national average premium for that taxable year. 74



Massachusetts enforces its mandate through a similar mechanism of fines based on a portion of the



cheapest health insurance plan being offered.75 A problem has emerged from this arrangement. When it is



cheaper to pay the fine than purchasing health insurance, healthy individuals will have the incentive to just



pay the fine. In 2009, the average cost of premiums for individual coverage is $402 per month or $4824 per



year for an employer provided plan.76 In order to drive the healthy and uninsured into health care plans, the



tax would have to exceed the cost of insurance. Unfortunately, the provision imposed a cap on the tax that



can be assessed.



If insurers must cover individuals and their pre-existing conditions, as mandated in sections 106



and 211, there would be nothing to prevent these individuals from refraining from getting coverage until



70

Paul Fronstin, Sources of Health Insurance and Characteristics of the Uninsured: Analysis of the March

2007 Current Population Survey, EBRI Issue Brief, No. 310 at 4 (Washington, Employee Benefit Research

Institute, Oct. 2007), available at http://www.ebri.org/pdf/briefspdf/EBRI IB 10a-20071.pdf.

71

Paul Fronstin, Sources of Health Insurance and Characteristics of the Uninsured: Analysis of the March

2007 Current Population Survey, EBRI Issue Brief, No. 310 at 4 (Washington, Employee Benefit Research

Institute, Oct. 2007), available at http://www.ebri.org/pdf/briefspdf/EBRI IB 10a-20071.pdf.

72

Id.

73

Affordable Health Care for America Act, H.R. 3962, 111th Cong. §501(a).

74

Id.

75

Jeffrey Krasner, Penalties to Rise for Shunning Insurance, BOSTON GLOBE, Jan. 1 2008, at A1.

76

Gary Claxton et al., Employer Health Benefits: Annual Report, Kaiser Family Foundation/Health &

Research Educational Trust, 2009.

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they are sick. Insurers would be stuck covering those who are sick. As a consequence, risk spreading would



eventually be defeated. An insurer’s only option to cover its costs would be to increase premiums,



perpetuating the problem of adverse selection by driving out the healthy.







Conclusion



While HR 3962 aspires to “provide affordable, quality health care for all Americans and reduce



the growth in health care spending,” the result will be the opposite. It hobbles insurers from utilizing tools



that reduce adverse selection and moral hazard, affecting their ability to spread risk and reduce costs. When



combined, the guaranteed issue, the elimination of annual and lifetime coverage caps, and community-



rating mandates eliminate the financial consequences to individuals related to their lifestyle choices, for



good or ill. Individuals have no financial incentives to get regular screening exams, to eat a healthy diet, to



exercise regularly, or to avoid unhealthy or dangerous activities. Consequently, those who voluntarily



choose healthy lifestyles are forced to subsidize the higher health care costs of those who do not.



In response, healthy individuals would have the incentive to drop out of the insurance pool and



forego coverage until they become ill. The mandatory coverage provision does not create enough of an



incentive for healthy individual to stay in the insurance pool. The tax cannot be over the price of the



average premium offered in the United States. Since premiums would be community-rated and higher than



the actuarially fair value for a healthy individual, it would be cheaper to pay the fine than to obtain



coverage.



In conclusion, HR 3962 will have a detrimental affect on commercial health insurance: higher



concentration of risk, smaller insurance pools, and increased premiums.



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