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TUESDAY, 14 JUNE 2005
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
The House met at 14:31.
The Speaker took the Chair.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.
SEVEN DA YOUTH LEAGUE MEMBERS DEFECT TO ANCYL
Ms T V TOBIAS (ANC): Madam Speaker, yesterday ushered in a moment of
reality in the political arena when seven senior members of the DA
youth leadership joined the ANC Youth League. This included the
national chairperson, Douglas Bheki Nkosi; the secretary-general,
Lawrence Lekhanya; the national organiser, Louis Sauls, and other
The decision by these wise, patriotic and young South Africans
coincided with the DA Federal Council‟s threats to penalise members
who chose to leave the party. These threats didn‟t stop the senior
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DA youth leadership to leave this rightwing party and join the
masses in the progressive youth movement known as the ANC Youth
These fearless and innocent young people were welcomed with open
arms to join the progressive and advanced catchment of the current
generation of youth in the ANC Youth League. This also symbolises
the fact that our people will continue to resist being coerced to
rally against the popular and democratic liberation movement.
We believe that we will continue to realise that indeed the DA
represents a racist agenda and is a cabal aligned on the basis of
racial segregation seeking to take advantage of our people.
Therefore, as the ANC Youth League, we will continue to say: “South
Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.”
The only rightful political home for these young people remains the
ANC, because it is the only liberation movement that has adopted the
Freedom Charter and represents their ideals at all times.
Aluta Continua! [Applause.]
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DECISION TO REMOVE DEPUTY PRESIDENT JACOB ZUMA FROM OFFICE
Mr A J LEON (DA): Madam Speaker, the great Nobel Peace Laureate,
Chief Albert Luthuli, once said: “What we need is courage that rises
Today, I believe, President Mbeki has shown that courage. He faced a
very difficult decision with clear political costs. Yet, in the end,
he chose to uphold principle over politics and we in the opposition
salute him for it. [Applause.]
The President today, in his remarks before Parliament, said that he
and the country were called upon to make an original judgment, which
was without precedent. Indeed he is right, but he also, in our view,
made the right judgment. Therefore, today will be remembered as a
great victory for our young democracy.
The fight against corruption, however, is far from over.
The truth about the arms deal continues to haunt South Africa like a
vengeful ghost. It will not be put to rest until we finally conduct
a full, independent, judicial investigation into the arms deal and
the corruption at the heart of it.
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I believe that the President should fulfil the example he set here
today and shine the light of justice in every corridor of government
until the trust of the people has been fully restored.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]
SHAREHOLDERS TO BENEFIT FROM BARCLAYS-ABSA MERGER
Mr L K JOUBERT (IFP): Madam Speaker, I will move that the IFP has
noticed with appreciation the approval by the shareholders of Absa
of the merger and therefore accepting the fact that the controlling
equity of Absa will in future be held by Barclays. This approval by
the shareholders opens the way for Barclays to invest more than R30
billion in South Africa.
The South African business sector welcomes this investment and the
significant boost to our economy. The IFP sincerely believes in the
multiplier effect on our economy and trusts that this massive
investment will only be the start of many other investments to
follow. Thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, it sounds as if you are putting a
motion before the House. We are dealing with statements, so I will
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not be dealing with that as a motion. It‟s on record and it will be
dealt with as a statement.
RIDDING THE COUNTRY OF CHILD PORNOGRAPHY
Mr M P SIBANDE (ANC): Madam Speaker, South Africa must intensify the
fight to uphold the rights of its children. In this connection, the
ANC applauds the recently held conference organised by the
Department of Home Affairs and the Film and Publications Board in
search of a sustainable programme of action against child
We share the sentiments expressed by the Minister of Home Affairs
that our country needs to strengthen efforts to protect children. As
a society, political parties, business, civil society and
communities, we need to join together to rid our country and the
world of the vampires who feed on the defenceless and the weak.
The initiative by the Department of Home Affairs and the Film and
Publications Board constitutes a call to all of us to open our eyes
to our children‟s suffering and to hear their pleas for the
enjoyment of their right to be children. Let us work to ensure that
all our children enjoy the fruits of freedom. Let us ensure that
they enjoy the better life we worked to create. Let us, on a daily
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basis, work together to create the conditions for them to realise
the dreamy future at the end of their cognitive horizon. I thank
MINISTER LIABLE FOR DAMAGES IN POLICE RAPE CASE
Ms N C NKABINDE (UDM): Madam Speaker, the UDM welcomes yesterday‟s
ruling by the Constitutional Court in the case of the woman who was
raped by three policemen in 1999. The brutal gang rape by three on-
duty policemen resulted in life imprisonment for all of them.
However, the rape survivor‟s quests to claim damages from the
government for the conduct of these three policemen were refused by
two courts before the matter came before the Constitutional Court.
It is important to note that the rapists were on duty, wearing
police uniforms and driving a police vehicle when they committed
their despicable deeds.
We salute the Constitutional Court for confirming that it is the
duty of government, through the Police Service, to protect women
from crimes such as rape.
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These criminals abused their position of trust to lure this woman
into their vehicle and then proceeded to abuse everything that the
Police Service stands for.
There are many dedicated policemen and women in our country who are
fighting a relentless battle against crime. Often they do this in
spite of insufficient resources and under immense strain. They
follow this calling for a small salary and put their lives on the
line every day. They know that there are many criminals out there
who are prepared to kill them instead of facing justice.
Despite these overwhelming odds, the majority of members of our
Police Service diligently execute their duties. In such
circumstances it must be highly demoralising for them to discover
that in their midst there are people such as these criminals who
would abuse their uniforms to commit the very crimes that their
colleagues are dedicating their lives to fighting.
This judgment sends a strong message to all of those who want to
abuse their position to commit rape. Thank you, Madam Speaker.
DEBT RELIEF ANNOUNCEMENT BY G-8
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Mr S SIMMONS (NNP): Madam Speaker, on Saturday the world‟s
wealthiest countries announced the cancellation of multilateral
debts owed by 18 countries, mainly African nations, to the World
Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the African Development
Bank. The cancellation of debt will enable governments of the
developing countries to determine priorities to sustain the lives of
the people living in their countries. These countries will now be
able to channel money into much-needed human development programmes.
Other steps would see an international facility paying for
vaccinations in poor countries, a doubling of development aid and an
end to trade-distorting farm subsidies in rich countries.
Nine other countries will become eligible for 100% debt relief,
totalling an extra $11 billion over the next 12 to 18 months, after
which 11 nations could receive similar debt cancellation of $4
billion, bringing the total amount of debt relief to $55 billion.
Debt relief is a vital part of a broad strategy to wipe away chronic
poverty in Africa. Therefore, the NNP welcomes the announcement by
the G8 industrialised nations to write off more than $265 billion of
Thank you, Madam Speaker.
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PRESIDENT’S DECISION TO REMOVE DEPUTY PRESIDENT JACOB ZUMA FROM
Mr S N SWART (ACDP): Madam Speaker, the ACDP welcomes President
Thabo Mbeki‟s announcement this afternoon to “release” Deputy
President Jacob Zuma from office.
The ACDP has consistently called for the resignation of the Deputy
President following Judge Hilary Squires‟s finding that Schabir
Shaik and the Deputy President had a “generally corrupt”
There can be no doubt that the President‟s decision is the right
thing to do, particularly in view of his commitment to rid the
government and the ANC of corruption. This decision sends a strong
message that the President will not pay lip service to his
commitments but is prepared to act toughly against corruption,
despite political pressure.
The ACDP believes that the country stood at the brink of a great
moral impasse following the judgment and the calls to protect the
then Deputy President Zuma. President Mbeki is to be commended for
taking decisive action and not bowing to political pressure that
would have undermined the collective morality of the nation.
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We trust that this decision also implies that Deputy President Zuma
will no longer head the Moral Regeneration Movement.
We maintain that Deputy President Jacob Zuma should be prosecuted in
view of the overwhelming evidence against him in the Shaik trial.
This will give him the opportunity to put his side of the story.
Thank you, Madam Speaker.
HUMBULANI THENGA CONGRATULATED ON HER ATHLETICS PERFORMANCE
Mrs T J TSHIVHASE: Ri fhululedza muhali wa vhahali: “The girl child
in the sports field”. Halalaa! Humbulani Irene Thenga, aged 17 in
grade 12. Ri khou fhululedza gombakomba Humbulani Thenga wa
Shayandima Secondary, hune nda dzula hone, Venda. O gidima fhethu
hunzhisa ri tshi katela na mashangodavha, a tshi dzhia vhuimo ha u
thoma na ha vhuvhili.
Ngei France o gidima nahone a wana khaphu na mendele muthihi ngeno
ngei Switzerland kha track na field nahone o wana khaphu nthihi na
mendele muthihi. Fhano hayani Afurika Tshipembe o gidima mitambo ine
ya nga sa marathon 10km, 15km na 21km; track field; cross-country;
na land of lagans. O wana mimendele ya 75 sa pfufho dzawe –
(Translation of Venda paragraphs follows.)
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[Mrs TJ TSHIVHASE: We congratulate the heroine of heroines: A 17-
year-old, Humbulani Thenga, a girl child in the sports field who is
currently doing grade 12. We shout, “Halala!” to this young girl
from Shayandima Secondary School in Venda, where I come from. She
participated in many international races, securing positions one and
In France she received a cup and medal, and in Switzerland she got
the same in both track and field events. Here at home, she
participated in 10km, 15km and 21km marathons, as well as in track
and field, cross-country and the Land of Legend Marathon. She has so
far earned about 75 medals as awards.]
She got 40 gold medals, 30 silver medals, 5 bronze medals, 5
trophies and 10 certificates.
Halalaa! gombakomba, Humbulani, Halalaa! Ni farese. Ri di tongisa
nga inwi. [We again say, “Halala! Humbulani, Halala!” Hold on. We
are very proud of you.]
We are proud of you, my girl.
Ni takulele vhuimo uhu ntha. Ni futelele mpho iyi ye na newa nga
Mudzimu. Hu do itea zwimangadzo. Ni ri takulele ntha musidzana. Ndo
do dzula na Minisita nga u tavhanya, u itela uri vha vhone zwauri
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vha nga ita mini kha tshipida tsha uri hoyu nwana a wane thuso
ngauri, (Translation of Venda paragraph follows.)
[Keep on stepping forward. This is a God-given talent. A lot more is
still coming. Keep on uplifting us, young girl. I have spoken to the
Minister with a view to him devising a means to assist this girl
She is an outstanding child – the girl child. [Applause.]
DIVISION IN WESTERN CAPE ANC
Mnr S E OPPERMAN (DA): Speaker, die aanloop tot die ANC se Wes-
Kaapse provinsiale kongres, die aggressie gedurende die kongres . .
. [Tussenwerpsels.] . . . en die uitslae het die diep verdeeldheid
wat daar in die ANC se Wes-Kaap geledere is duidelik na vore
Die algemene indruk dat die verdeeldheid ook rasgebaseerd is, plaas
‟n demper op dienslewering in die provinsie. Die feit dat Ebrahim
Rasool in die toekoms as ‟n lam, tandlose premier sal optree, sal
ook tot gevolg hê dat die baie swak diensrekord van sy administrasie
tot rampspoedige vlakke sal daal. [Tussenwerpsels.]
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Die neiging van die ANC om slegs sy eie ondersteuners te beloon, sal
dramaties toeneem. Die party se beleid om eerder in die
behuisingsbehoeftes van nuwe aankomelinge te voorsien, ten koste van
inwoners wat baie jare op die waglys is, is ‟n duidelike bewys van
die blatante onreg wat onder die ANC-regering plaasvind.
[Tussenwerpsels.] ‟n Provinsiale regering wat nie die steun van sy
kieserskorps het nie, sal hierdie onreg verder laat toeneem.
Teen dié agtergrond bied die DA ‟n sterk alternatief, wat goeie
regering, ‟n einde aan wanadministrasie én ‟n verwerping van die
huidige boetie-boetie-beleid van die ANC tot gevolg sal hê. Ek dank
u. [Tussenwerpsels.] [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans member’s
[Mr S E OPPERMAN (DA): Speaker, the run-up to the ANC‟s Western Cape
provincial congress, the aggression during the congress . . .
[Interjections.] . . . and the results brought the deep divisions
that exist within the ANC‟s Western Cape ranks to the fore.
The general impression that the division is also race based places a
damper on service delivery in the province. The fact that Ebrahim
Rasool will act like a tame, toothless premier in future will also
result in the very poor service record of his administration
declining to devastating levels. [Interjections.]
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The tendency of the ANC to reward only its own supporters will
increase dramatically. The party‟s policy of rather providing for
the housing needs of new arrivals, at the expense of residents who
have been on waiting lists for many years, is a clear example of the
blatant injustice that occurs under the ANC government.
[Interjections.] A provincial government that does not have the
support of its electorate will let this injustice escalate further.
Against this background the DA offers a strong alternative that will
result in good governance, an end to maladministration and rejection
of the current buddy-buddy policy of the ANC. I thank you.
DEPUTY PRESIDENT’S RELEASE FROM DUTY
Mr B E PULE (UCDP): Madam Speaker, the UCDP accepts that a person is
not guilty until proven guilty. The UCDP accepts that the outgoing
Deputy President has to be given a chance to clear his name. The
UCDP accepts that the ANC and its alliance partners have the right
to retain the Deputy President as the Deputy President of their
The UCDP has, however, been very concerned about the unrelenting
attack on the good dignity of the office of the Deputy President of
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the country. The announcement, by the President of the Republic of
South Africa, to relieve the Deputy President of his duties has
therefore been received with great enthusiasm by the UCDP. Thank
MINISTER OF EDUCATION CONGRATULATED
Ms L L MABE (ANC): Madam Speaker, as the ANC we would like to
congratulate the Minister of Education . . .
. . . mo legatong la baagi ba Maologane, bakgatla le baagi ba Moses
Kotane, morago ga dingwaga-ngwaga bana ba ntse ba tsenela sekolo mo
meagong e e sa babalesegang e bile batsadi ba sena madi a go ka
ikagela sekolo se seša, puso e tlisitse meago ya namaotshwere e
mentle, e e bothitho, e e babalesegileng. Bana ba rona jannong, ba
ya sekolong ba le matlhagatlhaga.
Setšhaba se ka itumela thata fa sekolo se se kopantsweng, e leng
sekolo se se potlana le sekontari, se ka tsenngwa mo tekanyetsong
gore ba agelwe sekolo se se maleba mo nakong e e sa fediseng pelo,
ka gore ga baa bolo go ema dingwaga-ngwaga ba letile gore sekolo se
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Re lebogela kutlwisiso le bopelotelele ba lona bakgatla le matsapa a
puso le Lefapha la Thuto le a dirileng. A pula e le nela bakgatla. A
pula e le nele Maaforika Borwa. Ke a leboga. [Legofi.] (Translation
of Tswana paragraphs follows.)
[. . . on behalf of the Bakgatla tribe, residents of Maologane and
Moses Kotane. For many years, their children have been learning in
unsafe school buildings, because the parents did not have money to
build new ones. The government has erected beautiful temporary
structures which are sound and safe. Our children will now be
motivated to go to school.
The community would be very appreciative if the merged primary and
secondary sections of the school could be budgeted for, so that a
better one can be built in the near future. They have already waited
We would like to thank the Bakgatla tribe for their understanding
and patience; and the Department of Education for the efforts they
made. Let there be peace unto the Bakgatla tribe and the rest of
South Africa. Thank you. [Applause.]]
SITUATION IN OCEAN VIEW IN CAPE TOWN
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Ms H ZILLE (DA): Madam Speaker, the people of Ocean View in Cape
Town have been marginalised and neglected by the Cape Town Metro
Council. After 11 years of ANC rule, the Mountain View section still
has no RDP housing. Attempts earlier this month to talk to the Metro
council about their plight have left them frustrated, because they
feel their concerns were not addressed.
The community has hopelessly inadequate and unhygienic drainage and
sewage systems. In addition, the children of people living in the
navy houses are forced to move out of the homes when they turn 18.
These children have nowhere else to go. Parents are faced with an
impossible choice: lose their home or evict their children.
The ANC‟s plans for housing in the Metro appear to ignore
established communities who have been waiting patiently. Instead,
the focus is on ANC strongholds in the run-up to the local
elections. The DA urges the government to deliver houses and
services to all the people, irrespective of race or voting
DEPUTY PRESIDENT’S RELEASE FROM DUTY
Prince M G BUTHELEZI (IFP): Madam Speaker, following the President‟s
announcement that he is relieving the Deputy President of his
responsibilities in government in the aftermath of Judge Hilary
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Squires‟s ruling, I would like to appeal to the nation to unite at
this sombre moment. President Mbeki was, of course, correct in
exercising his constitutional prerogative to relieve the Deputy
President of his responsibilities, because the situation hung like a
dark cloud over South Africa and would eventually have paralysed the
It would have, for instance, been difficult for President Mbeki to
travel to Gleneagles for the G8 summit next month and request
additional aid for Africa if the Deputy President was still in
office, as transparency and accountability are the basic tenets of
governance. In fact, all Africa‟s commitment to the Nepad peer
review would have been rendered meaningless if the President had not
acted decisively in this tragic affair.
On a personal note, I am naturally saddened that a leader of his
stature from our province has fallen. Like many people, I have great
respect for Msholozi and share the pain of losing a leader of his
calibre. He brought a certain charm, warmth and empathy for his
people to his office. The breadth of Mr Zuma‟s support from the
trade unions to the youth testifies to his humanity, which is the
hallmark of the man. He will be sorely missed, and I hope that Mr
Zuma will take the opportunity to take whatever legal remedies he
feels are necessary to clear his name.
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AmaZulu anesisho esibhekise kulabo abaklolodayo esithi inxeba
lendoda alihlekwa. [The Zulu nation has a saying referring to those
who are boasting, namely: What goes around comes around.]
DECISION BY G8 TO WRITE OFF MORE THAN $40 BILLION IN DEBT
Ms M M MADUMISE (ANC): Madam Speaker, we welcome the announcement
made by the finance Ministers from the Group of 8 most-
industrialised countries to write off more than $40 billion owed to
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund by the 18 poorest
countries of the world. The decision to cancel the debt will help
the listed African countries to invest in the fight against
diseases, the development of infrastructure, as well as the building
of institutional capacity for good governance and service delivery.
The commitment made over the weekend by the finance Ministers is a
major victory for progressive humanity in its struggle for a better
life for the people of the world. The ANC commits itself to work
tirelessly with the world‟s progressive community, governments and
the multilateral institutions to intensify our campaign for a
comprehensive response to the challenges of poverty and
underdevelopment in Africa.
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In addition to the scrapping of debt, this response must include
greater aid, grant funding and a fairer world trading system. Thank
The SPEAKER: Hon members, before I call for Ministers‟ responses, I
would like to take this opportunity to recognise a veteran Southern
African politician, the hon John Nkomo, the Speaker of the
Zimbabwean parliament, and his delegation. [Applause.]
WELCOMING OF DEBT RELIEF, DA’S FAILURE TO SPEND RESOURCES ON HOUSING
IN THE WESTERN CAPE AND THEIR NEW KIND OF RACISM
The MINISTER OF FINANCE: Madam Speaker, just a brief comment on two
of the statements, one by the NNP and the other by the ANC, that
welcome the debt relief and additional aid and also make a strong
call for a timetable to lift the trade-distorting subsidies, as
decided by the G8 this weekend: it‟s exceedingly important for
Africa, and I want to commend both statements.
But more importantly, I would like to respond to the statements by
the hon Opperman and the hon Zille, because they are completely out
of order. Firstly, they failed to get up in this House and remind us
of the role of the DA - in whatever shape or form it‟s been in
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government in this province and in this city for the bulk of the
past 11 years. [Applause.] They are failing to recognise or advise
South Africans of the deficits that have grown because of their
failure to spend resources on housing the poor over the bulk of the
11 years in this province. [Applause.]
They are now involved in a vain attempt to play Pontius Pilate and
suggest that the housing shortages arrived after the ANC came into
power in this province. It‟s a shameful attempt on the part of the
DA, because these housing shortages have been there.
Moreover, we must not allow them to get away with this new kind of
racism, which seeks to exclude those whom they call “recent
arrivals” into this province. It we allow them to take forward this
notion of “amaguduga” we will in fact be instilling a new racism, a
new class formation in this province. We shouldn‟t allow it; we
should resist it with every fibre of our being. Thank you very much.
THE DA SHOULD CONTRIBUTE TO OUR DEMOCRACY
The MINISTER OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES: Madam Speaker, earlier today, in
what will be a statement long remembered, our President reminded us
of the fundamental tenets of this democracy that we all fight for
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and strive for. One of the key tenets was respect for the
Constitution that we have and for the institutions enumerated in
that Constitution. I would urge the DA to listen, because we all
have a duty to contribute to this democracy.
It‟s with great regret that we have to point out that the leader of
the opposition stood up immediately after this profound moment in
our history and completely disrespected the constitutional
structures. [Interjections.] The President outlined in some detail
what had been decided by the constitutional structures of this
country, but the Leader of the Opposition immediately thereafter
stood up and denied the findings that had been read out quite
clearly and explicitly. [Interjections.]
I think if this party would like to contribute to this democracy,
they should respect the institutions that have made determinations
on this matter, and I think they should take some wise council from
the leader of the IFP and recognise it. This is not the moment for
politicking. This is a moment in our democracy that we should all
reflect on and treat soberly, and not be a bunch of empty, bloody,
useless cans. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
JUDGMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT
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The MINISTER FOR SAFETY AND SECURITY: Madam Speaker, I appreciate
the remarks which were made by the hon Nkabinde with respect to the
judgment of the Constitutional Court the other day, particularly
when she made the observation that the great majority of members of
the SA Police Service do their work conscientiously. In fact, it is
because of that conscientious work, the loyalty to our democracy and
the mandate that they have for the protection of our population that
they exhaustively investigated the case against those three
perpetrators. They will consequently be put away behind bars for
I just want to take a few seconds to explain how we have arrived at
this issue. To us, the principle we wanted to emphasise was that
nobody who committed serious and violent crimes should fall back on
the state for sustenance. This is all we were saying, namely that as
far as we were concerned, the book ought to be thrown at these three
people. They themselves ought to have ensured that they continued to
be responsible for their actions and therefore they should not call
upon the state to fund them with respect to the ramifications of
that particular matter.
Of course, I have been told that one of the newspapers in this
country had a headline that read: “Minister for Safety and Security
liable for rape”. Fortunately I have a partner who understands that
I will never be liable for rape. [Applause.]
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PROVISION OF CLASSROOM FACILITIES
The MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Madam Speaker, I want to respond to the
hon member Mabe. With respect to the provision of classroom
facilities for children in the North West province, I want to
indicate that, in fact, in each of our provinces where facilities
are required for our children, sod-turning is happening as we speak.
It is in fact my colleagues in the provinces who are responsible for
providing infrastructure and who should be congratulated on every
achievement that we make in this regard.
We have undertaken that we must accelerate provision of classrooms
for our children. I‟ve been very pleased to note the movement of
children into school buildings in the North West province, in
Limpopo and in areas of Gauteng, and we hope that we will continue
our work to eradicate the inadequacy of infrastructure for children
in our education system. [Applause.]
PRECEDENCE TO ORDERS OF THE DAY
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move the
draft resolution printed in my name on the Order Paper, as follows:
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That, notwithstanding the provisions of Rules 29(8) and 113(1),
Questions shall not have precedence tomorrow, 15 June 2005.
EXTENDED DATES OF THE AD HOC COMMITTEE ON APPOINTMENT OF DEPUTY
The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, on
behalf of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party, I move the draft
resolution printed in his name on the Order Paper, as follows:
That the House, with reference to the resolution adopted on 17 May
2005, extends the date by which the Ad Hoc Committee on
Appointment of Deputy Public Protector has to report to the House
to 18 August 2005.
MOTION OF CONDOLENCE
(The late Queen Makobo Modjadji of Bolobedu)
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The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without
That the House -
(1) notes -
(a) with shock and profound sadness the untimely death of
Queen Makobo Modjadji of Bolobedu community in Limpopo;
(b) that the Bolobedu community have been led by Rain
Queens for more than two centuries and that Queen
Makobo Modjadji was crowned Queen of the Bolobedu in
(2) believes Queen Modjadji leaves a legacy of consistent
commitment to community development and her outstanding
leadership was further proof of the capacity of women to
unite our people as we work for a better life for all; and
(3) expresses its condolences to the members of the Modjadji
royal family and the Bolobedu community.
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CREATE YOUTH EMPLOYMENT AND FIGHT POVERTY
(Debate on Topic)
The MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Madam Speaker, I am aware that there are
many young people from schools across all the provinces of our
country and we welcome them to Parliament today. [Applause.] Many of
them participated in a parliamentary youth debate in the NCOP
Chamber this morning. I listened in on their debate and I have to
say that they would put some of us to shame if they were with us in
this House today - very good. [Applause.]
On 16 June each year, we remember and commemorate the 1976 Soweto
protests. On 16 June 1976, Soweto exploded. The protests soon spread
to all parts of the country. Young learners were the key actors and
student leaders were the key leaders. The protest began with a
rejection of the imposition of Afrikaans in education and ended by
rocking the old regime to its foundations. Hundreds died and were
injured, as the authorities struggled to assert control over our
This massive protest marked the emergence of a new generation of
leaders. In its aftermath, thousands fled the country into exile,
formed mass-based organisations and the old regime became
increasingly isolated by this example set by the young people of our
country. The rest, as they say, is history. Their participation and
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leadership in the protest meant many young people never finished
their schooling and never had the opportunity for education.
All of us know that June 16 is inextricably bound up with the name
of young Hector Peterson, but there were many other heroes and
heroines. These young people fought against an illegal regime,
invigorated the struggle for freedom and drew world attention to
South Africa. They began on that day what was to become a national
and world mobilisation against apartheid.
Today, we have a single education system, and education is now
compulsory for children of school-going age. We have a participation
rate that is nearly a 100%. We have parity of access between boys
and girls in our country and we have transformed the institutional
landscape of higher and further education.
Yet, as we celebrate our freedom and the advances we have made in
building our new democracy, where increasingly our youth have access
to high-quality opportunities, unemployment remains stubbornly high
on the list of social problems that confront young people.
No matter how successful we are in creating jobs – and we have been
successful – we are still not creating enough jobs and alternative
development opportunities for school-leavers and young people
graduating from our universities.
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We cannot allow this situation to continue. We must provide viable
opportunities that make a real difference to young people. Urgent
action is required. Youth unemployment must be tackled with
seriousness, focus and purpose.
Our government has created a range of opportunities that addresses
these concerns. Apart from school access, there are many other areas
of response. The Umsobomvu Fund is doing much to promote skills,
development enterprise support and other ways of empowering young
people. Opportunities beyond school level have also grown.
University students were predominantly white in 1993 and now 75% of
those in our universities are black. Even more worthy to report is
that just over 50% of students in higher education are female today.
Yet this is not all. Government-supported learnerships through
Setas benefit young people. Government departments run active
programmes for internships and in the private sector attempts are
being made to create new opportunities for our youth.
The community-development-worker programme of government is
supporting young graduates to enter the Public Service through local
government internships. Yet, despite this progress, as young people
have told me robustly in the last week, we must do more.
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We need to create a wide and diverse range of skills-development
programmes – in the arts, film-making and music development for
young people, the writing of new poetry and novels, as well as
access to opportunities in the sciences.
We also need to attend to programmes that would address the needs of
youths who have never been to school. Some need basic literacy
support while others need skills training.
Our work, with the FET colleges, will in the next five years make
technical training a viable choice for young people in our country.
We will also, in partnership with the Department of Communications,
attend to skills development in information communications
technologies, both at the technology-skills level as well as at the
Furthermore, all of us must work with the private sector - the real
job creators - to formulate youth development partnerships in the
form of skills development programmes. In order to address all these
areas, however, we need data, and not speculation.
Has the time not arrived for our country to create youth information
offices in every municipality so that young people have a visible
place to go to for help and information? We also must refer to the
immense courage, integrity and community concern that the young
people of 1976 exhibited.
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Perhaps we need to have more than a national day to celebrate the
youth who stood up against the might of apartheid and did what was
right. We should look into developing real post-school opportunities
on a mass scale for young people. Partnership between public and
private institutions can, I believe, offer real economic
opportunities for young people.
In the education sector, especially at higher level, we should
develop strategies to draw young people into careers in knowledge
production and innovation. Currently, our leading scientists are
male and ageing. Young researchers should be developed and given
opportunities for knowledge creation.
We also must continue our fight against poverty. But what are the
enduring lessons of the youth of 1976? Firstly, the courage to rise
against oppression, no matter the odds; secondly, the integrity of
sacrificing self-interest for community and national aspiration;
thirdly, the realisation that principled action and leadership are
necessary partners in a struggle for freedom; fourthly, that
national struggle should be supported by strong mass-based
organisation and be based on the ideals of democratic nonracism,
equity and a resistance to oppression.
These lessons have a deep resonance in the South Africa of today.
The opportunities created by government require this resolve and
hard work from our youth.
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The challenges of today, such as the plight of HIV and Aids, require
a determined, courageous focused youth that will change negative
lifestyles and adopt a positive living campaign to assist the young
in remaining free of this disease.
Our present-day youth are challenged by the example of the young
South Africans of 1976; our country is now a free and vibrant
democracy. Our young people must take on these new opportunities and
challenges and make them work for building a South Africa that will
never again put young people, parents and communities through the
agonies that were part of the struggle as represented by 1976.
We have also acted to fight poverty. We have exemptions from fees at
the school level. We have a nutrition programme to address the needs
of the poor in our schools. This year we have invested over R1
billion in higher-education training by providing financial support
to the poor. We have access to health care for young children in our
public hospitals and clinics. We provide social grants for children
whose parents have no income. We have the Expanded Public Works
Programme, providing employment in municipalities to community
members that enjoy no economic opportunity.
In each of these areas there are opportunities for young people to
make a difference in our society. Our youth have made a clarion call
for opportunities. I have shown that there are many programmes and
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Our focus should now turn to ensuring that all our young people have
the information, access and opportunity that allow them to realise
their fullest potential in our society. If we can achieve this, we
will truly build the South Africa of opportunity that the children
of 1976 sacrificed themselves and their opportunities for. I thank
Mr M R MOHLALOGA: Madam Speaker, hon members, on Thursday, 16 June
2005, our country celebrates one of the important days in the
evolution of the history of our struggle against apartheid, an
epoch-making day whose rise, some 29 years ago, marked a turning
point in the determination of our youth to fight the demon of
apartheid and injustice; a day whose rise brought the end of
apartheid much closer and made it more inevitable.
As we commemorate the 29th anniversary of 16 June, we recall the
bravery and the sacrifices of our youth who had perished in
pursuance of our people‟s yearning for freedom and democracy. Many
of our youth had to perish, linger in jail and be separated from
their loved ones in order for us to be free today. Many of them are
not here with us; they died not knowing what it meant to be a free
South African. Their families and children continue to ponder how
life would have been with them in their midst. They have a sense of
permanent loss, a sense of grief - a void that cannot be filled. As
the ANC, we will continue to be guided by the vision, the will and
the desires of these fallen heroes.
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This day reminds us of the role young people played throughout the
history of mankind and continue to play today. Young people are the
lifeblood of every nation. They are the brick and mortar of every
society. They are the future of every society.
The sustenance or defeat, reproduction or creation of any social
organisation depends on the political and social moulding of the
youth. Even the most backward and retrogressive regimes relied on
young people. For instance, Hitler relied on young people to build a
Nazi state, whose orientation was murder and genocide in pursuance
of a “purified” Germany. The progressive forces, including the
Bolsheviks and so on, relied on the important role of young people
in the defeat of the Tsarist regime and construction of a new state.
Here at home, the colonial and apartheid regimes introduced
compulsory military training for white youth to defend the apartheid
system. They invested a great deal in the education of white youth
to reproduce the intellectual capital necessary for the sustenance
of the apartheid system.
On the other hand, the youth under the leadership of the ANC
mobilised themselves for a noble goal – the emancipation of our
people. Consequently, young people swelled the ranks of the ANC
Youth League over successive generations; young people swelled the
ranks of MK; they swarmed our streets in acts of defiance and
militancy, coming face to face with apartheid killer machine.
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If anything, it will be correct to say that the most defining
feature of the South African society at that time was the battle
between the white youth, who sought to perpetuate the demon of
apartheid and the black youth, who sought to liberate our country
and its people - both black and white.
We are here today because we honour these youth, without whom there
would be no freedom and democracy to talk about. It is these youth
who, as we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Freedom Charter
this month, went out on volunteer work, going from house to house to
solicit freedom demands. It is these youth that took it upon
themselves to ensure that the kind of society that our people yearn
for is realised.
It will always be a concern to all social forces what political
posture the youth assumes and they will always seek to influence
them in a particular direction to reinforce and mature the existing
paradigm or to obliterate it.
The dialectic about the important role of the youth in the
sociopolitical life proceeded and continues to proceed side by side
with an attempt to paralyse them into inaction, in an instance where
they do not subscribe to the agenda of those who are threatened by
their continued participation in sociopolitical life.
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This has been a prevailing feature, both during apartheid and since
1994. Before the unbanning of political organisations, those who
were threatened with the continued mobilisation of the youth used to
refer to these young people as the “lost generation”. This reference
was repeated every day by the media to drive home the message that
the things that the youth were doing to fight against apartheid
could only be done by a generation that was lost. Young people at
the time refused to be lost and asserted that they would always be
found in the trenches in the fight for freedom and democracy. They
said, we would rather be lost to the forces of oppression and
apartheid than to remain found and oppressed. They said we will
always remain the sons and daughters of Luthuli, of Lembede, of
Mandela, of Mxolisi Majimbosi. They rebelled and called themselves
the young lions of O R Tambo who would render the apartheid
government unworkable and South Africa ungovernable.
Post-1994, these forces of youth depoliticisation have not tired in
their agenda. They attempt to sow in our minds that our democracy
has failed them as the youth. They attempt to sow a sense of
disillusionment and thus refer to us as apathetic. Thus, we are just
this amorphous mob of malcontents, who have no interest in our
future or that of our country; we are people who miss the good old
days of apartheid. We disagree!
If anything, those of us who are involved on a daily basis as youth
activists know of the ANC Youth League, which has become a home for
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young South Africans, both black and white. If anything, it is the
opposition parties that are bleeding, that are strange to the youth.
They are unknown and young people have no hope and confidence in
them. They know that it is only the ANC that represents both their
short and long-term interests. They know that they cannot define
their future outside that of the ANC.
Yesterday we welcomed seven of the nine senior leaders of the DA
youth - the national chairperson and the secretary, as well as other
members of the national executive committee. [Applause.] Just watch
this space, we are going to finish it off, and the DA will be the
The response of the DA to these developments has not been
unexpected. They have described these young people as incompetent
and so on. Was it surprising that they responded in that manner? No,
it wasn‟t. All black people who leave the DA are labelled as such -
incompetent and insane. In other words, blacks in the DA are either
incompetent or insane or both. [Laughter.] We only have to wait
until they leave the party, as a result of the heavy weight of
racism under which they are suffocating, for us to know about their
abilities and state of mind. In any event, this is part of that
party‟s perception of black people in general. It is not surprising.
During the state of the nation address, hon Mulder drew our
attention to the views that the ANC Youth League has expressed about
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the notion that black youth and people in general are incapable of
being racist. I think that it is important that we are able to speak
about that as well. The point is, how do these young people, who are
unemployed, with no economic means, have the ability to decide who
gets what kind of education, what kind of a job and gets paid how
much as a salary? How are these people who are marginalised able to
decide who accesses this or the other opportunity?
For me, for as long as patterns of economic ownership are still
skewed in favour of our white compatriots, practices of racism would
always be one way and blacks will always be the victims. To this
end, economic transformation is fundamental to realising the vision
of a nonracial, nonsexist and prosperous society.
In the last 11 years, we have made tremendous strides with regard to
youth development. We have created institutional mechanisms through
the Umsobomvu Youth Fund and the National Youth Commission to
respond to the challenges of youth development.
In fact, a review of government youth development programmes
suggests that there has been progressively greater commitment to
youth development in government departments since 1994. As
government, we have made strides in ensuring that we invest in
skills, learnerships, the Expanded Public Works Programme and so on.
Having achieved all of these and more, the challenge that faces us
as young people is the issue of youth economic participation. In
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this regard, young people yearn for economic empowerment that can be
broadly defined as an integrated and coherent socio-economic process
that directly and deliberately integrates youth into the mainstream
South African economy in a manner that creates sustainable
livelihoods for them through programmes that increase their income,
asset and skills opportunities, and increase the numbers of young
people that manage, own and control productive enterprises,
including co-operative enterprises.
According to Census 2001, young people constitute 73,8% of the
unemployed, whatever definition one uses. Given this reality, the
extent to which progress in reducing unemployment will be determined
by the extent to which we are able to reduce the number of young
people who are unemployed.
Complicating this scenario is the fact that of the graduates who
come out of our tertiary institutions, more than 70% of black
graduates do not get absorbed into the labour market whilst only 3%
of white graduates do not get absorbed. So, the issue of race is
still a factor in terms of absorption of young people in the labour
The issue of increased youth employment is a matter that we will
have to deal with vigorously and the private sector has an important
role to play in this regard. We call on the private sector to
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implement the learnerships programme to deal with the skills
deficiencies resident in our youth.
It is important that at the end of the learnerships, these young
people are absorbed and those that are not absorbed should be
accommodated through entrepreneurship support. We call on the big
companies to ensure that their procurement should benefit youth co-
operatives and enterprises. This will lead to economic growth and
We call on BEE charter councils to accommodate youth representation
and ensure that the implementation of these charters address issues
of youth economic participation.
One of the important impediments for the entry of young people in
the economy is access to finance. Most of the African youth do not
have collateral to back their applications for finance.
Unfortunately, they have nothing to inherit from their parents as
collateral, except if one is lucky and one‟s father can give one an
emaciated cow, which one may either sell or use to pay for lobola.
We think that it is possible for the private sector to work out
financing models that specifically address this particular sector of
our society. And to our youth it is important to serve our people,
to go to school, study and pass and seize the opportunities brought
about by our democracy. They must know that opportunity does not
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equal a chance to get money without working for it. They must work
very hard in whatever they do and in that way the sky will not even
be the limit.
Thank you very much, Madam Speaker.
Mr M M SWATHE: Madam Speaker, hon members, South Africa needs more
investment to overcome the problem of high unemployment, especially
amongst the youth. It is unfortunate that 60% of the people between
18 and 25 are unemployed. We need labour-intensive economic growth.
For us to achieve that, we need policies that are consistent for
turning South Africa into an effective modern economy. The ANC‟s
policies are not good enough.
South Africa needs skills to work in a modern economy. The DA
believes that government should be allocating R7 billion per year to
education and skills development. One third of the budget should be
directed into opportunity vouchers to allow people to start their
own businesses and get the training they need. This DA proposal
would empower young people by giving them choices.
The principle of demand and supply should be looked at if we are
serious about making South Africa a working nation, and therefore if
more young people were skilled, they would be absorbed into the
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Tax incentives needs to be introduced to encourage business to
employ more labour. For at least five years, businesses should be
entitled to deduct 150% of the first R2 000 per month of the
employees‟ salaries for tax purposes. Individual households should
be entitled to deduct up to R2 000 per month for the taxable income
for permanent regular employment provided by them. This could be
especially helpful in providing jobs and experience and gathering
opportunities for less-educated people, particularly the youth in
The introduction of increased labour-market flexibility will help
new business to employ more labour. Exemptions from minimum wage and
employment regulations for the first five years of the existence of
individual small business will ensure greater success and more jobs.
The CCMA and Labour Court structures should be enhanced and
streamlined to limit the costs they impose on small business.
The DA is not calling for the removal of fundamental labour rights
as they affect the trade unions and workers. However, the current
set of labour laws has tilted the balance unduly in favour of those
already in employment and neglected the unemployed. The laws we have
continued to have a major impact on business, small business in
particular, and needs to be changed.
Go ya ka DA, mmušo o swanetše go šomiša R12.6 billion mengwageng ye
mehlano go fediša tšhalelo-morago ya dišomišwa le mehlodi ya go ruta
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dikolong; go hloma lenaneo la bosetšhaba leo le lebantšego nepo ya
go ruta bana; go fa barutwana ba 350 000 lenaneo la thušo dithutong
tša bona, bao batswadi ba bona ba ihlokelago monyetla ya thuto ye
Re rata go tseba ka ga tšhelete ya sekhwama sa baswa ya Umsovombovu
Youth Fund gore e thušitše baswa ba bakae go hwetša mešomo. Baswa
bao ke ba kae? Naa ke dikgwebo dife tšeo di hweditšego thušo ya
mašeleng? Ke dikgwebo tše kae magaeng tša baswa tšeo di holegilego
Re rata go kwa ka ga South African Youth Commission gore yona e šoma
bjang ka mašeleng a setšhaba. E ka ba ba hlotse mešomo ye mekae ya
go hola baswa? Ge e le gore ba hlotše mešomo, ke ka lebaka la eng go
be go le ditšhupetšo ka la 9 June 2005 mabapi le sello sa mešomo go
la Polokwane Profensing ya Limpopo? Go ya ka pego ya bona ya baswa,
ba laetša ka fao ba sepetšego maeto go ya mafaseng a ntle, go swana
le boBelgium, Bahrain, Mali le Mexico. Naa maeto ao a thušitše go
hlola mešomo ye mekae go baswa ba Afrika-Borwa? Go itaetša mešomo e
fiwa baswa ba bona.
Youth Commission e swanetše go laetša bohlokwa bja yona, goba e
phatlalale. Ka nako ya dipego ngwageng wo tlago, e swanetše go
laetša mešomo yeo e e hlotšego le tlhatlho yeo e e tšweleditšego go
thuša baswa. Dingwalwa tša bona le tshepedišo di laetša mošomo wo
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mobotse dipampiring. Efela ke mešomo yeo e nyakegago, ya go
Afrika Borwa ke naga ya go se dumele therešo. Re na le baswa ba
bantši ba go hloka mošomo, efela Moporesidente ga a dumele gore
bohlokatiro ke bjo bontši mo nageng. Go ya ka Statistics South
Africa, bohlokatiro ke tlhobaboroko. Afrika Borwa e ka šoma gabotse
ge e ka dumela go fiwa maele, ya kopanya ditsebi tša yona, ya
lebelela dikgopolo tšeo di kago tliša tharollo, ya tlogela go
lebelela dipolitiki, bong le bosemorafe. China e šoma botse ka ge e
dumela gore batho ba naga ya bona, ba a fapana ka dikgopolo le gona
kgwebo ke lehumo gomme ba a e thekga.
Re rata go tseba ka ga tšhelete yeo e filwego Mokgatlo wa Cosatu
magareng ga ngwaga wa 1997 le 1998 ya bašomi le beng-mešomo ya
letšatši le tee, yeo e bego e beetšwe go hloma mešomo. Naa tšhelete
yeo e kae? Ke bokae? E tlile go šoma neng? Bjang? Ke ka lebaka la
eng e se ya šoma?
Ke a leboga, Modulasetulo. [Legofsi.] (Translation of Pedi paragraphs
[According to the DA, the government is supposed to use
R12,6 billion in five years to clear the backlog in resources and
educational aids that are used in schools, to launch a public
programme that is focused on appropriate ways to teach the children,
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and to offer education to the 350 000 learners whose parents are
unable to afford it.
We would like to know how many youths have benefited from the
Umsobomvu Youth Fund to get jobs. How many are they? Which
businesses managed to get a start-up fund? How many businesses in
the rural areas owned by the youth benefited from that programme?
We would like to hear about the South African Youth Commission and
how they used the people‟s money. How many jobs have they created to
help the youth? If they did create jobs, why were there
demonstrations at Polokwane in Limpopo on 9 June 2005 with regard to
unemployment? According to the youth report, it is shown how they
have travelled abroad to places like Belgium, Bahrain, Mali and
Mexico. How many jobs have those trips helped to create for the
South African youth? It looks like the jobs are given to their own
The Youth Commission must show its value or dismantle. They must
show how many jobs they have created as well as the kind of training
offered to the youth in next year‟s reports. Their documents and
processes look good on paper. It is the practical work that is
South Africa is a country that does not really believe in the truth.
We have plenty of youth without jobs, but the President refuses to
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believe that there is a high level of unemployment in this country.
According to Statistics South Africa, unemployment is a nightmare.
It would be much better if South Africa would accept advice and,
together with the experts, look into opinions that would yield
better solutions, and stop looking into politics, gender equality
and racism. China is doing well because they have accepted that
their people have different opinions and that business is wealth,
and they support it.
We would like to know about the money that was given to Cosatu
around 1997 and 1998 for employees and employers for one day, money
that was put aside for job creation. Where is the money? How much is
it? When will it be used? How? Why has it not been used yet?
Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]]
Mr B W DHLAMINI: Hon Chairperson and colleagues, 16 June 1976 has
gone down in history as the date that changed the face of liberation
politics in South Africa for good. It put young people in the
forefront of the struggle for liberation in a manner that had not
been seen before in this country.
The participation of black youth in the struggle for liberation was
heightened to unprecedented levels. The repressive state, on the
other hand, stepped up its conscription of white youth to join the
SA Defence Force to alarming proportions. Apartheid thus succeeded
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in polarising blacks against whites, using the notion of the so-
called “swartgevaar”. Thus the foundation of what later crystallised
into a total onslaught strategy had been firmly laid.
The rest of what the black youth did in the struggle for liberation
from 1976 onwards is now history. It will suffice to say that scores
of young people skipped the country to join the then-banned
liberation movements. Others remained within the country to join the
underground forces, and many more remained within the country to
pursue the struggle in various ways above board.
Young people became the very hallmark of the struggle to liberate
and democratise this country. They shared their sweat, tears and
blood in the quest to see their country free. Our youth in South
Africa today are free and privileged in that they are allowed to
feel as if anything is possible and that there are absolutely no
limitations or boundaries to what they can achieve or do.
Their imaginations can run wild and they are not inhibited by the
restrictions and boundaries that apartheid set for the youth in the
past. When you are young, you are full of creativity and boundless
energy. The fact that today‟s youth are not limited in their career
choices, because of their race or gender, has been made possible the
sacrifices that so many young people in the past had to make.
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Along with the many atrocities that apartheid committed, it also
robbed many children of their youth and forced them to grow up too
quickly. It is therefore important that Youth Day is seen as more
than just a day off or a holiday. The sacrifices that were made, the
many lives that were lost and the many challenges and obstacles that
the youth had to overcome should be remembered and appreciated,
especially on 16 June.
Although the prospects that our youth have today are infinitely
brighter than they were in the past, they still face many obstacles
and challenges, including poverty, HIV/Aids and unemployment. If we
do not find ways of meeting these challenges soon, we will be faced
with added social problems that will only get worse and escalate in
These are not issues that can be swept under the rug, they have to
be dealt with and solutions have to be found. We need to create more
opportunities for young people.
If we are to make inroads into the creation of employment for our
youth, we need to be more creative and come up with innovative
initiatives that will harness their enthusiasm and creativity. These
will ultimately lead to job creation and poverty reduction. These
initiatives should not be created in isolation and independent of
the very people they are aimed at. The youth should play an active
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and leading role in the development and the implementation of these
There are institutions and organisations that provide support and
assistance to the South African youth, such as Umsobomvu and the
Youth Commission, but whether they have the capacity to deal with
this great challenge and to succeed in making a substantial impact
is debatable. These organisations also need to broaden their range
and visibility so that they are accessible to a much wider audience
and not a selected few. If they are to have any chance of impacting
on the creation of employment amongst the youth, we must face head-
on the various challenges of poverty and deprivation in which many
of them live.
The best tribute we can give to our youth and those who laid down
their lives in the struggle is to ensure that never again will our
society produce the circumstances under which those young people had
to grow up. Never again should we allow our society to decline to
such a level that it would be necessary for any young person to have
to lay down his or her live for freedom in our country. I thank you.
Ms N M MDAKA: Chairperson and hon members, surveys on unemployment
indicate that 60% or more of the unemployed are in the age group
that is younger than 35. This is of great concern. The success of
our society and, indeed, of our democracy depend on the youth. A
generation without jobs is a generation losing faith and hope and
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that could spell disaster. When a significant proportion of the next
generation does not believe that the current system can realise
their hopes and aspirations, it is in such circumstances that
discontent and revolt flourish.
However, whilst many of us are gravely concerned about the dangers
of massive unemployment and how it affects the youth, the old
political trick of questioning the statistics has resurfaced. Both
President Mbeki and Minister Manuel have, in the past few months,
expressed scepticism about the unemployment statistics.
We cannot help but notice that this sort of questioning of the
statistics was a prominent aspect of the denials and delays that
characterised government‟s response to HIV/Aids for many years. Let
us not fall into this trap again and waste valuable time and
resources on futile bickering about statistics. The problem is
massive and deserves our unambiguous and united response.
It is doubly ironic that senior members of the ruling party are now
questioning the extent of unemployment. The last time we looked, the
ANC was elected to government with a manifesto built on the promise
of a million new jobs. Why make these promises if unemployment is
not a major crisis?
Or is the question rather whether this election . . .
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The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr N P Nhleko): Order!
Ms N M MDAKA: Thank you.
Ukuba bangavuka aba bantwana babe fe ngo-‟76, banganibetha
nonk‟apha. [Uwele-wele.] [If all those children who died in 1976
could wake up, they would beat all of you.] [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr N P Nhleko): Order! Order!
[Interjections.] Order, hon member! [Applause.]
Mr L W GREYLING: Thank you, Chair. The title of the speech today
sounds like a call to action. The ID has taken up this call, and in
May of this year we launched the YID initiative in terms of which we
have given the youth a platform to fight for the issues affecting
The new struggle in South Africa is to give our youth hope and
opportunities for the future. My interactions with young South
Africans have convinced me that it is they who are truly
transforming our country.
I have seen unbelievable talent in many different spheres, and I
have witnessed children overcoming the most horrendous situations to
become leaders in our society. Of particular note is the My Life
Project, in which former homeless children are now living productive
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lives and creating waves in the music scene. It is up to us as
government, though, to create the structures and support systems to
allow the creativity and the new ideas of the youth to flourish.
Today I turned 32 years old, which means that I will soon no longer
be able to call myself a member of the youth, something I‟m
beginning to deeply regret. I therefore felt it necessary to allow
the younger members of our party to speak on this important debate.
The chairperson of YID in KwaZulu-Natal, Simo Dladla, expressed
these powerful sentiments:
Hon members, we are a country that is 11 years old. Our
disadvantaged youth of the 1970s are the advantaged ones, and it
just shows what freedom is. They are the members of national
Parliament, provincial parliament, CEOs, millionaires and
If we are preaching the gospel of the previously disadvantaged
youth, which has become the national anthem of this country, who
are we talking about? Aren‟t we supposed to be the advantaged
ones? Aren‟t we supposed to be benefiting from the freedom our
fathers fought for? Aren‟t we supposed to be enjoying the fruits
of the country?
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These are the words that should be guiding us when we consider
whether we are truly living up to the aspirations of the youth in
Lastly, with the Speaker‟s indulgence, being my birthday and all, I
want to relay some other powerful words of the youth, this time
taken from the My Life CD. These former homeless children had this
We want you to know we don‟t feel self-pity, there are some points
in our life that have been real pretty!
We don‟t see ourselves as victims
We‟re stronger – it‟s true, man
We ask you to do the same - see us as human
We‟re not asking you for something else from your handbook
What we are really asking you is to try and understand
that you can help, assist, encourage and support us
But your assistance stops there – you can never do it for us
It‟s impossible to keep away the pain, suffering and strife
Just let us walk through it
It‟s My Life!
I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr N P Nhleko): Happy birthday, hon member.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 54 OF 175
Ms P BHENGU: Chairperson, hon members of Parliament, the youth of
South Africa, ladies and gentlemen, my speech is to remind you of
the history of June 16 and the challenges facing the youth of South
In 1953 the apartheid government enacted the Bantu Education Act,
which established a black education department in the Department of
Native Affairs. The role of this department was to compile a
curriculum that suited the nature and requirements of the black
Therefore, the author of the legislation, Dr Hendrik Verwoerd, the
then Minister of Native Affairs, stated clearly that the natives –
blacks - must be taught at an early age that equality with the
Europeans – whites - was not for them. Therefore the black people
were not to receive an education that would lead them to aspire to
positions they would not be allowed to hold in society. Instead they
were to receive education designed to provide them with skills to
serve their own people in the homelands, or to work in labouring
jobs under the white minority.
Bantu education did enable more children in Soweto to attend school
than the old missionary system of education, but there was a severe
lack of facilities. Nationally, the pupil-to-teacher ratios went up
from 46:1 to 58:1 in 1967. Overcrowded classrooms were used on a
rota basis. There was also a lack of teachers, and many of those who
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did teach were underqualified. By 1961 only 10% of black teachers
held a matriculation certificate. Because of government‟s homelands
policy, no high schools were built in Soweto between 1962 and 1971.
Students were meant to move to their relevant homelands to attend
the newly built schools there.
In 1974 the government gave in to pressure from business to improve
the Bantu education system to meet business‟s needs for a better-
trained black workforce. Forty new schools were built in Soweto.
This increased the number of pupils at secondary schools from 12 656
to 34 656. One in five Soweto children attended secondary school.
This increase in secondary-school attendance had a significant
effect on youth culture. Previously, many young people spent their
time between leaving primary school and obtaining a job - if they
were lucky - in gangs, which generally lacked any political
consciousness. But now secondary-school students were forming their
own much more politicised identity. Clashes between the gangs and
students furthered the sense of student solidarity.
In 1975 South Africa entered a period of economic depression.
Schools were starved of funds – the government spent R644 a year on
a white child, but only R42 on a black child. The Department of
Education then announced that it was removing Standard 6 from
primary schools. Previously, in order to progress to Form 1 of
secondary school, a learner had to obtain a first or second-degree
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pass in Standard 6. In 1976, 257 505 pupils enrolled in Form 1, but
there was space for only 38 000. Many of the students therefore
remained in primary school.
Yaqala-ke inkathazo. Inhlangano yabafundi yabamnyama, i-African
Student Movement, eyayibunjwe ngo-1968 ukuba izwakalise izwi
labafundi nezinhlupheko ababebhekene nazo, yabe isishintsha igama
layo-ke ngenyanga kaMasingana ngonyaka ka-1972 yaba yiNhlangano
yabaFundi baseNingizimu Afrika (SA Student Movement). Inhloso kwabe
kungukwakha inhlangano yabafundi kazwelonke ukuze isebenzisane
nenhlangano ye-black consciousness, inhlangano eyabe ikhona
emanyuvesi yabamnyama ne-SA Student Organisation, Saso. (Translation
of Zulu paragraph follows.)
[And then the trouble began. The organisation for black students,
the African Student Movement, that had been formed in 1968 to air
the students‟ concerns and the plight that they were facing, changed
its name in January 1972 and became known as the SA Student
Movement. The intention was to build a national student movement
that was to work with the organisation of black consciousness, which
was the dominating movement at the universities, and the SA Student
This link with black consciousness philosophy was significant
because it gave students an appreciation of themselves as black
people and it helped politicise students. So when the Department of
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Bantu Education issued its decree that Afrikaans was to become the
language of instruction at school, it was at a time when the
situation was already volatile. Students objected to being taught in
the language of the oppressor. Many teachers themselves could not
speak Afrikaans, but were now required to teach their subjects in
Therefore the tide began to turn as students in Soweto came together
in 1976. This shook the state power to its roots and its foundations
began to crack. When high-school students in Soweto started
protesting for better education on 16 June 1976, the police of the
apartheid government responded with tear gas and live bullets. Many
young people lost their lives. So, hon members and young people of
South Africa, we are commemorating today – honouring today - all the
young people who lost their lives in the struggle against apartheid
and Bantu education.
There are challenges facing the youth of today. The commencement of
our democracy in 1994 had its challenges of economic reconstruction
and job creation. The issue of unemployment is crucial, but the ANC-
led government has established Setas, and the National Skills
Development Strategy. Workshops have been conducted with
stakeholders to develop strategic plans around learnership
implementation, funding, marketing and communication; and there has
been group training for SMMEs, as well as employment service
functions, such as the recruitment and placement of learners.
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The Further Education and Training Colleges - FETs - have been
established to oversee the integrity of assessment in schools and
colleges, and offer academic curricula as well as a range of
vocational subjects to cater for out-of-school youth and adults.
This has played an important role for the youth, especially those in
rural areas. The other challenge facing the youth is the abuse of
drugs and other substances, such as alcohol.
The issue of HIV/Aids has been a challenge. The Department of
Education has a five-year plan focusing on limiting the spread of
HIV/Aids through life-skills education, providing social support to
educators and learners who are affected, and managing the impact of
HIV/Aids on the education system within the curriculum.
The youth are now engaged in various programmes, such as home-based
and community-based care programmes as community development
workers, in the women and children against violence and abuse
programme, and in the victim empowerment project that provides
trauma support and counselling services for the victims of violence
and crime, focusing on empowering community workers and
professionals with skills and knowledge for the effective delivery
of services to such victims.
Therefore today the story of South Africa after 10 years of
democracy is a happy and successful one, that is, if you consider
where we came from and where South Africa could have ended up.
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However, there are some dark clouds hovering over our nation that
seem to threaten and undermine the successes and happiness achieved
by our new democracy.
We have seen the youth being used by people who do not like the way
our government is transforming from the apartheid era, in
demonstrations on the lack of service delivery. We, as the ANC-led
government, will no longer tolerate those young people who have
forgotten where we come from.
Sengiphetha, ngithanda ukweluleka abantu abasha ukuba
bazimbandakanye nezinhla zomphathi, futhi bazimisele ukuze sivikele
leli zwe kubantu abanomona futhi abangathandi ukulibona liba
nezinguquko. Sisonke asilwe nobubha nenhlupheko. Ngiyabonga.
[Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)
[In conclusion, I would like to advise the youth to take part in
community capacity building and to be prepared so that we can defend
this country from jealous people who do not want transformation. Let
us all fight poverty and destitution. I thank you. [Applause.]]
Adv Z L MADASA: Chairman, creating youth employment and fighting
poverty is a good thing and I believe this is happening already. The
critical thing that we must, as adults, talk about today concerning
the youth is how to encourage discipline. If you take a look at the
quality of past youth leadership since the 1944s, 1960s, 1970s,
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1980s and early 1990s, there is no comparison with the current youth
leadership. If you look back, you will notice that the past youth
leadership was knowledgeable, articulate and disciplined. Today‟s
youth leadership is a far cry from that of the past.
Historically, the youth filled the gap left by absent leadership and
addressed national political issues. With competent leaders now
available, post-1994, is there a need for the parallel and duplicate
role the youth leadership is playing today? Beyond employment, the
youth is confronted with the following challenges: the culture of
overentertainment, the culture of not learning, unaffordable school
fees, academic and financial exclusions, violence, drugs on campuses
and, yes, unemployment as well. These are the current challenges to
Instead of addressing these challenges, which are pressing, we see
the current youth leadership holding frequent press conferences on
how to lower Reserve Bank rates, embroiled in political power
struggles and vacuously criticising judges without looking at the
judgments. When they appear in press conferences, you have to hold
your breath. What we should debate is: What is the proper role of
political formations after 10 years, post-1994? I believe that that
should be the debate. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mnr W D SPIES: Agb Voorsitter, wanneer jongmense om werk aansoek doen,
doen hulle aansoek op die onderste posvlakke. Dit is die vlakke van
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ongeskoolde, semigeskoolde en pasgekwalifiseerde werkers. Byna 90%
van alle werksgeleenthede in die land is op hierdie drie vlakke en
twee derdes daarvan is op die vlakke van ongeskoolde en
semigeskoolde werkers. Volgens die jongste verslag van die Kommissie
vir Gelyke Indiensneming kom slegs 9,8% van die werkers op die
onderste twee posvlakke vanuit die sogenaamde wit groepe. Dit is ‟n
onderverteenwoordiging van witmense op die intreevlak van meer as
22%. Die afname van witmense in die onderste twee posvlakke was meer
as 86% die afgelope jaar en dit verklaar ook die drastiese styging
in armoede onder veral witmense sedert 1990. (Translation of
Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Mr W D SPIES: Hon Chairperson, when young people apply for
jobs,then they apply at the lowest post levels. These are the levels
of unskilled, semi-skilled and newly qualified workers. Almost 90%
of all job opportunities in the country are on these three levels
and two thirds thereof are on the levels of unskilled and semi-
skilled workers. According to the latest report of the Commission
for Employment Equity only 9,8% of the workers on the two lowest
post levels are from the so-called white groups. This is an
underrepresentation of whites at entry level of more than 22%. The
decrease in whites at the two lowest post levels was more than 86%
for the past year and this also explains the drastic increase in
poverty, especially among whites, since 1990.]
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To these young people, the concept of employment equity becomes a
contradiction in terms, because they experience no equity when they
apply for a job and not even the official government funds are
mandated to assist these people.
Vroeër vanjaar het die hoof van Umsobomvu Jeugfonds, mnr Malusi
Kekana, voor die portefeuljekomitee gesê ingevolge sy mandaat is die
fonds tans net ingestel op die swart jeug. Wanneer daar na
indiensnemingsyfers gekyk word, word daar slegs klem gelê op die
boonste 10% van die arbeidsmag. Dit is nie waar jongmense vir werk
aansoek doen nie. Jongmense begin by die intreevlakke. As hulle nie
op die intreevlakke gehelp word nie, verval hulle in ‟n spiraal van
armoede of werkloosheid of word net nog ‟n statistiek van die
diaspora uit Afrika.
Vanjaar word Jeugdag vir die 11de keer in Suid-Afrika herdenk, maar
elke jaar word meer en meer jong, witmense ontnugter met die wrede
werklikhede van sogenaamde “employment equity”. Hierdie mense ken
nie apartheid nie, maar hulle word toenemend daarmee gekonfronteer
en daarvoor gestraf. Daarom begin die VF Plus vanjaar met ‟n veldtog
om gelykheid vir alle jongmense te kry. Die bestuur van die VF Plus-
Jeug gaan op 16 Junie van Pretoria af na die Konstitutionele Hof in
Johannesburg stap met ‟n versoek om gelykheid vir almal. Ons sien u
daar. Baie dankie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
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[The Chairperson of the Umsobomvu Youth Fund, Mr Malusi Kekana, has
stated earlier this year before the portfolio committee that in
terms of his mandate the fund is currently only focused on the black
youth. When we look at employment figures we see that the emphasis
is placed on the top 10% of the workforce. This is not where young
people apply for jobs. Young people start at the entry levels. If
they are not assisted at the entry levels they will fall into a
spiral of poverty or unemployment or they will become just another
statistic of the diaspora from Africa.
This year Youth Day will be celebrated for the 11th time in South
Africa, but every year more and more young whites are disillusioned
by the grim realities of so-called employment equity. These people
do not know apartheid, but they are increasingly being confronted
with it and punished for it. Hence, this year the FF Plus is
commencing with a campaign to acquire equity for all young people.
On June 16 the management of the FF Plus Youth will march from
Pretoria to the Constitutional Court in Johannesburg with a request
for equity for all. We will see you there. Thank you very much.]
Mr B E PULE: Chair, it is unfortunate that we, as government, talk
about the plight of our youth but do nothing concrete to make sure
that they earn a living en route to their responsible adulthood.
Taking refuge in the past and embellishing commonplace events with
an aura they do not deserve will not assist us at this juncture.
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Youth is our future nation and unless government stops paying lip
service to employment, they will definitely be a national calamity.
There are many young people roaming the streets without jobs, some
of whom are university graduates. The President had indicated in his
state of the nation address, in 2004, that a register would be
compiled but we have heard nothing about it thus far.
Some many young people have just been given parole last week and
unless we, as government, create employment for this youth the devil
will definitely find work for their idle hands. Skills development
has been a household word for every department and we have to
empower our youth with entrepreneurial skills so that they also help
create employment for themselves, because it will be equally
dangerous to create a dependency syndrome amongst our youth. Thank
Mnr J J COMBRINCK: Agb Voorsitter, agb lede, kamerade en vriende, op
16 Junie 1976 het die jeug van ons land hul stem dik gemaak teen die
bestel van daardie tyd. Die viering van Jeugdag dien nie net as
herinnering aan die historiese wending nie, maar laat ons veral hoop
op ‟n nuwe toekoms vir die jeug van Suid-Afrika. Ons sien veral
daarna uit om ‟n dag te kan beleef wat goeie onderwys vir almal sal
verseker en nie net vir ‟n uitgesoekte groepie wit en swart ouers
wat dit kan bekostig om hulle kinders in privaatskole te sit nie.
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Ons doen ‟n beroep op die jeug van Suid-Afrika om van hulle te laat
hoor en hulle regte as volwaardige burgers van die land op te eis.
Die tyd van “kinders moet gesien word en nie gehoor word nie” is
verby. Dit is jou reg om jou eie taal te gebruik en te ontwikkel,
terwyl jy ander tale leer en bemeester. Wanneer ons aan ‟n nie-
rassige Suid-Afrika dink, kan ons nie aangaan sonder om terug te
dink aan mense soos oom Beyers Naudé nie. Die grootste motivering
agter sy politieke loopbaan in ‟n kritieke tyd staar ook Suid-Afrika
in hierdie tweede dekade van demokrasie in die gesig, en betrek die
vraag van hoe om die reg tot kulturele, etniese en rasse-identiteit,
waarvan dié van minderheidsgroepe nie die minste is nie, te
bevestig. Hoe kan ons die energieke deelname van alle Suid-
Afrikaners bevorder sonder om van enige groep te verwag om hulle
kulturele wortels te negeer of te onderspeel? Hoe kan ons ‟n
waarlike veelvoudige Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing vier?
Die oorgrote meerderheid van noemenswaardige konflikte wat tans in
die wêreld voorkom, is tussen gemeenskappe binne nasionale state,
eerder as tussen nasionale state self. Die meeste van hierdie
konflikte is minstens gedeeltelik gewortel in die mislukking van
etniese, kulturele en godsdienstige gemeenskappe om vreedsaam naas
mekaar te bestaan. Terselfdertyd is dit belangrik om te erken dat
etniese, kulturele en godsdienstige konflik feitlik sonder
uitsondering vervleg is met die een of ander vorm van materiële
onthouding en/of politieke uitsluiting.
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Dit is in wese wanneer individue en groepe ‟n sin van uitsluiting
van hierdie staatshuishouding en van sy materiële voordele ervaar,
wat hulle steun op identiteitsbelange om hulle politieke en
materiële agendas aan te dryf. Daar is ‟n groeiende globale
bewustheid dat nasies - en veral nasies in oorgang van
onderdrukkende regerings en volgehoue geweld - wat in gebreke bly om
hierdie bedreiging om groepe uitgesluit te hou uit nasiebouprosesse,
aan te spreek. Dit is tot hul eie nadeel.
Die balans wat hier nodig is, is delikaat, om die skepping van ‟n
gedeelde en inklusiewe kultuur uit te stel en om weerstandsgroepe
toe te laat om die ou orde voort te sit. Om daarenteen te vinnig
vorentoe te beweeg, is om wrewel en potensiële destabilisering te
Die vraag na hoe om ‟n inklusiewe staat te bou onder omstandighede
van diepe historiese kulturele, godsdienstige en materiële
verdeeldheid, bied ‟n politieke uitdaging aan ontluikende
demokrasieë waarop die akademie, die politici en alle redelike
burgers verstandig sal wees om te let.
Tien jaar later is daar aanduiding dat hierdie eenheid toenemend van
balans gegooi en selfs uitgedaag word deur ‟n groeiende sin van
partikuralisme. Die Khoisan se herkoms word gevier. Daar is
groeiende trots onder diegene wat hul identiteit herlei na die
aankoms van slawe in die sestiende eeu. Afrikaners eis hulle plek op
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as ‟n stam van Afrika. Suid-Afrikaanse Indiërs bevestig hul
kulturele afkoms en Moslemvroue word toenemend in die openbaar met
swart sluiers gesien. Algemeen gesproke lyk dit of dit nog slegs
Suid-Afrikaanse Engelse is wat probeer om hulle voorvaderlike afkoms
anderkant die een of ander soort taalglobale oorheersing te soek.
Die meerderheid van swart Afrikane is geensins meer eenvormig as
enige ander groep nie en tog, miskien weens ‟n nuwe sin van
oorheersing, staan hulle grootliks onverskillig teenoor die
soektogte en twiste wat die identiteitstryde van minderheidsgroepe
Dit is hier waar enkele van die verskillende nasies begin om
deurmekaar te woon en te beweeg. Hulle weier om te vlug na die
ghetto van wit of swart eksklusiwiteit. Dit bied ‟n uitgang wat geen
Suid-Afrikaner, wit of swart, kan bekostig om te ignoreer nie. Hulle
oorstyg stamchauvinisme en uit hoofde van hul sterk
Afrikaanidentiteit daag hulle verskillende blinde begrippe van
liberale inklusiwiteit uit. Hulle kerm nie. Hulle vra geen spesiale
guns nie. Hulle kla nie oor ‟n behoefte aan wit/swart voorregte of
minderheidsregte nie. Hulle eis hul regte op om ‟n Suid-Afrikaan in
‟n nierassige demokratiese Suid-Afrika te wees. Miskien is hulle in
staat om dit te doen vanweë hul geworteldheid in hul eie
Afrikaanidentiteit, sonder om aan te neem dat die eie belangriker is
as die ander. Die inklusiewe Suid-Afrikaanse visie wat sowel
uitnodiging as uitdaging inkorporeer, is om ras, kultuur en
voormalige identiteit te oorstyg, sowel as klasverskille.
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Gesondheidstatus, die onmiddelike maatskaplike behoeftes en die
uitdaging betrek die implikasies daarvan om te leef in die land wat
steeds deur die ongeregtighede van die verlede geteister word.
Uitnodiging en uitdaging is keerkante van dieselfde munt, wat ‟n
bevestiging is van die inherente skakel tussen versoening,
maatskaplike insluiting en ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Tog eenvoudig
dat versoening en insluiting nie soseer te make het met huidige
werklikhede nie. Dit herinner ons daaraan dat vir versoening om te
oorleef en vir kulturele verdraagsaamheid om te gedy, moet die
materiële en die subjektiewe behoeftes as keerkante van dieselfde
muntstuk bevorder word.
Apartheid was natuurlik gebou op multikulturele verskille en die
bevordering van groepsidentiteit is voorgehou as voorwendsel vir
oorheersende boerestaatpolitiek en Zulunasionalisme. Op hul beurt
gaan hulle voort om die reg om anders te wees te bevestig om ‟n
samelewing te bou waarin verskillende kulture en etniese groepe sy
aan sy leef, in plaas daarvan om die moontlikhede om met mekaar in
omgang te tree. Dit hou duidelik sy eie stel probleme in; gegewe dat
menslike aard en politiek is wat dit is, leen die stryd om
oorheersing hom tot dié soort nasionalisme.
Dit gaan oor die oorweging van wat more mag inhou, eerder as om die
onafwendbare te probeer voorkom. Dit is om te erken dat nuwe,
komplekse identiteite in Suid-Afrika na vore begin tree. Ongelukkig
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het ons en ons voorsate sowat 40 jaar gevat om hierdie en vele ander
saamgestel in die Vryheidsmanifes te kon uitleef.
Doeltreffendheid is ons antwoord op die beperkte bronne. Soos ons
almal weet, is mynbou een van die grootste verskaffers van werk aan
alle fasette van die samelewing. Ons sal egter moet begin na ander
oplossings vir die verskaffing van werksgeleenthede kyk. Die
natuurlike kapitaal van die omgewing word meer as ooit tevore
bedreig deur die voorgestelde bevolkingsgroei en die dramatiese
toename van nywerheidsaktiwiteite.
Ons is nader as ooit aan die perke van groei in ons gebruik van
hulpbronne. Ons put op die oomblik sommige mineraalbronne en
fossielbrandstowwe nie so vinnig uit as wat gevrees is nie, maar die
impak van die gebruik daarvan op die omgewing word kritiek. Indien
nywerheidsgroei voldoende was om die armoede in die ontwikkelende
dele uit te wis, sou die verbruik van bronne toegeneem het tot bo
vlakke wat die omgewing kan volhou.
Produksie en verbruik moet daarom meer doeltreffend word en ons as
die jeug moet ‟n skuif maak na ‟n meer rasionele gebruik van
hulpbronne deur hernieubare bronne en sirkulasie van produksie en
bronne waarvan afval hergebruik word, te benut. Ons moet ook veel
meer waarde voeg by die bronne wat ons wel gebruik, deur ‟n skuif
van materiële goedere na dienste. Die jeug in hierdie land moet aan
die stuur staan om die klem te verskuif van die ontgin van
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natuurlike hulpbronne, na die bemagtiging van hul menslike kapitaal
met ‟n ander konsep van groei. Die vraag na energie kan aansienlik
verlaag word, deur ‟n meer rasionele gebruik daarvan. Dit mag egter
meer arbeidsintensief wees en moet plaaslike gemeenskappe in staat
stel om hul eie energieverbruik self te bestuur. Die voorsiening van
energie moet verskuif van steenkool na hernieubare en skoon bronne.
So ‟n skuif is moontlik met geloofwaardige, wetenskaplike
tegnologie. Wat die ontwikkelings betref wat in die vooruitsig
gestel word op hierdie gebied, moet die jeug van hierdie land besef,
is daar „ŉ groot tekort aan reg opgeleide mense om sulke verskille
te kan laat plaasvind. Nietemin is aansienlike beleggings in
navorsing steeds nodig. Inligting- en kommunikasietegnologie is
deurslaggewend vir die produksie, logistiek en verbruik en mosaïek
van die leefstyle wat omgewingsvriendelik is.
Ten einde hierdie uitdagings aan te pak, moet ons al die
bestuursmeganismes aanwend wat nodig is om raamwerke vir
ontwikkeling gereed te kry. Belastingstelsels moet die gebruik van
hulpbronne ontmoedig en ondernemingsgees en waardeskepping aanmoedig
ten einde die klem op materiële goedere te vervang met nie-materiële
dienste. ‟n Grootskaalse skuif na belasting op materiële bronne,
energie, land- en padvervoerfasiliteite is nodig. [Tyd verstreke.]
[Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 71 OF 175
[Mr J J COMBRINCK: Hon Chairperson, hon members, comrades and
friends, on 16 June 1976 the youth of our country protested against
the dispensation of that time. The celebration of Youth Day not only
serves as a reminder of this historic turn of events but also gives
us hope, especially for a new future for the youth of South Africa.
We are especially looking forward to a day when good education will
be ensured for all, and not only for a select groups of white and
black parents who can afford to send their children to private
We appeal to the youth of South Africa to make their voices heard
and to claim their rights as fully fledged citizens of the country.
The time has passed when children were to be seen and not heard. It
is one‟s right to use and develop one‟s own language, while one
masters other languages. When we think of a nonracial South Africa,
we cannot continue without thinking of people such as Beyers Naudé.
In this second decade of democracy, South Africa is also faced with
the greatest motivation behind his political career at a critical
time, and this involves the question of how to confirm the right to
cultural, ethnic and racial identity, of which that of minority
groups is not the least. How can we promote the energetic
participation of all South Africans without expecting any group to
negate or to underplay its cultural roots? How can we celebrate a
truly manifold South African society?
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 72 OF 175
The vast majority of noteworthy conflicts that exist in the world at
present are between communities within national states, rather then
between national states themselves. Most of these conflicts are at
least partially rooted in the failure of ethnic, cultural and
religious communities to co-exist peacefully. At the same time it is
important to acknowledge that ethnic, cultural and religious
conflict is invariably entwined with some or other form of material
abstinence and/or political exclusion.
It is essentially when individuals and groups experience a sense of
exclusion from this state household and from its material benefits
that they rely on identity interests to further their political and
material agendas. There is an increasing global awareness that
nations – and especially nations in transition from oppressing
governments and sustained violence – are failing to address this
danger of excluding groups from the nation-building processes. This
is to their own disadvantage.
The balance that is necessary here is delicate, to delay the
creation of a shared and inclusive culture and to allow opposition
groups to continue with the old order. On the other hand, by moving
forward too fast, we can promote resentment and potential
The question of how to build an inclusive state under circumstances
of deep historic cultural, religious and material division poses a
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 73 OF 175
political challenge to budding democracies which academics,
politicians and all reasonable citizens will be wise to note.
Ten years later there is an indication that this unity is
increasingly being thrown off balance and is even being challenged
by a growing sense of particularism. The Khoisans‟ origin is being
celebrated. There is increasing pride amongst those who can trace
their identity to the arrival of slaves in the sixteenth century.
Afrikaners are claiming their place as a tribe of Africa. South
African Indians are acknowledging their cultural origin and Muslim
women are increasingly being seen in public with black veils. On the
whole it seems to be only South African English-speaking people who
are trying to seek their origin behind some or other kind of global
language domination. The majority of black Africans are in no way
more uniform than any other group and yet, perhaps because of a new
sense of domination, they are largely indifferent to the searches
and disputes that characterise the identity struggles of minority
This is where a few of the various nations are starting to live and
move together. They refuse to flee to the ghetto of white or black
exclusivity. This affords a way out that no South African, white or
black, can afford to ignore. They are transcending tribal chauvinism
and because of their strong African identity they are challenging
various blind concepts of liberal inclusivity. They are not
complaining. They are not asking for special favours. They are not
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 74 OF 175
complaining about a need for white/black privileges or minority
rights. They are claiming their rights to be South Africans in a
nonracial democratic South Africa. Perhaps they are capable of this
owing to being rooted in their own African identity, without
assuming that the own is more important than the other. The
inclusive South African vision that incorporates an invitation as
well as a challenge is to transcend race, culture and former
identity, as well as class differences. Health status, the immediate
social needs and the challenge involve the implications of living in
a country that is still racked by the injustices of the past.
Invitation and challenge are opposite sides of the same coin, being
a confirmation of the inherent link between reconciliation, social
inclusion and economic development. Quite simply, reconciliation and
inclusion do not necessarily pertain to present realities. That
reminds us that for reconciliation to survive and for cultural
tolerance to prosper, the material and the subjective needs have to
be promoted as opposite sides of the same coin.
Of course, apartheid was built on multicultural differences, and the
promotion of group identity was proffered as a pretext for
dominating “Boerestaat” politics and Zulu nationalism. These, in
turn, proceeded to confirm the right to be different, to build a
society in which different cultures and ethnic groups live by side,
instead of exploring the possibilities of associating with one
another. This clearly entails its own set of problems; given that
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 75 OF 175
human nature and politics are what they are, the struggle for
domination lends itself to this kind of nationalism.
This concerns the consideration of what the future may hold, rather
than trying to prevent the inevitable. It means admitting that new,
complex identities are beginning to emerge in South Africa.
Unfortunately it took our forefathers about 40 years to realise
these and many other principles contained in the Freedom Charter.
Efficiency is our answer to the limited resources. As we all know,
mining is one of the largest providers of jobs to all facets of
society. However, we shall have to start looking at other solutions
for the provision of job opportunities. The natural capital of the
environment is being threatened more than ever before by the
prospective population growth and the dramatic increase in
We are closer than ever before to the limits of growth in our use of
resources. At present we are not depleting certain mineral resources
and fossil fuels as fast as was feared, but the impact of their use
on the environment is becoming critical. If industrial growth had
been adequate to eradicate the poverty in the developing areas, the
consumption of resources would have increased to levels above those
that the environment could sustain.
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Production and consumption must therefore become more efficient and
we as the youth must make a shift to a more rational use of
resources by utilising renewable resources and through the
circulation of production and resources of which the waste can be
reused. We must also add far more value to the resources that we do
in fact use, by way of a shift from material goods to services. The
youth in this country must be at the helm of changing the emphasis
from the exploitation of natural resources to the empowerment of
their human capital by means of a different concept of growth. The
demand for energy can be decreased considerably by a more rational
use of it. However, it may be more labour intensive and must enable
local communities to manage their own energy consumption themselves.
The provision of energy must shift from coal to renewable and clean
Such a shift is possible with credible, scientific technology.
Regarding developments proposed in this field, the youth of this
country must realise that there is a huge shortage of correctly
trained people who can enable such changes to take place.
Nevertheless, considerable investments in research are still
necessary. Information and communication technology is imperative
for the production, logistics, consumption and mosaic of lifestyles
that are environmentally friendly.
In order to tackle these challenges we must use all the managerial
mechanisms that are necessary to complete frameworks for
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development. Taxation systems must discourage the use of resources
and encourage entrepreneurship and the creation of value in order to
replace the emphasis on material goods with non-material services. A
large-scale shift to taxation on material resources, energy, land
and road transport facilities is necessary. [Time
Mr N T GODI: Comrade Chairperson, comrades and hon members, today‟s
debate should not be misconstrued as an engagement in an annual
ritual about the youth. It must be understood and appreciated that
we are talking about and focusing on the youth, because on this day
in June 1976, and since then until our liberation, the youth played
a pivotal role in dislodging white minority rule.
It was the Guinea-Bissaun revolutionary Amilcar Cabral who said that
when people engage in a liberation struggle, they are not fighting
for ideas or anything in anyone‟s head but for material benefits and
that they want a practical improvement in their lives. Creating
youth employment and fighting poverty, therefore, is an imperative
that seeks to give practical and material expression to our
The youth as a percentage of our population is very high. It is also
a fact that measures taken so far have not made a serious dent in
the employment levels. It is a fact that, massively, the youth –
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both young graduates and dropouts - constitute the army of the
unemployed and destitute. I think Comrade Mohlaloga quantified that.
It is in the interests of the country‟s long-term social stability
to urgently and practically address the scourge of joblessness. The
PAC would like to challenge private capital, which has lobbied and
eulogised the developmental paradigm of a minimalist state, to rise
to the logical challenge of their economic responsibility and create
jobs – jobs and more quality jobs for all and especially our youth.
Since the historic compromises of 1993 in the Codesa negotiations,
private capital has not fulfilled its side of the bargain hammered
out with its political representatives. Up until now it has not met
obligations it committed itself to in the Growth and Development
Summits. The PAC believes that the youth should raise their voice of
legitimate expectations to private capital, and I believe this House
will support them.
The PAC, however, also calls on government agencies, like the
Umsobomvu Youth Fund and other funding agencies, to play their role
effectively and efficiently. The bureaucracy and expensive projects
that yield few jobs must be discouraged. The financial cake must be
cut more thinly and widely.
The PAC also calls on the youth not to yield to the vagaries of
bourgeois society and degenerate into lumpens. They must direct
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their energies, talents and creativity towards initiating their own
projects, especially now that we have passed the Co-operatives Bill,
which is deliberately biased towards, amongst others, the youth in
terms of funding. The economic dividend for our youth is long
overdue. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr R B BHOOLA: Chairperson, we all know that one of our biggest
challenges is poverty and that poverty alleviation, besides being
first on our agenda, is an extended responsibility upon all. One way
of bringing about poverty alleviation has been through job creation.
The MF in all ways objects to any form of child labour, but as
children enter their teens they have to be taught responsibility.
Youth empowerment is such a means and proves to be even more
beneficial for poverty-stricken families that need assistance in
The morals and values of responsibility and delivery in terms of
responsibility will assist in socialising our youth into responsible
adults and will allow them a window into the economic world that may
give them direction regarding the path to take as an adult in order
to fend for themselves and their families. Employment shall also
offer skills that will contribute to their future.
However, the MF may support employment and the skills development of
our youth at a certain age but we object to all forms of
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exploitation of child labour and earnestly request that mechanisms,
policies and legislation be put in place to ensure the safety and
protection of our youth in employment.
Further, children and youth at these callow stages of their lives
need to be allowed to celebrate and enjoy their youth and to indulge
themselves in being children and being educated. The MF upholds that
employment should in no way hinder the education and rights awarded
to them by our Constitution.
In terms of youth employment, the MF seeks oversight and policies to
ensure that the best interests of our youth are upheld. We also feel
that our youth can contribute to poverty alleviation and that
orchestrating our youth from about the age of 16 years into suitable
employment will assist poverty alleviation. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Chairperson, June 16 was indeed a turning point
in the history of our country. On that day schoolchildren in Soweto
took to the streets in what seemed to be a struggle against
Afrikaans. But those who were in the leadership of Saso, the BPC and
Sasm knew very well that the uprising was planned and constituted an
act that was part and parcel of the liberation efforts that our
people were engaged in.
It is now common cause that the might of the apartheid regime came
down upon innocent children and took the lives of many of them,
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including that of a 13-year-old boy, Hector Peterson. Another young
man marching next to him who has disappeared – nobody knows where he
is – picked him up and, together with Hector Peterson‟s sister, took
him to a parked car.
Azapo joins the nation in remembering all those heroes and heroines
of our struggle who laid down their lives for the noble goals of
freedom, peace and democracy.
As we celebrate we should also remember that education then was a
struggle issue. We must be aware of the fact that education for
blacks was designed to be poor in quality and was specifically
intended to keep blacks out of the modern sector of the economy,
thus ensuring a steady supply of cheap labour particularly for the
agricultural, mining and domestic sectors.
Allow me to join the hon Bhengu in quoting Verwoerd on this matter.
At the time Verwoerd was Minister of Native Affairs. He asked: “What
is the use of teaching a Bantu child mathematics when it cannot use
it in practice?” The aim was to perpetuate white supremacy by giving
whites better quality education than that given to blacks. Because
of these past policies of the apartheid regime, our country is now
faced with an unskilled labour force, unskilled educators and a
black youth that is excluded from the economy.
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Right up to now we still have black children that go to school in
dilapidated buildings where toilet facilities are filthy and
inadequate; where there are broken windows, few desks and not enough
books; and where overcrowding in classrooms remains the order of the
day. Under these circumstances the question of youth unemployment is
unavoidable. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr G R MORGAN: Hon Chair and members, the need to create employment
opportunities for our young people is of crucial importance. It is
so important that it should be practically the only focus of
organisations that claim to speak for the youth.
The clowns in the ANC Youth League claim to speak for the youth, but
they in practice are a poor example for the youth, behaving
constantly like spoilt brats. The invectives of Youth League
President Fikile Mbalula have become exceedingly predictable.
Attacking Judge Squires, a member of the judiciary, as “an old
apartheid Rhodesian” was downright appalling. Backing former Deputy
President Zuma was downright stupid. “Zuma 100%”, they screamed.
And perhaps that is the problem with members of the Youth League –
they have a complete lack of judgment. Being attacked by the Youth
League should actually be viewed as a badge of honour, because those
who find themselves under attack, which is hardly a terrifying
prospect, are obviously doing something right. Their chosen form of
attack is to call the target a racist or a fascist, with a number of
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other libellous statements attached for descriptive value. So much
for their supposed fight for a nonracial society. They are the
What message do they send out to the youth on respecting the
institutions of our new democracy, which so many young people fought
to achieve? What message do they send out to young people about the
stance this country should take against corruption? Mbalula must put
on his dunce cap and go sit in the corner.
An hour ago in Durban, the National Youth Council dissolved the
proceedings of the youth conference and took to the streets of
Durban in support of Jacob Zuma. This is a display of blatant
immaturity on the part of the leadership of the council and shows
that political gain, and not creating jobs, is the top issue on
their agenda this week.
And yet the hon Alec Erwin has the nerve to criticise the hon Leader
of the Opposition‟s entirely reasonable and supportive statement
delivered earlier today in the House. Hon Erwin should place his
attention on the disrespectful event unfolding in Durban as we
Last week the ANC Youth League called for more jobs for young
people. The DA could not agree more with this. Indeed, 60% of people
between 18 and 25 are unemployed. Our youth require opportunities to
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skill themselves and to find gainful employment, and, by doing so,
to realise their dreams. But the Youth League in its infinite wisdom
decided to target business, especially the mining houses, during
marches in various centres. Attacks on the mining houses from within
the ANC have become commonplace in recent times. It is obvious from
this march and from the blind support for the former Deputy
President that the Youth League is not an independent organisation,
but a mere instrument used by senior ANC leaders to settle scores.
If it was an independent organisation and it was really serious
about fighting for more jobs for young people, then it would march
on Parliament or the Union Buildings because it is the ANC
government‟s labour and educational policies that prevent the
significant employment of youth.
If we want to create jobs we need to grow this economy at more than
6% and give businesses the necessary incentives to create employment
opportunities. The ANC Youth League can march all it wants – that is
their right – and indeed the hon Minister of Health will be happy,
because at least they are getting exercise, which is good for
emerging fat cats.
So, what is the point of the ANC Youth League since they offer no
valuable contributions on the discourse surrounding job creation?
Well, besides being an instrument for senior ANC leaders, it exists
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for the self-enrichment of its members. One only needs to look at
the Youth League‟s website to see how it has begun to erode its own
struggle credentials. Yes, you can now get lifestyle tips, including
what Mercedes to buy, what trendy nightspot to go to, or what to
wear. That‟s a universe apart from the 60% of young people who are
unemployed and is downright insensitive to the plight of these
people. But it is not surprising because the Youth League is full of
careerists that make poor judgments, and those that join them share
those attributes. [Applause.]
Ms N R MOKOTO: Chairperson, hon members, members of the public, I
greet you. The ANC has created an environment that allows for each
and every citizen to voice or express himself or herself in the
freest way possible without fear of being arrested, of being
detained or of being tortured. It is very surprising today that the
DA, which has flourished under that environment, has the audacity to
criticise the ANC Youth League as brats of the ANC.
HON MEMBERS: Yes, they are!
Ms N R MOKOTO: The DA has benefited from apartheid and today it is
abusing democracy to push its agenda. Youth unemployment and poverty
are massive challenges that the government cannot ignore.
Researchers have hinted that close to 70% of the unemployed in the
world are young people and rates are even higher amongst women and,
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worse of all, the disabled and quite astronomical for those with
This assertion is supported by the ILO Report on Youth and
Unemployment, which states that youth unemployment is twice as high
as that of adults. This gap widens further in developing countries.
Youth unemployment contributes to economic exclusion, poverty and
the probability of future joblessness. It is a major cause of crime
and drug abuse and also obstructs the development of young people
from adolescence to adulthood. A high level of youth unemployment
can lead to alienation from the society and distrust in the
democratic political process.
Many of us do not understand these challenges that continue to
affect our youth on a day-to-day basis. Ten years ago, when the
democratic forces of change prepared themselves for an official
takeover of political power, this issue, like many others that we
inherited from the apartheid regime, remained prominent on the
agenda of the democratic government.
As government we are ready to give guidance to the nation on how we
intend to deal with this growing joblessness, particularly amongst
our youth. As a point of departure it is critical to note the
following: that joblessness and poverty amongst our people are not
political gimmicks, like the DA is doing, but a national problem. We
are aware that some parties - whose agenda we don‟t understand and
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who don‟t have the slightest idea or experience of poverty and
joblessness, except in theory - are currently using this as a tactic
to gain votes for themselves.
We have noted the calls for government to abandon its policies to
redress the imbalances of the past, amongst black people in
particular. As a government we will not be harassed or intimidated
by such calls, because they wish to undermine our good intentions
for our youth. Government will push forward with these programmes,
since they are supported by the people – the 70% of the population
that voted for the ANC.
We want to tell you that the Employment Equity Act, the Broad-based
Black Economic Empowerment Act and other legislation meant to
redress those previous imbalances will remain relevant, and the ANC
is going to go forward in implementing them. It is very sad and
disgraceful to see that some of the right-wing parties are
practising double standards and pretending to be on the side of the
impoverished masses of our people, speaking vociferously on their
behalf on issues of poverty, and they are the ones who are to blame
for this high rate of joblessness and the scourge of poverty that is
engulfing our people. [Interjections.]
We are warning you that the masses are watching you and they know
your evil deeds and your track record and they will expose you and
your insatiable intention to exploit them. It is an issue that
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cannot be used to undermine or destabilise our good work and our
achievements in the democratic order. We are also aware that certain
developments that are taking place in our country, especially at
local government, are being engineered by some of you with the
intention of reversing the gains of our democracy.
It is important to note that such actions will not shake the
hegemony of the ANC and instead they will further strengthen our
democracy. Our youth are not ignorant. Our people are working day in
and out to ensure that we root out these elements – those who are
behind these protest marches.
I will now go into the substance of this debate. Job summits and
national growth summits that were held at national, provincial and
municipal levels have identified the triple effort needed and also
identified priorities to be utilised to totally eradicate poverty
and to wipe out joblessness amongst our people. We are confident
that the commitment made by government through its programme of
action will facilitate rapid implementation on this matter on time
to reach our national deadline to wipe out joblessness and poverty
by the year 2014.
We have to note that youth unemployment and poverty will be
eradicated and we intend that this will be used to reverse the
legacy of apartheid. Like all other social ills we have inherited
from the apartheid regime, unemployment represents a history that
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can be traced back to pre-1994, characterised by job reservation,
the colour bar and racialised limitations to entry into jobs and
skills training which exacerbated poverty amongst our people. Very
few people in social and political youth formations have been able
to put into context the plight of our youth and on the agenda of
both government and the private sector.
We appreciate the inroads made by government in setting up the
agencies that are currently supporting or advocating youth
interests. It is in this context that the ANC-led government has
emphasised that alone we cannot or we will not be able to tackle
joblessness and poverty exhaustively, hence the need for
partnerships between business, government and the public in dealing
with this matter. I am not surprised by your bad behaviour.
As young people we will continue to support the efforts by the
Umsobomvu Youth Fund, the National Youth Commission and the SA Youth
Council to engage business and government departments together with
the private sector in ensuring that youth powerlessness and
exclusion in the mainstream economy remains a thing of the past. The
Jobs for Youth Campaign, the call for a 30% youth quota in
procurement and adopt a learnership programme waged by the ANC Youth
League, which is a leader of the youth movements in South Africa,
are very commendable programmes and serve as good reinforcement to
youth empowerment taking place in our country. I hope the DA will
develop a programme around youth issues. [Interjections.]
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 90 OF 175
AN HON MEMBER: We have one.
Ms N R MOKOTO: We are specifically referring to programmes like the
National Youth Service, learnerships and the promotion of youth
entrepreneurship. We are truly convinced that these programmes will
in the long run enable us to bridge the huge economic disparities
that continue to affect young people, especially our young women.
The EPWP is a national programme, which will draw significant
numbers of unemployed youth into productive employment, so that
workers acquire skills while they are gainfully employed and so that
they increase their capacity to earn an income once they leave the
The EPWP is aimed at employing one million unemployed youth during
the first five years. The centrepiece of this programme is a large-
scale programme of using labour-intensive methods to upgrade rural
and municipal roads, municipal pipelines, storm-water drains and
paving, as well as fencing of roads, community water supply,
housing, schools, clinics, rail, ports and infrastructure
electrification and so on. The youth of our country are significant
stakeholders in this reconstruction and development plan. They are
part of our population, many of whom fall in the category of
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Across all levels of the government we are striving to ensure that
the youth are given the opportunity to create wealth and income for
themselves and for our country. A lot of energy has gone into
infusing a youth development approach in delivery in the public
systems, though the results are still uneven. Through the National
Youth Commission and the UYF it has been possible to provide
guidance to departments and interact with senior managers to ensure
that youth development is supported internally.
Youth development must become an integral part of what we do in the
provinces and municipalities. Youth development and participation
must form part of our development in integrated development plans.
The partnership between National Youth Commission, the Umsobomvu
Youth Fund and the SA Youth Council has developed a strong impetus
for decisions we took in terms of establishing and implementing a
National Youth Service. In the coming months we have seen the
National Youth Service being jerked up from pilot service project,
administered through the three partners, into a coherent national
effort, involving key national and provincial departments.
Other innovative interventions that can and must be made to address
the challenges of the second economy are also exemplified by the
public/private partnership ICT initiative between the Mogalakwena
District Municipality in Limpopo province and Hewlett Packard. This
is an exciting programme, which utilises modern communication and
information technology to bring all-round development to the
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Mogalakwena rural area. We must work to expand this kind of
programme into other rural areas.
The Expanded Public Works Programme has been one specific programme
that has yielded good results and continues to pave ways for
brighter prospects for our young people, especially in terms of
movement from the second to the first economy. Thank you,
RECENT PROTESTS BY CERTAIN SECIONS OF COMMUNITIES OVER DELIVERY AND
CHALLENGES OF GOVERNANCE
(Subject for Discussion)
Mr M J G MZONDEKI: Chairperson, it‟s an honour for me to participate
in this very important debate today. I also want to wish the Youth
League success in their activities on 16 June. The recent protests
by certain sections of our communities against delivery and
challenges of governance are surely a matter of concern to many of
us sitting here today, whether on the right or the left of this
House. And as the ANC we understand that our laws allow for peaceful
demonstrations whereby people seek to raise concerns, whether
genuine or not.
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And it is in that understanding that we find it important for this
House to debate this matter. We hope that out of such a debate we
may find solutions to some of the challenges that face us as a
nation. We invite members of this House to debate this, because we
believe that our collective effort can enable us to find solutions.
We invite you because we believe that in a South Africa that belongs
to all we all have a responsibility to improve the lives of those
who live in it and to strive for a better life for all.
What do these protesters say? What makes them to take to the
streets, blockade roads, burn tyres and sometimes loot businesses?
They say they are getting impatient. They say they want attention,
they say they want be heard. But what do they say are the issues of
concern? They say there is homelessness and that the housing backlog
is not being addressed as urgently as they think it should be. They
say there are problems with waiting lists; they say they do not
understand why they stay so long on waiting lists. In some instances
they say all they need is a space to build a roof over their heads.
They do not understand why they cannot build houses on the open
spaces they see.
I don‟t want to be tempted to talk about some of the reasons that
could justify some of these backlogs, such as the scrapping of
influx control, which has enabled people from rural areas to locate
closer to the towns where there are jobs. Another factor is the
curtailment of agricultural activities on the farms, which has
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caused people to move to the townships. The people also say that
there is poor sanitation, that there are still areas where the
bucket system is used and where sewerage from leaking pipes fill the
streets. They say in some areas there is poor water supply and in
some instances the water supplied is not clean. They complain about
corruption as well. But what is the real situation on the ground?
The real situation is that some of these concerns are real. But
others are a reflection of a distance between our local
municipalities and our communities. In my constituency, for
instance, there is a complaint about the absence of a 24-hour
clinic. One young person was stabbed at night and bled to death
because an ambulance had to be called from another town, which is
approximately 30km away. The community feels that if there was a 24-
hour clinic in the vicinity, his life could have been saved. But
nobody had informed the community that there are certain
requirements for a 24-hour clinic, such as population density and so
There is also a concern that ward committees are not functioning
properly, or not functioning at all, and this is true if you look at
the MPs‟ reports from my province, who say that the participation in
the IDP review meetings is poor and that there is a need for more
public education on how participation in IDPs can improve service
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 95 OF 175
Modulasetulo, baipelaetsi ba Phomolong e leng moo eleng lebatowa la
ka, ba tletleba ka hore ditoropong tse nyane jwaloka ya bona ba
fumantshwa thuso e nyane mme, boholo ba tjhelete le ditshebeletso
di lebiswa ditoropong tse kgolo jwalo ka Welkom. Nnete ke hore,
mmasepala o leka ka hohle ho aba tjhelete hoya ka ditlhoko tsa
lebatowa ka leng. Empa ka ha dikomiti tsa mabatowa ha di sebetse
hantle, baahi ha ba fumane tlhalosetso e ntle esitana le ho tseba
bohlokwa ba ho nka karolo ha bona dipuisanong tsena tsa di IDPs. Ke
nnete hore ho ntse ho ena le dibaka ka hare ho motse moo eleng hore
ditshebeletso tsa dikgwere-kgwere ha di jese ditheohelang. Baahi ba
bang ha ba elellwe hore mmuso o na le mosebetsi wa motonana wa ho
kenya ditshebeletso tsena dibakeng tse neng di sa rallwa
ditshebeletso tsa mofuta oo, mmusong wa kgethollo. Le ha ho le
jwalo, ho bohlokwa hore setjhaba se behwe leseding ka bothata bona.
(Translation of Sotho paragraph follows.)
[Chairperson, protesters from my ward in Phomolong complain that
people from small towns, like themselves, receive little assistance,
and that most of the money and services are channelled to big towns
like Welkom. The truth is that the municipality tries by all means
to allocate the money according to the needs of each ward. But
because the ward committees are not functioning properly, citizens
do not get proper explanations and the importance of attending IDP
meetings is not properly impressed upon them. It is true that there
are areas within the community where sanitation is poor. Some
citizens are unaware that the government has a huge task of bringing
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 96 OF 175
services to areas for which such services were not planned by the
former apartheid government. However, it is of the utmost importance
that people are informed about this problem.]
Let us examine the impact of these protests on service delivery.
These protests in many areas have disturbed service delivery. When
roads are blockaded, service delivery is affected in that delivery
vehicles and contractors are unable to operate. In some areas, such
as in Ventersdorp, attempts were made to blockade the N1 road, which
would have had serious implications to some businesses due to
delayed deliveries or nondeliveries. School going has been disrupted
and public transport blocked.
All these actions, while intended to raise awareness, have
negatively impacted on service delivery. The concerned group in
Phomolong, for instance, confirms that it is not their intention to
disturb schools, but learners get excited to join when there is a
demonstration. The people have also settled themselves in
underdeveloped areas, which were under survey for development.
With regard to alleged corrupt officials, due legal processes are
taking place. The concerns of the groups in this regard indicate
that there is a lack of understanding of such processes. The
challenges highlighted by some of these protests need our combined
efforts. I believe that as this collective in this House we are
better placed to assist in dissemination of information about
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 97 OF 175
government and services; and better placed to observe blockages and
raise alarms in time. We are also better placed to explain processes
for service delivery at all levels.
We need to encourage problem-solving at a local level by encouraging
public participation. Our government remains committed to improving
service delivery through programmes such as your community
development programme and Project Consolidate, which I believe some
of my colleagues will dwell on. These programmes aim to give hands-
on support to struggling municipalities. They also aim to address
challenges of the distance between local municipalities and the
people, as well as the capacity of some of the municipalities to
We do not rule out the element of opportunism in some of these
actions, those who would use this opportunity to position themselves
for certain situations. The ANC believes that leaders are put in
place through democratic processes, not by manipulation. We,
therefore, appeal to our communities to make use of structures put
in place and raise these critical issues.
Whilst the communities have complained about lack of contact with
the councillors through ward meetings, I also want to emphasise that
it is irrespective of which parties own those wards. In the
constituency that I am from not all wards belong to the ANC - for
example, one of the wards belongs to the DA. When the committees
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 98 OF 175
complain, they do not say that it is the ANC that is not calling
meetings. They actually say that the DA also do not call meetings in
I think in the media there is an understanding or a misconception
that it is because of the ANC delaying to deliver that these
protests are taking place. I just want to indicate that that is not
necessarily true. I think it is a challenge for all of us, and that
all of us have a responsibility to ensure that people understand
some of these processes and some of the constraints that we are
facing. I want to thank you. [Applause.]
Mr W P DOMAN: Chair, can I congratulate hon Mzondeki on the very
honest approach that he showed in this speech just now. He will find
that although I point out problems, I also suggest solutions in each
and every case.
Wat die patroon van onluste by gemeenskappe betref; dit het verlede
jaar met die sogenaamde Septemberrevolusie in die Vrystaat begin
omdat die ANC aldaar baie verdeeld was en nie die deksel op die pot
kon hou nie. Sedertdien is feitlik geen provinsie ongeskonde gelaat
nie, en loop ANC-beheerde munisipaliteite oral deur. Dit is asof
alle gemeenskappe wil seker maak dat hulle ook gehoor word.
Die DA verwerp ‟n derde mag as die rede vir die onluste. Ten eerste,
dit is té verspreid en té spontaan om deur ‟n derde mag georkestreer
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te word, ten tweede, die ANC beheer 250+ van die 284 munisipaliteite
landwyd. Die ANC is dus baie goed ingegrawe en sou die eerste gewees
het om ‟n sogenoemde derde mag agter te kom. Ten derde, niemand kan
tot vandag toe naastenby identifiseer wie agter die onluste sit nie.
Die ANC moet baie bekommerd wees dat sy ondersteuners deur ander
magte opgesweep kan word, veral as die DA nogal die eer hiervoor
Die DA verwerp ook die ANC se verskoning dat swak kommunikasie die
oorsaak van die onluste is. Die probleem is eerder dat die ANC niks
het, behalwe verskonings vir verbreekte beloftes, om te kommunikeer
aan die gemeenskappe nie. Die gemeenskappe glo nie meer raadslede
nie, en baie raadslede het bang geword vir hulle gemeenskappe. Ons
sien op televisie hoe raadslede deur die polisie van hulle eie mense
gered moet word in gepanserde voertuie. Ja, kommunikasie het
verswak, maar dit is omdat uitvoerende burgemeesterskomitees agter
geslote deure vergader. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs
[With regard to the pattern of riots within the communities, this
started with the so-called September Revolution in the Free State
last year because the ANC there was very divided and could not keep
the lid on the pot. Since then virtually no province has been spared
and all ANC-controlled municipalities have borne the brunt of this.
It is as if all of the communities want to ensure that they will be
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 100 OF 175
The DA rejects the notion of a third force as the reason for these
riots. Firstly, they are too widespread and spontaneous to have been
orchestrated by a third force. Secondly, the ANC controls
approximately 250 of the 284 municipalities countrywide. The ANC is
therefore deeply entrenched and would have been the first to detect
a so-called third force. Thirdly, nobody can, until today, come
close to identifying who is behind these riots. The ANC must be very
worried that its supporters can be incited by other forces,
especially if the credit for this is given to the DA.
The DA also rejects the ANC‟s excuse that poor communication caused
the riots. The problem is rather that the ANC has nothing to offer
the communities, apart from excuses for broken promises. The
communities no longer believe councillors, and many councillors have
become afraid of their own communities. We see on television how
councillors have to be rescued from their own communities by police
in armoured vehicles. Yes, communication has deteriorated, but it as
a result of executive mayoral committees having meetings behind
And yes, communication with communities has broken down to a great
extent precisely because of poor service delivery. The government
has now established community development workers to plug this gap,
amounting to a duplication of councillors and MPs responsibilities.
The creation of CDWs effectively absolves councillors and their
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 101 OF 175
constituency ward offices of any responsibility. This is highly
disturbing when one considers that CDWs are unelected and in fact,
if their ANC T-shirts at the opening of the Western Cape legislature
is anything to go by, these people are accountable only to the ANC
and will effectively serve as state-funded election campaigners in
the upcoming local elections. That will put the fairness of that
election in jeopardy.
As far as communication is concerned, the ANC has a totally
misguided trust in ward committees. The ANC regularly boast how many
wards committees have been established all over the country, as if
they will solve all the problems. When will the ANC realise that
wards committees are fundamentally flawed? How can 10 people
represent the diversity in wards of 10 000 voters? How can one
person represent all religious groups in that ward? Or the diverse
local government interest groups like Sanco, ratepayers
When will the ANC concede that ward committees actually create a
barrier between groups and individuals on the one hand and
councillors on the other? These days councillors hide behind the
ward committees as if they are the only official groups that they
recognise. It has become widespread practice for councillors to
attempt to manipulate ward committee elections so that only their
cronies are represented. And if not, councillors view these ward
committees members as a threat to their own re-election. No wonder
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 102 OF 175
that the Department of Provincial and Local Government and
municipalities have to organise workshop after workshop in an
attempt to make ward committees work.
At these workshops the same fundamental questions are dealt with
over and over gain and no answers are found. Let‟s just take one
example: will only the wards committees be consulted about IDPs? No,
it must be whole community. Then what purpose does those ward
committees serve if in any event you have to consult with everybody
in the ward?
No ward committees have been established in the Western Cape until
recently, and its municipalities were on average the best run in the
country. And provinces that have been controlled by the ANC since
1994 have battled for five years now to make ward committees work,
and the majority of these municipalities are still in a mess. So
what difference does the ward committees make?
We should scrap these provisions in law about how society must
organise itself and rather concentrate on what councillors should
do. The answer lies in what we already have in legislation, namely
that councillors must report back to the community. We must just
tighten it by prescribing it must be monthly and at a public
meeting, with proper notification to all interested, registered
groups and the public at large.
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As swak kommunikasie nie die oorsaak is nie, maar eerder die gevolg,
wat is dan die oorsaak van al hierdie onluste? Die antwoord is
natuurlik: swak dienslewering en nogmaals swak dienslewering deur
die ANC. Die ANC het vir homself ‟n lat gepluk, eerstens, deur
onrealistiese beloftes te maak net om stemme te werf.
Onverantwoordelike beloftes, wat die ANC leiers geweet het hulle
nooit sou kon uitvoer nie, is in die aanloop tot die 2 000
munisipale verkiesing gemaak.
Toe het ons nie gehoor dit sou tyd neem om uit te voer nie, toe het
ons nie gehoor dit sou geld neem en dat hulle dit nie het nie. Nee,
daar is net beloftes gemaak, goedkoop beloftes, en die ANC sal
vandag hierdie saak self moet regmaak deur vir die mense te begin
sê: wees realisties, dit neem tyd, en middele is beperk.
Die tweede is, vanaf 2000 het die ANC rade met personeel
transformasie op rassegrondslag kundigheid verjaag, veral wit en
bruin amptenare is vervreem, en die wat nog daar is, is totaal
ongemotiveerd, want hulle sit met ‟n bevorderingsplafon waarteen
hulle vaskyk. Hier weer is die antwoord dat daar ‟n onmiddellike en
dringende antwoord moet kom om die kundige amptenare te laat tuis
voel … [Tyd verstreke.] [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans
[If poor communication is not the cause, but rather the result, what
then is the cause of all these riots? The answer is, naturally, poor
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 104 OF 175
service delivery and once again poor service delivery on the part of
the ANC. The ANC has made a rod for its own back, firstly by making
unrealistic promises simply to canvass votes. Irresponsible
promises, which the ANC leadership knew they could never keep, were
made in the run-up to the 2000 municipal elections.
At the time we did not hear that these would take time to implement,
and we did not hear that it would require money which they did not
have. No, promises were simply made, cheap promises, and today the
ANC will have to rectify this matter themselves by beginning to tell
the public to be realistic, that these things take time and that the
means are limited.
Secondly, since 2000 the ANC councils, with their staff
transformation policy based on race, have driven away expertise,
alienating especially white and coloured officials, and those who
have remained are totally demotivated because they have reached
their ceiling for promotion. Once again the answer here is that an
immediate and urgent solution should be sought whereby these
competent officials may be allowed to feel at home . . . [ Time
Mr P F SMITH: Chairperson, the IFP would like to start by
congratulating hon Mzondeki for this motion. We think it is very
opportune to discuss it now. In the short time I have, I would like
to just raise three issues in relation to it. The first is how
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 105 OF 175
people perceive these protestors and the protests. Let me quote for
example the Cape Town exco member dealing with housing, Carol
Beerwinkel, who said that she believed that the protest was a
political ploy to undermine the government. And she saw it as an
Another member, the hon Housing Minister, Lindiwe Sisilu, was quoted
as saying that the protest was out of sync with what was being
achieved and that the protest was caused by political opportunism.
Both of those responses are inappropriate, and in fact the correct
way of approaching the matter was shown by the President of the
Republic, who said that the protests were apparently driven “by
feelings amongst the poor that so far the democratic order had
failed them” and again, the general secretary of the ANC had this to
say: “Our major worry is what we have not done which drives people
to do such actions”. I quote again: “Protestors are crying out to be
heard”. This is in fact the correct response to the problem. It does
not solve the problem, of course, but you must always start when you
have a problem by acknowledging the reality, and we believe that
that is the correct approach.
The second issue is that we need to know what the hard realities are
that we are dealing with. Firstly, I think all the protests have two
common themes. One is the lack of delivery, especially in respect of
housing, and the other a lack of responsiveness by government to
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It is obvious; we have been here for 10 years. There has been
delivery in the last 10 years and the delivery is fairly significant
in many regards, but politics is as much about perceptions as it is
about reality and the extent to which the people‟s expectations are
not met. Then, of course, this is a problem and I think that this is
what is happening in this instance.
If one looks at what an appropriate response to the protest could
possibly be, may I offer the following suggestion. First of all,
protestors are not the enemy and that means that we should not
demonise protestors and that we should not downplay their concerns.
Secondly, associated with these, we should not view the protest as
being ideologically motivated, as if they were antistate, which is
one of the response we have had. In fact, we do not need the NIA to
investigate the protest and we do not need to charge protestors with
sedition, which has happened in one instance.
Thirdly, we should minimise the use of force. This means that police
services need to be sensitive to people‟s concerns and their angers
and their vulnerability and we should not be either heavy-handed in
our response to them, or, as has happened in a number of instances,
refuse to engage with the protestors and listen to them. Of course
we do accept that law and order has to be maintained, and that is
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 107 OF 175
the minimum approach to the issue, but we do not want it done with a
Fourthly, is the protest going to derail government and to what
extent can the protests be seen as something that will derail
government from its broad development trajectory?
We could like to say to this that government must not succumb to
populism, especially to populism that is non-sustainable. In fact,
if one thinks about it, populism and sustainability are often
The real solution lies in better delivery. Better delivery means
stronger political will to deliver more local government support
and, in particular, more listening. There needs to be more
communication between residents of municipalities and the political
office-bearers at local level. More delivery will address the
problems. Thank you.
Mr J BICI: Chair, the UDM has witnessed with uneasiness the protests
that have erupted in various municipalities all over the country.
These protests have been characterised by two major complaints:
firstly, the failure to deliver the services that we promised and
that are legitimately expected by these communities and secondly,
the fact that the ANC councillors have in the view of these
communities, failed to acknowledge the concerns of their
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 108 OF 175
communities. When so many different people in so many different
places all raise the same complaints, it constituted for us
overwhelming evidence that many municipalities have utterly failed
to fulfil their constitutional duties. We do not think that it
points to the activities of a third force.
National government itself has on numerous occasions acknowledged
that local government is suffering from a severe lack of capacity,
yet national departments are increasingly devolving programmes to
assist at local government level. Similarly the local government‟s
share of the national revenue is steadily increasing.
Finally, we must evaluate the wisdom of increasing local government
budgets and responsibilities when many of them are clearly
struggling to deliver on the most basic of services. Thank you.
Mrs P DE LILLE: Chairperson, protesting is a natural expression of
people‟s unhappiness about nondelivery. Linked to this is the right
to protest, as enshrined in the Constitution.
We must never underestimate the ability of our people to distinguish
right from wrong. After all, it is the same people who spontaneously
rose against an oppressive system and defeated it.
People understand the history of imbalances created under apartheid,
but they are no longer prepared to accept the excuse of not having
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the resources to attend to their problems. The issue is not that we
do not have the money, but that government doesn‟t have its
The ID feels for the people and understands their grievances, but we
must draw a line when it comes to violent protest. Violent protest
must be condemned in the strongest possible terms.
What are the solutions? We must stop wasting billions of rands on
consultancy. We must consult the people because they know best what
their needs are. We must align infrastructure development and
service delivery with the goals of a developmental state.
We must avoid roll-overs of budgets. We must root out corruption. We
must prioritise spending, especially spending on socio-economic
The ID will encourage communities to protest peacefully to make
their point, and no one can stop them, not even the third force.
Nksz N J NGELE: Mhlalingaphambili, ndifuna ukuthi kukho abantu
abangoongqondo-zijijekile, de babe zizidenge. Uthi umntu ejonga nje
abe eligxwem, ngoba uthi ejonge phambili kanti amehlo ajonge
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 110 OF 175
Kukho abantu abangayiboniyo into eyenzekileyo, yokwakhiwa kwezindlu.
Nanamhlanje basakhala bathi akwakhiwa zindlu. Bubudenge nobugxwem
obo. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Ms N J NGELE: Chairperson, I am inclined to say that some people‟s
minds seem to have turned upside down because they behave as if they
are stupid. They look at things as though they were squint.
Some people have, for some reason, not noticed what has happened.
Today they are still complaining about houses not being built. That
is like being squint-eyed and stupid.]
When the democratically elected government came to power 10 years
ago, there was an immediate realisation of the fact that government
machinery and the overall design of service delivery were not geared
towards ensuring that the previously marginalised sections of our
society would receive services in a manner that would change their
lives for the better.
As a result there was a need for systematic macro reorganisation and
transformation of state machinery to become responsive to the
service-delivery needs of all South Africans, as opposed to the pre-
1994 system, which supported delivery of services to a privileged
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 111 OF 175
Kuthe ngomhla wesi-8, kwinyanga yoMqungu, kulo nyaka, uMongameli
wacaphula kuMqulu weNkululeko, wathi: “Kuya kuba kho izindlu,
ukhuseleko nobutofotofo.” Iyenzeka loo nto. (Translation of Xhosa
[On 8 February this year, the President cited this quote from the
Freedom Charter: “There shall be houses, security and comfort.” That
is precisely what is happening.]
Local government was to become the first point of contact between
the citizens and government. It was critical, in the transformation
process, for South Africa to: One, build effective intergovernmental
systems that would eliminate governance fragmentation; two, enable
co-ordinated government delivery efforts and, three, encourage
integrated development planning in order to achieve maximum impact.
A recent survey indicates that 28% of municipalities in the country
currently require basic institutional and administrative
infrastructure to be established and strengthened before they are
ready to undertake, manage and drive proper integrated development
This is not the only challenge facing us as the ANC, with regard to
the contract that we have entered into with our people. Rome was not
built in one day.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 112 OF 175
The former President Nelson Mandela once said that we need to double
the amount of energy that we used in destroying apartheid to rebuild
When the people came in big numbers in the past elections to renew
the mandate they gave to the ANC, we listened. We stick to our guns
as the ANC, and we will make the lives of ordinary citizens a better
one. This daunting task comes with challenges, which from time to
time need to be communicated to our people.
The houses being built in every corner of South Africa are testimony
to the success of our ANC-led government and the battle to push back
the frontiers of poverty. Local government is not just an important
site for the delivery of services, but is also crucial for the
social and economic development of people.
Capacity is still a problem to many municipalities, which hinders
progress in service delivery. As we debate in this House, there are
municipalities that do not have people with expertise in the housing
field. Despite the gaps in capacity, the ANC-led government has
Many South Africans, for the first time in their lives, have shelter
and assets. The ANC is making strides in improving the lives of the
poorest of the poor.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 113 OF 175
Much as we are faced with challenges in the delivery of services, we
also have a problem with regard to the landscape in the rural areas.
This impacts on the holistic approach of service delivery.
The Constitution of South Africa, Act 108 of 1996, in section 26,
states that, and I quote:
(1) Everyone has the right to have access to adequate housing.
(2) The state must take reasonable legislative and other measures,
within its available resources, to achieve the progressive
realisation of this right.
One of the fundamentals is to fulfil what we promised our people in
the guiding document that drives the ANC‟s programmes. Fifty years
ago we said, as the ANC, and I quote: “All people shall have the
right to live where they choose, be decently housed and to bring up
their families in comfort and security.”
The above quotation was relevant 50 years ago, and is still relevant
The Minister of Housing, Comrade Lindiwe Sisulu, has just signed a
memorandum of understanding with the banks in order to fast-track
delivery of better houses for our people. The tried-and-tested, and
oldest, liberation movement is the hope for all our people.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 114 OF 175
This organisation has a plan, which is stipulated in our 2004
manifesto, of pushing back the frontiers of poverty and has entered
into a contract with the people to create work.
During the third democratic elections in April 2004, the masses of
our people reconfirmed their confidence in our movement as the best
defender of the vision of the Freedom Charter.
Not only do we have the responsibility to ensure the realisation of
the goals of our fallen heroes during the struggle for freedom but
we also have the task to lead the people of South Africa to act in
unity to achieve these goals.
As the ANC we want to plead with our people to be patient in the
wake of these unrests. We also urge the councillors to communicate
government policies to the people. As members of this House, let us
use the constituency offices as resource centres for information.
We are faced with a mammoth challenge in delivering services. Some
people are jumping the queue, and this causes conflicts within
communities. We urge people to be tolerant towards one another, and
the needy ones should be prioritised. I thank you. [Applause.]
Rev M S KHUMALO: Hon Chairperson, the need for shelter is one of the
most basic of human needs. The recent wave of anger has arisen as a
direct result of impressive promises, which were not followed by
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 115 OF 175
impressive service delivery. Impressive promises create unrealistic
expectations. The government needs to present realistic facts to its
people. It further needs to check its capacity for service delivery
before making such promises.
The housing backlog in the country is huge and must be cleared as a
matter of urgency. The government needs to pinpoint those factors
that are putting a halt to effective service delivery. The ACDP
supports the call for reviewing and aligning of existing housing
legislation. We believe that this will provide the key to
eradicating the alarming backlog that currently exists. The ACDP
further calls for an end to all forms of corruption, political party
interference and nepotism in the housing allocation processes.
We are experiencing bitter cold this winter. Let our thoughts be
with those babies and children who suffer because they do not have
There has been talk of mysterious third forces that are inciting
protesters. Whether or not this is true is not an issue. The issue
is that we have a housing crisis on our hands. We must work
tirelessly to give people what they deserve.
The ACDP calls for a monitoring unit for all three spheres of
government that will deal with political and organisational
visibility of a housing delivery mechanism.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 116 OF 175
Mnr P J GROENEWALD: Agb Voorsitter, die ANC is in die moeilikheid.
[Tussenwerpsels.] Hy‟s in die moeilikheid van die topstruktuur af
tot op grondvlak.
Hoekom is die ANC so bekommerd oor die protesoptogte op plaaslike
regeringsvlak, want die ANC het die kultuur van protes en
protesoptogte geskep? U het mos daardie kultuur geskep om as
instrument te dien sodat wanneer mense ontevrede is met hul
bestaande orde hul dit kan verander. Daarom is die mense op
grondvlak moeg en gekant daarteen om die bestaande orde op plaaslike
regeringsvlak te handhaaf.
Daar is net twee redes wat ek vinnig wil aanraak. Die redes waarom
dienslewering so swak is, is as gevolg van ‟n gebrek aan geld en ‟n
gebrek aan kundigheid. Hoekom is daar ‟n gebrek aan geld? Eerstens,
as gevolg van die buitengewone hoë salarisse vir burgemeesters,
munisipale bestuurders en topamptenare. Daar is burgemeesters wat
motiveer dat hul 4x4-voertuie nodig het, want die strate is so swak
in die woonbuurte dat hul nie met gewone motors daar kan ry nie,
maar hul verwag dat die mense wat daar woon met hul gewone motors
deur daardie strate moet ry.
Dít is die kern van die probleem. Die geld word bestee aan salarisse
en byvoordele, plaas daarvan dat dit bestee word aan dienslewering.
Die tweede aspek is die nie-betaling van dienstegelde. As mense nie
betaal vir hul dienste nie kan daar nie dienslewering wees nie.
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‟n Ander gebied waarop daar geld vermors word deur plaaslike
regerings is met naamveranderings. Miljoene rande word daaraan
bestee eerder as om dit te bestee aan behuising.
Laastens, daar was ‟n uittog van kundigheid uit plaaslike regerings
as gevolg van die … [Tussenwerpsels.] [Tyd verstreke.] (Translation
of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Mr P J GROENEWALD: Hon Chairperson, the ANC is in trouble.
[Interjections.] It is in trouble from its top structure down to
Why is the ANC so concerned about the protest marches at local
government level when it was the ANC who created the culture of
protest and protest marches? Surely you created that culture to
serve as an instrument for people to use for changing the existing
order when they are dissatisfied with it. For this reason people at
grass-roots level are tired of and opposed to maintaining the
existing order at local government level.
There are two reasons I want to mention quickly. The reasons service
delivery is so poor are a lack of money and a lack of expertise. Why
is there a lack of money? Firstly, because of the exceptionally high
salaries that are being paid to mayors, municipal managers and top
officials. There are mayors who motivate their need for 4x4 vehicles
by saying that the streets in the townships are so poor that they
cannot drive there in ordinary motor vehicles, yet they expect the
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 118 OF 175
people who live there to drive through those streets in their
ordinary motor vehicles.
That is the root of the problem. The money is spent on salaries and
perks rather than on service delivery.
The second aspect is the nonpayment of service fees. If people do
not pay for their services, there cannot be service delivery.
Another area where money is wasted by local governments is on name
changes. Millions of rands are spent on this rather than on housing.
Lastly, there has been an exodus of expertise from local
authorities as a result of the … [Interjections.] [Time expired.]]
Mr I S MFUNDISI: Chairperson and hon members, in recent months and
weeks we have seen sporadic outbursts of marches and demonstrations
which the President characterised as posing no threat to the peace
and stability of the country. The marches are a sign of discontent
with nondelivery of services and a failure to fulfil unsolicited
promises made over the years.
The denial syndrome besetting some members of the ANC should be
shedded and replaced with candidness, as displayed by the hon
Mzondeki this afternoon. It is not unreasonable for people to rise
against those in power when, even after 10 years of promises of some
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 119 OF 175
utopia, they have to live with the stench of buckets of night soil
that are not collected regularly.
It is equally not unreasonable for people to call for the
resignation of municipal officials who do not serve the communities
as expected. It is not unreasonable for the people of Bokmakierie,
who were promised houses a decade ago, to take to the streets when
they realise that the Langa and Nyanga communities have jumped the
queue in being housed. Such marches are a result of frustration.
Tebello Motapanyane, one of the ringleaders of the 1976 June 16
uprisings, put it succinctly in the Sunday World of 12 June 2005
when he said, and I quote: “People will always rise against a system
that does not serve their interest”.
The establishment of Project Consolidate is a tacit admission by the
government that service delivery is lacking. The project has to pull
136 municipalities out of the doldrums. This is almost 50% of all
municipalities. If central government has had to come down to
intervene, it is foolish for anyone to pretend all is well in the
delivery of service.
The greatest challenge facing the government is a lack of officials
of substance. Those involved in the delivery should not pay lip-
service to sloganeering such as “Batho Pele, I am proud, I serve and
I care”. All of this is meaningless unless they are internalised.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 120 OF 175
We in the UCDP have never favoured marches because it is in their
very nature to end in destruction of property, injury to some and
even acts that lead to anarchy. Marches that are concomitant with
violence have been the trademark of the present government. It is
the ANC and its allies who have told people to march when they are
dissatisfied. The challenge for the government is to re-educate the
masses that there are other alternatives to follow.
Thlaloganyang bagaetsho gore molakgosi o a itaela. [Understand,
people, that if you teach someone something bad, he or she will
apply the same lesson to you.]
Ms S RAJBALLY: Chairperson, we are all human and as humans we like
to see the good getting better. We have ignorant and blinded people
who disrupt our communities with ill-fed lies about our government.
The ignorant people often fall victim to opportunistic opposition
lies that this government is failing. We need to inform our
community that, firstly, we are a government for the people by the
people; secondly, our priority as Parliament is the people and,
thirdly, we have delivered and we are delivering.
Changes have seen great success in our 10 years. Unfortunately we
are still cleaning up the mess the apartheid regime caused and our
foreign debts have not made it easier on us. The strategy and
resources shall deliver upon our people‟s needs and I can go on and
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 121 OF 175
on. We have to reach out to our communities and show them our
progress. Members should be present in their constituencies. The
people need to know that they have made the right choices when they
voted. Their needs should be prioritised, delivery should be first
on our agenda and success should be our biggest aim.
We exist for the people and there is no gravy train. This train will
travel to all ends of South Africa and we will not stop until
poverty has been eradicated and every South African stands proud,
free and democratised. [Applause.]
Mr C T FROLICK: Chairperson and hon members, the first edition of
the SA Cities Network, published in 2004, noted the devastating
effect of apartheid policies on governance in South African cities.
While focusing on the type of city that prevailed in the
predemocratic order, the report states that –
A key challenge has been . . . in conflictual relations between
communities and municipalities, poor public participation, and
discord between and within communities . . .
Another problem was weak institutions of government. Despite
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. . . that have been created of the order that existed in the
predemocratic city, municipalities were generally poorly structured,
undercapacitated and hugely inefficient.
Since the advent of democracy the ANC has laid the foundations for
local democracies, which culminated in the local government
elections of 2000. Despite the positive progress that has been made,
local authorities still carry the many marks of apartheid, while
facing new challenges resulting from the freedom of movement of
people, urbanisation, rapid settlement and institutional reform.
The challenge for provincial and local authorities was and still is
to provide housing and basic services to its citizens. Faced with
the huge backlogs in this field, provincial and local authorities
embarked on a range of methods and strategies to deal with these
local problems. For example, in the latest census the number of
informal settlements existing in the Nelson Mandela Metro was put at
60 000. Faced with competing priorities and having commenced from a
weak basis of financial sustainability, the odds are heavily stacked
against the eradication of housing backlogs in informal settlements.
It‟s against this background that the reasons for protests by
communities in the Free State, Eastern Cape and Western Cape must be
analysed. Certain projects could simply not be completed within the
anticipated timeframes, hence the dissatisfaction that arose within
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 123 OF 175
The following constraints affecting the delivery of houses were
highlighted by local authorities that we visited: Firstly, there‟s
resistance by communities to relocate to new designated areas owing
to the unsuitability of the areas they currently occupy. For
example, in one instance the community is living on a hazardous
dumping site, which does not conform to health standards.
Secondly, we do have cases of beneficiaries who sell RDP houses to
foreigners and to other locals, and then they move on to informal
settlements, where once again they claim the right to a house.
Thirdly, projects approved by the provincial housing board without
prior consultation with the municipality on its state of readiness
is a source of concern. There‟s also the occurrence of blocked
projects, that is, projects which could not be completed owing to
community instability because of the escalation of the project
subsidy and the changing needs of the local community.
Lastly, projects were initially undertaken by private developers and
provincial authorities over which the municipality had no authority,
except for a land agreement that was in place. In my constituency,
the Nelson Mandela Metro, a dedicated housing division was only
established in August 2002. Prior to this, housing delivery was
implemented on an ad hoc basis by private developers, and staff
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whose primary responsibility was not housing delivery was
transferred to this department.
The metro acknowledged that as a result of these aforementioned
challenges and the utilisation of private contractors without
adequate supervision and control, the quality in certain instances
was compromised. Realising these challenges, the metro developed
various strategies to deal with the situation.
The strategy to date resulted in approximately 14 000 units being
built in the previous financial year. Staged payments were
introduced and in instances where such a stage had not been
completed or agreed quality standards not been met, no payment is
Agreements are also performance based and allows for the reduction
in the scope of work where clearly defined milestones are not met.
In addition, training programmes have been developed to assist
emerging contractors in various disciplines relating to construction
and administrative management. In terms of the IDP, the metro has
developed a 10-year housing delivery programme which guides the
planning and delivery of projects.
Now where do the protests come from? We do agree that residents in
areas such as KwaZakhele, Missionvale, Veeplaas, KwaNoxolo and
Motherwell have legitimate concerns. As a result, local communities
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were able to either mobilise themselves or allow themselves to be
mobilised around issues predominantly associated with housing
From the outset the affected communities were very clear that the
protests were not directed against the ANC, but was rather against
processes associated with service delivery. The ANC recognised the
right of communities to embark on protest action. However, it must
be stated that we do not agree with actions undertaken by groups and
individuals who prove to be destructive and in certain instances
violent. These actions leave a lot to be desired and cannot be
When engaging these communities, unlike members in the opposition
who, I doubt, ever visited the places where the unrest and upheavals
took place, they highlighted the following concerns. They
highlighted the nonapproval of housing projects for the next
financial year; projects that were not completed by the target date
set; poor workmanship and construction, resulting in cracked walls
and loose roofing materials.
However, this is not where it ended. Upon interacting in these
areas, we could sense that the genuine concerns of the communities
were systematically being hijacked by individuals who have come to
profile themselves as alternative candidates for the upcoming local
government elections by capitalising on the volatile issue of
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housing. Small groups began targeting informal areas and places
where delivery of housing and other services are problematic.
For instance, in other areas, such as in Extension 12, a DA
councillor came forward and started raising issues unrelated to
housing and basic services, which were the bone of contention.
Adding to the melting pot, the councillor said former members of the
National Council of the Leather Industry of SA complained about the
outsourcing of their provident fund to a private financial group and
called on the metro to investigate it, failing which they threatened
to burn tyres and barricade roads. Reactionaries from the opposition
and the media jumped at the opportunity to portray a picture of
large-scale chaos and crisis in townships, and likened it to the
scenes prevalent in war-torn Iraq.
The ANC leadership responded to these challenges by engaging the
local communities directly on finding solutions to these problems.
Contrary to the utterances by the opposition, not once was the local
ANC leadership in the area prevented from engaging the protesters
and moving into these areas. After a visit to the metro, the
provincial government made funding available to commence with the
implementation of delayed projects, and in order to avoid
unrealistic expectations, joint meetings were held between the
affected communities, the provincial government and local
councillors to discuss the timeframes and implementation of these
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In order to avoid the reoccurrence of similar protest action,
attention should be given to the following: We do need to improve
communication between the provincial housing boards and departments,
the metro and communities on all issues affecting the delay on the
implementation and finalisation of announced projects. We also need
to create greater synergy between the work of provincial department
officials and of those in local government. Residents must be
encouraged to participate in community consultation processes such
as community development forums, the designing of IDPs, ward
committees, imbizos, etc. Lastly, allegations of corruption
involving officials, private developers, contractors, beneficiaries
and other stakeholders must be investigated and if necessary,
criminal charges must be laid against those who are implicated.
Ek sal my plig versuim indien ek nie reageer op ‟n basiese boodskap
wat deurgekom het vanaf die opposisie in die algemeen nie. Die
boodskap wat deurgekom het, is dat, soos die VF Plus gesê het, ons
in die moeilikheid is. Ons is geensins in die moeilikheid nie.
[Tussenwerpsels.] Ons teenwoordigheid in daardie gebiede het
duidelik geïllustreer dat daardie mense slegs in die ANC vertroue
het om hulle probleme aan te spreek. [Tussenwerpsels.] Die
verskillende opposisiepartye het gesidder en hulle het geskitter in
hulle afwesigheid in daardie gebiede. (Translation of Afrikaans
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 128 OF 175
[I will be failing in my duty if I do not respond to a basic message
that came through from the opposition in general. The message that
came through is that, as the FF Plus said, we are in trouble. We are
by no means in trouble. [Interjections.] Our presence in those areas
clearly illustrated that those people trust only the ANC to address
their problems. [Interjections.] The different opposition parties
shuddered and they were conspicuous in their absence in those
You see, comrades, when we go home to our constituencies, we go to
our constituencies to engage them. Unlike them, we don‟t go home to
go and sit and play with our cats and dogs and drink whiskey.
[Interjections.] We go to our people, we engage our people and we
know what needs to be done to satisfy the needs of our people.
[Interjections.] [Time expired.] [Applause.]
OVERSIGHT VISIT TO MILITARY ACADEMY AT SALDANHA
(Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee on Defence)
Prof A K ASMAL: Mr Chairperson, hon members and comrades, the
President‟s statement to the joint Houses of Parliament was one of
the most important in the life of this Parliament. It is a pity,
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 129 OF 175
therefore, that we are trying the patience of hon members by having
this debate so late in the day, but it is an important one.
I am pleased to introduce this debate on the report prepared by the
Portfolio Committee on Defence, concerning the South African
Military Academy at Saldanha. One of the purposes is to give
priority to understanding what the military academy is. We visited
it on 19 January, and the report was tabled in Parliament on 14
This institution, my brothers and sisters, is the primary training
facility for the SA National Defence Force officer corps. It is
pivotal for a country in our continent. So understand why we need to
consider briefly the context in which the Saldanha Military Academy
Our Constitution charges the SANDF with the defence of the Republic.
The SANDF is also called upon to play a more demanding role in
continental efforts to bring peace to Africa. Also, as you know, the
portfolio committee is assisting the Department of Defence in
reviewing the White Paper of 1986 and the needs of the Defence Force
Therefore, it‟s a good time to look at what is called, dismissively,
“human resource development”, which I don‟t really understand. What
we need, therefore, is an officer corps that embraces our democratic
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 130 OF 175
Constitution; that has superior training, and the utmost flexibility
to operate in a very challenging epoch; an officer corps with high
level of intellectual and military skills, and an officer corps
sensitive to a range of cultural, social, psychological factors in
relation to subordinates and in the field of operations, as we know,
in the rest of Africa.
The committee‟s report, therefore, proceeds from the premise that
South Africa needs a first-class centre for training our officer
corps, a centre that can become the primary officer training school
for the entire African continent. Why should we send our people to
Sancerre? Why should we send them to Sandhurst? Why should we send
them to West Point? We should be doing it here in South Africa.
The committee‟s report is the first of its kind on the academy. The
report notes that there are a great many people associated with the
academy. Officers, the military, faculty, staff and students are
determined to transform this institution, which we all know was once
a vital cog in the apartheid machinery. Don‟t worry about the high
standards before 1994. They were the standards of an apartheid
So, going forward, a major effort to transform this institution can
and must be built on this goodwill that exists. Only a co-operative
effort, drawing on all the tendencies and factors, will achieve the
objective of renewal and transformation.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 131 OF 175
Our report finds that today – I commend this report, it is in the
library – there is a need to review, urgently, the role of the
academy at nearly every level. This institution must measure up to
the standards the democratic South Africa demands.
The report finds that the academy has reached a critical turning
point. Our findings, of which there are 20, include the following:
First of all, there is confusion over the core business of the
institution. It must be understood that the Academy is unique,
serving a dual role – one is academic, as part of the University of
Stellenbosch; the other military, as a unit of the SANDF. However,
the academic balance has not been adequately struck. The academy
cannot be run on a strictly military basis. It is a staff training
college, not a military finishing school. They can do that somewhere
else. There are worrying signs that the academic imperative is being
Secondly, there are lengthy delays in the filling of academic posts.
Twenty-one such positions were vacant when we wrote our report. In
some cases, this has been rationalised with the argument that there
were no black candidates available to fill such positions. While
such action may appear justified in the name of improving
representivity, this is not the case. In fact, such delays only harm
staff and students. We all know – and I knew this as the Minister of
Education – that to mentor black academics is a long-term prospect.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 132 OF 175
The universities have found that you have to put in money, capacity,
time and, most important of all, effort. This requires a conscious,
Thirdly, there has been some progress with regard to representivity,
but the academy must, as a matter of urgency, implement a staff
development programme that includes systematic and systemic
mentoring. In the meantime, the appointment of staff must adhere to
the procedure laid down in the agreement with the University of
Stellenbosch. The committee is not very happy that this agreement is
not always being adhered to.
Next, transformation is not limited to numbers and representivity,
but transformation is also about embracing an ethos and value
reflecting an entirely different set of assumptions to those held
under apartheid, including openness, recognition of cultural
diversity in the training of our people, and the inculcation of an
African view of the world in the context of our own national
identity. The institution must therefore inculcate such a world
Another point is that the curriculum does not reflect the changing
nature of Africa or of the world. The balance does not serve the
broad needs of the contemporary African officer corps. While an
impressive list of technical subjects is covered, there is
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 133 OF 175
insufficient grounding in the humanities. More importantly, the
Constitution is not given the pride of place it should have in the
curriculum for the training of our officer corps. Our officers must
live permanently the values enshrined in our Constitution.
Yet another point is that the academy appears to be underfunded. The
library is a shambles with too few books, journals and computers.
Some barracks are in poor repair. Recreational facilities are
inadequate. Most students do not come from the Western Cape, so they
can‟t go home over the weekends. Leisure-time facilities are of
vital importance, especially over the weekends. The conditions which
exist there are not very hospitable.
Finally, the procedure for reporting sexual harassment is inadequate
and in need of urgent attention. Nearly every military academy
throughout the world has faced serious problems of sexual
harassment. Some of them have been scandalous, and this required
corrective action. Saldanha can then, if it has the proper
structures, avert such a situation.
First among the list of 20 recommendations is that the committee
proposes a closer investigation of the academy‟s output along with
consideration as to how to create the most cost-effective model that
will serve all the branches of the SANDF.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 134 OF 175
The academy, the Department of Defence and the University of
Stellenbosch need to settle on a firm definition of the academy‟s
core business and explore the kind of leadership best suited to
moving forward. Among other things, there should be greater
interplay between the faculty and the military, and confidence-
building measures should be undertaken urgently.
In general, we feel that the primacy of academic values must be
asserted in the academy. This is the key to producing the kind of
officers needed by the SANDF – officers capable of serving the
continent in a new era.
I should note for purposes of this debate that the portfolio
committee‟s oversight report does not attempt to duplicate the work
of the Board of Inquiry appointed by the Minister of Defence last
year, which is examining allegations of racism and violence at the
military academy. It wasn‟t our function to do that.
We have submitted our report to both the academy and the Minister of
Defence, and the committee looks forward to their response. Hon
members, you may think that after the epochal speech by the
President, this is an example of bathos. Well, it‟s not really
bathos. [Interjections.] It is central to how we see the development
of the SA National Defence Force, which is part of the pivot of our
policy in Africa and at home.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 135 OF 175
South Africa has an extremely important opportunity to lead by
creating a truly African training institute and, as such, the
matters we debate today are of continental importance not only to
South Africa but also to the rest of Africa. Thank you very much.
Moulana M R SAYEDALI-SHAH: Chairperson, the SA Military Academy, as
an institution, plays a vital role in assisting the SA National
Defence Force to fulfil its constitutional obligations in terms of
defending and protecting the republic, its territorial integrity and
its people. It is tasked with the education and training of the
officer corps of the SANDF. It is therefore imperative that the
members of the officer corps leave the military academy fully
prepared and adequately equipped to deal with, and respond to, the
various security challenges of the 21st century.
We need officers who are in tune with what is expected of them
within the SANDF as well as the regional, continental and global
environment. Unfortunately, the manner in which the military academy
is being run suggests that it is failing in its duty to equip the
officer corps with the necessary intellectual and military skills
required to meet the current and future political, economic and
military challenges. Furthermore, South Africa currently plays an
important role in trying to bring peace and security, development
and prosperity to the African continent.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 136 OF 175
If properly managed and supported, I believe that the SA Military
Academy can help this process through making a significant
contribution by attracting and training young officers from various
parts of the African continent who may, on return to their
respective countries, contribute towards the establishment of peace
and security, which is so vital for the economic growth and
development of Africa.
This report of the Portfolio Committee on Defence must be taken
seriously. The various issues raised, the findings and the
recommendations made are critical and deserve the urgent attention
of the Department of Defence. They include issues surrounding
transformation, the respective roles and the relationship between
the University of Stellenbosch and the military academy, lack of
funding, deteriorating infrastructure and, crucially, issues of
Amongst the many, the following are but some of the important
recommendations of the committee that deserve immediate attention
and you have heard some of those recommendations from the hon
chairperson. I would like to reiterate that there must be a close
investigation of the quality of the military academy‟s output along
with consideration of how to create the most cost-effective model,
as you heard the chairperson say.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 137 OF 175
The agreement between the Department of Defence and Stellenbosch
University establishes a joint committee which advises on a range of
matters. It‟s not mandated to meet on a frequent basis. The
committee feels that this body‟s work should either be expanded or
that a joint board of study should be established and be chaired by
the dean, with participation by the commandant who handles all
But, more importantly, the thing that came out during our visit was
that the dean was insecure. We feel that he should be given security
of tenure. Currently, he has a two-year contract, unlike the
standard five-year contract, and, shockingly, he doesn‟t have the
adequate support staff necessary to carry out his duties.
The curriculum should be carefully reviewed and improved. In the
interest of academic excellence, the system of paying lecturers
according to SANDF salary scales should be terminated. At present,
the Department of Defence is responsible for remuneration of
academic personnel. It is very difficult to maintain quality when
salary scales are so low. The fact is that the academy has to
compete against other universities and the private sector, and it
needs to be resourced appropriately. Many qualified people have left
At the time of our visit in April 2005, as you heard our chairperson
say, a total of 21 posts were vacant and many of them had been
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 138 OF 175
vacant for a long time. Of great concern is the fact that some of
these positions had not been filled simply because there were no
qualified black candidates available to fill them. I feel that any
delay in filling these vacant posts is bound to have a demoralising
effect on the academy as a whole.
The report makes some very critical and important pertinent
recommendations. There must be no further postponement of the
filling of posts. Students suffer as a result of these delays. These
vacancies should be advertised and filled within three months, at
the latest. Currently, the funding levels, too, are very much
inadequate. Consideration should be given to the Department of
Education funding, through the block grant, in order to supplement
the Department of Defence‟s allocation for higher education.
It is therefore the intention of our committee to interact regularly
with the military academy, the university and the Department of
Defence in order to help address the many concerns raised during our
visit as well as funding and other challenges facing the academy.
I wish to take this opportunity to frankly express my pleasure in
seeing such a detailed and comprehensive report. Honestly speaking,
it is a true report written without any political bias whatsoever
and reflects the views of all members of the Portfolio Committee on
Defence across the political divide.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 139 OF 175
In conclusion, I wish to compliment and thank Prof Asmal, the
chairperson of the parliamentary committee on defence, for the
diligent manner in which he leads us in the conduct of our business
and our oversight functions. To all hon members of the committee, I
continuously look forward to working with you for the betterment,
and in the national interest, of our country. I thank you.
Mrs S A SEATON: Chairperson, hon members, somebody on the left of
the waiting seat said to me just now, “You were not in Saldanha
Bay.” That is correct. I certainly did not represent the party or
Parliament at Saldanha Bay. So, in the interest of time, I will be
The member of the IFP who was the representative informed us that,
in fact, he felt that there wasn‟t a need for a debate on this
report simply because it was a report that reflected the views of
all parties, and it is an excellent report. We, too, would commend
the chairperson for that report and we would like to agree with the
comments in that report.
There are, obviously, a number of grave concerns and issues that
have been raised, and we would hope that these would be dealt with
in due course. So, as I said to you, I hope, in the interest of time
and if everybody else follows suit, we will be able to get away from
here a little earlier. We support the report. Thank you. [Applause.]
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 140 OF 175
Mr O E MONARENG: Hon Chair, hon members, allow me the opportunity to
inform this august House about the visit to the military academy in
Saldanha Bay. The visit assisted the committee to map out the way
forward in order to assist the academy to acquire new values and an
ethos that will go a long way in the inculcation of new standards
that will have effect on excellency, efficiency and professionalism.
The desire by the portfolio committee to maintain a balance between
education and training is very important. Our desire to ensure good
leadership qualities, which will in turn enhance the transformation
process, can best be achieved if we consciously ensure that, and I
South Africa‟s transition from apartheid and minority rule to
democracy requires that existing practices, institutions and
values are viewed anew and rethought in terms of their fitness for
the new era. Higher education plays a central role in the social,
cultural and economic development of modern societies.
In South Africa today, the challenge is to redress past
inequalities and to transform higher education to serve a new
social order, to meet pressing national needs and to respond to
the new realities and opportunities. It must lay the foundations
for the development of a learning society which can stimulate,
direct and mobilise the creative and intellectual energies of all
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 141 OF 175
people towards meeting the challenge of reconstruction and
While at the academy, the committee was reliably informed about the
tension that exists between the academy and the military. We have,
after very careful consideration, resorted to the following
regarding key issues. The academy has reached a critical turning
point. There is confusion over the core business of the academy and
the appropriate academic balance has not been adequately struck - I
think Comrade Prof Kader has raised that point.
A rehabilitative process needs to be initiated that will involve the
academy‟s management, the Department of Defence and the University
of Stellenbosch. Such an approach will have to examine the required
leadership qualifications for the academy, appropriate funding
levels and the need to upgrade curriculum development. This process
must also examine the output of the academy and find a cost-
effective model that will serve the long-term needs of the four arms
of the SA National Defence Force.
The academy should not be run on a strictly militaristic basis. I
think that is a point for emphasis. It is a staff training college
and not a military finishing school. I am sure that the professor
made this point. Be that as it may, a fair balance should be struck
between military discipline and training, which is by and large the
business of the academy.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 142 OF 175
To move a bit further regarding today‟s topic, 14th June is the same
day on which the South African forces of doom, destruction and
mayhem invaded Botswana to kill 12 innocent people, five of whom
were South Africans and seven Botswana nationals, under the pretence
of going there to exterminate terrorists in 1985. This incident was
certainly one of the many through which the then regime and its
force of aggression, the then SA Defence Force, launched a total
onslaught against so-called communists.
This incident should be a reminder to those tutors and lecturers of
the military academy that the past will be remembered for its
destruction and mayhem. As such a past is attributed to the
conscious and calculated teaching . . .
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr G Q M Doidge): Order! Hon member, your
time has expired.
Mr O E MONARENG: Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Mnr P J GROENEWALD: Geagte Voorsitter, ek stem nie baie maklik saam
met ‟n verslag van die ANC nie, maar wat hierdie verslag betref stem
ek 100% saam, en die VF Plus steun hierdie verslag. Ek dink dit is
miskien omdat die voorsitter, die agb Prof Kadar Asmal, meer deur sy
akademiese bril gekyk het, na ‟n akademiese instelling, as deur sy
politieke bril. Ek wil hom daarvoor bedank.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 143 OF 175
Daar is verskeie aanbevelings gemaak in hierdie verslag, maar die
uitdaging van hierdie verslag en aanbevelings gaan wees of dit
geïmplimenteer gaan word. Ons keur vandag hier in die Nasionale
Vergadering hierdie verslag goed, maar die vraag gaan nog steeds
wees of dit in die praktyk ook deurgevoer gaan word.
Daar is twee belangrike aspekte: eerstens, die beperkinge op die
begroting van die militêre akademie. Wat ontstellend is, is dat ten
spyte daarvan dat die verslag oorhandig is aan die Departement van
Verdediging, dit ook nou na vore getree het dat die huidige
begroting van die militêre akademie met ‟n verdere 40% gesny is. Ek
kan nie verstaan dat dit toegelaat word nie. Dit is onaanvaarbaar.
Daar is beperkinge, maar steeds word 40% op die begroting gesny.
Die tweede aspek is die doserende personeel. Daar is daarna verwys
deur vorige sprekers. Die dosente moet nou dubbeld klas gee, hulle
moet dubbel voorberei, hulle moet selfs in vakke wat nie hul
vakgebied is nie klasgee. Net om vir u ‟n idee te gee: uit die 21
vakante poste is 12 poste in militêre wetenskappe. Dit is doserende
poste wat nie gevul is nie.
Die uitdaging gaan wees om te kyk of dit wel binne drie maande gevul
gaan word. Ek wil ‟n beroep doen op die agb voorsitter, Prof Asmal,
en op die Komitee op Verdediging - waarvan ek self lid is - dat ons
sal toesien dat hierdie verslag in die praktyk deurgevoer word, want
dan sal die Militêre Akadamie ‟n beter akademie wees tot voordeel
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 144 OF 175
van die verdediging van die hele land Suid-Afrika. Ek dank u.
(Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Mr P J GROENEWALD: Hon Chairperson, usually I do not very readily
agree with a report from the ANC, but as far as this report is
concerned, I agree with it 100%, and the FF Plus supports this
report. I think it might be because the chairperson, the hon Prof
Kader Asmal, viewed an academic institution more from an academic
perspective than from a political one. I wish to thank him for that.
Various recommendations were made in this report, but the challenge
of this report and recommendations will be whether they will be
implemented. Today in this National Assembly we are in favour of
this report, but the question remains whether it will be carried out
There are two important aspects: firstly, the limitations on the
budget of the Military Academy. It is disconcerting that, in spite
of the fact that the report was handed over to the Department of
Defence, it has also become evident that the current budget of the
Military Academy has been cut by a further 40%. I cannot understand
that this is allowed to happen. It is unacceptable. There are
limitations, but the budget is still cut by 40%.
The second aspect relates to the academic staff. Previous speakers
referred to this issue. The tutors must now teach twice as many
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 145 OF 175
classes, they must prepare twice as much and they must even teach
subjects that are not in their field of study. Just to give you an
idea: 12 of the 21 vacant posts occur within military science. Those
are teaching posts that have not been filled.
The challenge will be to see whether they can actually be filled
within three months. I want to appeal to the hon chairperson, Prof
Asmal, and the Committee on Defence – of which I am a member – for
us to ensure that this report is implemented in practice, because
then the Military Academy will be a better academy to the benefit of
the whole country of South Africa. I thank you.]
Ms S RAJBALLY: Chairperson, the MF acknowledges and applauds the
important role served by the SA National Defence Force. We extend
our sincere gratitude to all these men and women who put their lives
at risk to serve us as a nation. The objectives of the report
display the committee‟s intent to oversee whether the SANDF is in
line with the democratic values of our country, its level and
standard of operations, skills, qualification and relations. These
are all issues of concern in this Defence Force.
The MF acknowledges the content of our Defence Force under the
apartheid regime and the metamorphosis it has undergone since our
democracy. However, we acknowledge that loopholes still exist, and
this needs to be addressed in all earnest.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 146 OF 175
From the meeting convened by this department, with various
stakeholders, in educating members of the SANDF, it is evident that
a number of issues need to be addressed. Considering the importance
of the role played by the SANDF, the MF finds it crucial to uphold a
high standard and feels that steps should be taken to remove the
loopholes in the system in order to ensure effective, efficient and
quality defence of South Africa.
The MF also commends the chairperson of the portfolio committee on
the efficient manner in which he conducts his meetings. While I have
a few seconds, may I also make it clear that, as a member of this
august House, whether you are in that committee or not, you have the
democratic right to take part in the debates. Thank you very much.
Mr M S BOOI: Chair and members, it is a pity that hon Groenewald has
left the House because it means that the type of education we would
have loved to provide him with, and the type of understanding we
would have loved to show him, is lost. But while we say that, we
want to add our voices to every one else‟s by saying that the
chairperson has done a very good job by being able to get us to
focus on real issues that are affecting Defence.
The Military Academy is one of those issues. It is a crucial
institution in our democracy, one that is well equipped and one that
also produces the necessary skills. The performance of our soldiers
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 147 OF 175
in the peacekeeping missions shows that a good job is being done
there. We need to be able to build on it.
What should be appreciated by Mr Groenewald is the type of shaping
and thinking that is happening within the committee. We give input
and try to direct and assist the resources of the department, which
is standing at a very important and fundamental point.
As the ANC we are showing appreciation for the work done by the
Defence Force, and the changes that are beginning to take place.
Without lying and without praising the chairperson, he is assisting
us to reflect on how to improve the Defence Force, and he is
assisting the department in its responsibilities.
We won‟t just call blindly for an increase of the budget of the
Defence Force without us understanding what the necessities guiding
that particular budget are, but the military academy is one of those
That is why we are providing a report to Parliament. We are
beginning to identify and say that the military academy has to be
able to be placed and it must be given the necessary budget. It is
the ANC‟s understanding and campaigning that this type of
development has to take place.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 148 OF 175
Some recommendation and issues have been raised regarding the things
that we are faced with in the military academy. One of them is the
ambiguity of how we are beginning to see the threat. As we have said
and continue to say, since the establishment of the academy in 1950
people have always been offering their own curriculum on the basis
of which threat South Africa has to face at that stage.
At this particular stage of development, and within the relationship
with the University of Stellenbosch, at least the professors will
start to assist us to influence their curriculum.
The issues of peacekeeping and of retraining of young people to
produce intellectuals that are going to be able to assist in the
production of good soldiers are some of the basic things.
If good leadership could be produced within that particular academy,
it could have an impact on society. They would be able to assist us
to turn around the lives of young people. That is the challenge that
we would love the academy to take up.
We want the academy to reflect the issues of nation-building. This
is the type of young person that the academy must be able to
produce. If you are a soldier, you have the serious responsibility
of being able to defend society and be able to use a gun. It really
depends on how your personality, your emotions and attitude are
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 149 OF 175
We are saying from our side that in the short period that we have
been in government, and the way in which we have been able to
conduct that academy, the allegations that are being made regarding
the role they are playing in the peacekeeping mission, do not
include any accusations that they have lost control of their
emotions and started to shoot randomly. We have found very
disciplined soldiers who are conducting themselves very well.
Sexual offences and sexual behaviour are some of the issues that we
think are a challenge to us. The recruitment of women within the
SANDF is a very slow process, and sometimes people tend not to
understand or know how to behave when they see … [Time expired.]
The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: House Chairperson, I
move that the report be adopted.
Motion agreed to.
Report accordingly adopted.
The House adjourned at 18:03.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 150 OF 175
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
THURSDAY, 9 JUNE 2005
1. Messages from National Council of Provinces to National Assembly
in respect of Bills passed by Council and transmitted to
(1) Bill, subject to proposed amendment, passed by National
Council of Provinces on 9 June 2005 and transmitted for
consideration of Council‟s proposed amendment:
(i) National Ports Bill [B 5D – 2003] (National Assembly –
sec 75) (for proposed amendments, see Announcements,
Tablings and Committee Reports, 27 May 2005, p 1072)
The Bill has been referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Transport of the National Assembly for a report on the
amendment proposed by the Council.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 151 OF 175
1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and
Tourism on Oversight Visit to Irvine & Johnson Ltd, dated 31 May
As part of conducting oversight and monitoring over the status of
Fishing Industries in South Africa, a multi-party delegation of
the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism,
visited Irvine & Johnson Ltd in Waterfront and Woodstock, Cape
Town on the 28th of April 2005.
The main objective of the oversight visit was to assess and
monitor the progress made in respect of transformation,
environmental management and, business operations related to
fishing products, fishing plant processing and storage.
A multi-party delegation from the Portfolio Committee under the
leadership of Ms E Thabethe (ANC) included Ms R Ndzanga (ANC), Ms
MM Ntuli (ANC), Ms N Khunuo (ANC), Mr. M I Moss (ANC), Mr. J Maja
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 152 OF 175
(ANC), Mr. DAA Olifant (ANC), Mr. A Mokoena (ANC), Mr. J Arendse
(ANC), Ms C Zikalala (IFP) and Committee Secretary Mr M Manele.
Having conducted its oversight to I&J Ltd on the 28th of April
2005, the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and
Tourism wishes to report as follows:
Upon arrival the Chairperson, Prof Brian Figaji, welcomed the
delegation of the Committee and later outlined the programme of
3.1. BRIEFING ON BUSINESS OPERATIONS
The Managing Director, Mr. MO Kajee, assisted by Mr. Phillip
Bruwer, Director of Fishing Unit and, Mr. Suleiman Salie,
Director of Processing Unit, briefed the delegation on business
operations. The briefing focused on corporate overview, ownership
and joint ventures, skills development, social investment and
enterprise development, and on-sight visit to fishing plant.
3.1.1. CORPORATE OVERVIEW
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 153 OF 175
I&J Ltd is principally engaged in the procurement and marketing
of frozen foods. The company operates as one of the largest
fishing fleets in the southern hemisphere, procuring and
processing fish at sea as well as at a number of factories in
Cape Town, Mossel Bay and Hermanus. It has its own research and
development resource consisting of internationally trained food
technologists and home economists keeping abreast of latest
international trends and carrying out in-house development work
for both local and international markets.
In addition to research and development capability, it has fish
processing plant at Woodstock that produces about 100 different
frozen fish products using hake as the base raw material. Also,
it manufactures a range of processed; value added beef and
chicken products to both the retail and food service markets.
3.1.2. OWNERSHIP AND JOINT VENTURES
The company‟s ownership is in the hands of Anglovaal Industries
Limited, listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange in the
industrial Food Sector, which hold 80% with the balance being
held by three strategic empowerment partners such as Sipumelele
Investment Limited, Ntshonalanga Consortium Limited and Dyambu
3.1.3. SKILLS DEVELOPMENT
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 154 OF 175
Its skills development program involves 2.7% of payroll spend on
training and development and, 74.5% of a total workforce
receiving ongoing training and development. An average number of
employees trained per annum totaled 2 035 and skills levies paid
to the Department of Labour amounting to R2m.
3.1.4. SOCIAL INVESTMENT AND ENTERPRISE DEVELOPMENT
Its social investment programme involves health, welfare and
children‟s education, welfare of aged people, feeding schemes and
poverty alleviation projects in the community. On the other hand,
its enterprise development programme involves a joint partnership
ventures with Umsobomvu Youth Fund, Squid Operation in Port
Elizabeth as well as Hake Operation in the Western Cape.
4. ON SITE TOUR TO FISHING PLANT
During the on site tour, the delegation observed how fishing
products such as fish fingers, battered portions, fish cakes,
marinates, egg-coated natural fillets, fish burgers, fish and
fish snacks are processed, packaged and stored at the operation
and plant levels by the employees.
5. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 155 OF 175
Having conducted an oversight visit to I&J Holding Ltd, the
Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism,
concludes and recommends as follows:
Noting the progress made in respect of ownership and joint
ventures, it is recommended that I&J Ltd should brief members on
mechanisms that would be put in place within the Department of
Training and Industry Black Economic Empowerment scorecard, to
accelerate transformation targets in terms of ownership,
strategic representation, employment equity, preferential
procurement and enterprise development.
FRIDAY, 10 JUNE 2005
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
1. Introduction of Bills
(1) The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs
(i) South African Abattoir Corporation Act Repeal Bill [B 21
– 2005] (National Assembly – sec 75) [Explanatory summary
of Bill and prior notice of its introduction published in
Government Gazette No 27670 of 10 June 2005.]
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 156 OF 175
Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on
Agriculture and Land Affairs of the National Assembly, as
well as referral to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for
classification in terms of Joint Rule 160, on 13 June 2005.
In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the
classification of the Bill may be submitted to the Joint
Tagging Mechanism (JTM) within three parliamentary working
1. Referrals to committees of papers tabled
The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
relevant committees as mentioned below:
(1) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Justice and Constitutional Development for consideration
(a) Report on the provisional suspension from office of
senior magistrate Mr S E Tebe.
(b) Report on the provisional suspension from office of
magistrate Mr L D Monageng.
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 157 OF 175
(2) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Trade and Industry:
(a) Government Notice No R.1342 published in Government
Gazette No 26994 dated 12 November 2004: National
Gambling Regulations in terms of section 87 read with
Item 8 of the Schedule to the National Gambling Act,
2004 (Act No 7 of 2004).
(b) Government Notice No R.1311 published in Government
Gazette No 26962 dated 12 November 2004: Standards
Matters in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29
(c) Government Notice No R.1315 published in Government
Gazette No 26962 dated 12 November 2004: Standards
Matters in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29
(d) Government Notice No R.1397 published in Government
Gazette No 27038 dated 3 December 2004: Strategic
Industrial Project (SIP): Notice in terms of section
12G(16) d of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 158 OF 175
(e) Government Notice No R.1398 published in Government
Gazette No 27038 dated 3 December 2004: Strategic
Industrial Project (SIP): Notice in terms of section
12G(16) d of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of
(f) Government Notice No R.1399 published in Government
Gazette No 27038 dated 3 December 2004: Strategic
Industrial Project (SIP): Notice in terms of section
12G(16) d of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of
(g) Government Notice No R.1441 published in Government
Gazette No 27097 dated 17 December 2004: Strategic
Industrial Project (SIP): Notice in terms of section
12G(16) d of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of
(h) Government Notice No R.1442 published in Government
Gazette No 27097 dated 17 December 2004: Strategic
Industrial Project (SIP): Notice in terms of section
12G(16) d of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of
(i) Proclamation No R.2 published in Government Gazette No
27157 dated 14 January 2005: Transfer of the
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 159 OF 175
administration of the Co-operatives Act, 1981 (Act No 91
0f 1981), from the Minister of Agriculture to the
Minister of Trade and Industry in terms of the
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act
No 108 of 1996).
(j) Government Notice No R.133 published in Government
Gazette No 27269 dated 18 February 2005: National
Measuring Standards in terms of the Measuring Units and
National Measuring Standards Act, 1973 (Act No 76 of
(k) Government Notice No R.134 published in Government
Gazette No 27269 dated 18 February 2005: Regulations
relating to the payment of levy and the issues of sales
permits with regard to compulsory specifications:
Amendment in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29
(l) Government Notice No R.140 published in Government
Gazette No 27269 dated 18 February 2005: Regulations
relating to the payment of levy and the issues of sales
permits with regard to compulsory specifications:
Amendment in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 160 OF 175
(m) Government Notice No R.168 published in Government
Gazette No 27269 dated 4 March 2005 Standards Matters in
terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).
(3) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee
(a) Government Notice No 365 published in Government Gazette
No 27487 dated 14 April 2005: Framework for Conditional
Grants to Provinces in terms of Division of Revenue Act,
2005 (Act No 1 of 2005).
(b) Government Notice No 868 published in Government Gazette
No 27636 dated 30 May 2005: Municipal Supply Chain
Management Regulations in terms of the Local Government:
Municipal Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of
(4) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Agriculture and Land Affairs for consideration:
Report and Financial Statements of the Commission on
Restitution of Land Rights for 2004 - 2005 [RP 49-2005].
(5) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Provincial and Local Government for consideration:
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 161 OF 175
Strategic Plan of the Department of Provincial and Local
Government for 2005 to 2010.
(6) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Safety and Security:
Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of Bulgaria on Police Cooperation,
tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996
(Act No 108 of 1996).
(7) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Water Affairs and Forestry:
(a) Government Notice No 323 published in Government Gazette
No 27434 dated 8 April 2005: Establishment of the Spruit
River Water User Association, Division of Wellington,
Province of the Western Cape, Water Management Area
Number 19 in terms of the National; Water Act, 1998 (Act
No 36 of 1998).
(b) Government Notice No 324 published in Government Gazette
No 27434 dated 8 April 2005: Establishment of the
uPhongolo Dam Water User Association, Magisterial
Districts of Ingwavuma, Ubombo, Ngotshe and Piet Retief,
KwaZulu-Natal Province, Water Management Area Number 6
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 162 OF 175
in terms of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of
(c) Government Notice No 458 published in Government Gazette
No 27579 dated 20 May 2005: Establishment of the
Houdenbeks River Water User Association, Division of
Ceres, Province of the Western Cape, Water Management
Area Number 17 in terms of the National Water Act, 1998
(Act No 36 of 1998).
(d) Government Notice No 482 published in Government Gazette
No 27459 dated 20 May 2005: Proposal for the
Establishment of the Thukela Catchment Management Agency
in terms of section 78(3) of the National Water Act,
1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).
(e) Government Notice No 483 published in Government Gazette
No 27604 dated 20 May 1998: Proposal for the
Establishment of the Usutu to Mhlathuze Catchment
Management Agency in terms of section 78(3) of the
National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).
(f) Government Notice No 484 published in Government Gazette
No 27604 dated 20 May 2005: Establishment of the Mvoti
to Mzimkulu Catchment Management Agency (Water
Management Area Number 11) in the Province of KwaZulu-
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 163 OF 175
Natal in terms of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No
36 of 1998).
(8) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Defence and to the Joint Standing Committee on Defence:
The Acting President of the Republic submitted a letter
dated 27 January 2005 to the Speaker of the National
Assembly informing Members of the National Assembly of the
employment of the South African National Defence Force in
(9) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Correctional Services for consideration:
Report of the Judicial Inspectorate of Prisons for 2004-
(10) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Science and Technology for consideration and
(a) Statute of the Centre for Science and Technology of the
Non-Aligned Movement and Other Developing Countries,
tabled on terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution,
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 164 OF 175
(b) Explanatory Memorandum on the Statute of the Centre for
Science and Technology of the Non-Aligned Movement and
Other Developing Countries.
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development
Report on the withholding of remuneration of Mr H W Moldenhauer,
Chief Magistrate, Pretoria, tabled in terms of section 13(4A)(b)
of the Magistrates Act, 1993 (Act No 90 of 1993).
2. The Minister for Safety and Security
Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the African Union Contributing South
African Police Service Monitors to the Civilian Police Component
of the African Union Mission in the Darfur Region of the Republic
of Sudan (AMIS), tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 165 OF 175
1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and
Tourism on Participation in World Conservation Congress held in
Bangkok, Thailand, 17–25 November 2004, under the Theme “People
and Nature-Only World”, dated 7 June 2005:
Members of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and
Tourism and Select Committee on Land and Environmental Affairs
were invited by the President, Yolanda Kakabadse and Director
General, Mr. Achim Steiner of the world conservation union to
attend the 3rd IUCN World Conservation Congress to be hosted by
the Kingdom of Thailand in Bangkok from the 17th to the 25th
November 2004. In response to the invitation, a delegation of
five members, three from the Portfolio Committee on Environmental
Affairs and Tourism, and two from the Select Committee on Land
and Environmental Affairs were granted permission to attend the
proceedings of the Congress.
Having participated in lobbying for Mr. Valli Moosa for the
Presidency of the International World Conservation Union and in
the six commissions of the world conservation congress dealing
with ecosystem management, education and communication,
environmental, economic and social policy, environmental law,
species survival and protected areas, the delegation of the
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 166 OF 175
portfolio committee and select committee report to the national
assembly and national council of provinces as follows:
1.1. CONGRESS OBJECTIVES
1.1.1. Explore the relationships between people, development and
conservation through its four themes: Ecosystem management,
Bridging sustainability and productivity; Health, Poverty and
Conservation - Responding to the challenge of human well-being;
Biodiversity Loss and Species Extinction - Managing risk in a
changing world; and Markets, Business and the Environment -
Strengthening corporate social responsibility, law and policy;
1.1.2. Approve the 2005 / 2008 IUCN Programme and Financial Plan;
1.1.3. Elect the President of the World Conservation Union and
1.1.4. Table the Commission‟s reports for 2003/04 on ecosystem
management, education and communication, environmental,
economic and social policy, environmental law, species survival
and world commission on protected areas; and
1.1.5. Consider motions and adopt resolutions at plenary level.
1.2. DELEGATION OF THE COMMITTEES
A joint delegation of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental
Affairs and Tourism and Select Committee on Land and
Environmental Affairs constituted of the Ms E Thabethe, (ANC-NA)
Ms MM Ntuli (ANC-NA), Mr. G Morgan (DA-NA), Rev P Moatshe (ANC-
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 167 OF 175
NCOP) Mr. P Adams (NNP-NCOP) and Committee Secretary, Mr. M
2. ELECTION OF MR VALLI MOOSA AS PRESIDENT OF WORLD CONSERVATION
As one of the objectives of the IUCN Congress was to elect the
President and other office bearers, the delegation of the
Portfolio Committee and the Select Committee in collaboration
with senior officials from the Department of Environmental
Affairs and Tourism played a very active lobbying role which
culminated in the nomination and election of Mr. Valli Moosa as
the President of the World Conservation Union.
3. OVERVIEW OF CONGRESS PROCEEDINGS
The World Conservation Congress of which the delegation of the
portfolio committee on environmental affairs and tourism and the
select committee on land and environmental affairs attended was
officially opened on the 17 November and closed on the 25
The proceedings of the congress had parallel commissions meetings
on ecosystem management, education and communication,
environmental, economic and social policy, environmental law,
species survival and protected areas. The plenary considered
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 168 OF 175
tabling of reports of the Director-General on the work of the
Union since the 2nd IUCN World Conservation Congress, membership
development since 2001 to March 2004, follow-up to the
resolutions and recommendations of the 2nd session of the World
Conservation Congress, proposed amendments to the rules
procedure, credentials committee, electronic voting, election of
the IUCN President, Treasurer, Regional Councilors, Chair of the
Commissions, 1999-2003 financial situation and 2005-2008
After considering the Director-General‟s report, the plenary
further discussed and adopted draft resolutions, 2005-2008
programmme and financial plan and Commission‟s recommendations.
In concluding its proceedings, the plenary then gave an
opportunity for the announcement of election results and message
of cooperation from the President elect, Mr. Valli Moosa.
4. OVERVIEW OF CONGRESS RESOLUTIONS
The ICUN Conservation Congress passed 118 resolutions as follows:
4.1 GOVERNANCE RELATED RESOLUTIONS
The governance related resolutions included:
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 169 OF 175
4.1.1 Precedence clause establishing precedence to IUCN general
4.1.2 Improving the transparency of IUCN Council;
4.1.3 Broadening the criteria for membership admission in the
4.1.4 Involvement of local and regional government authorities
within IUCN, including local IUCN members in the Union
delegation at multilateral agreement meeting;
4.1.5 Fulfillment of the rights to optional use of the official
languages in the internal and external communication
documents and its members; and
4.1.6 Implementation of the programme for the Insular Caribbean.
4.2 POLICY RELATED RESOLUTIONS
The policy related resolutions included:
4.2.1 Mediterranean mountain convention;
4.2.2 Ratification and implementation of the revised African
4.2.3 Protection of the earth‟s water for public and ecological
4.2.4 A moratorium on the further release of genetically
4.2.5 Policy on control of animal population for the purpose of
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 170 OF 175
4.2.6 HIV/AIDS pandemic and conservation, the Harold Jefferson
4.2.7 Recognition of earth charter;
4.2.8 Human trapping standards;
4.2.9 Education for sustainable development;and
4.2.10 The precautionary principles in environmental governance,
coordination of sustainable development programme for
4.3. PROGRAMME RELATED RESOLUTIONS
Programme related resolutions included:
4.3.1 Provision of an office for IUCN‟s observer mission to the
4.3.2 Audit of international conventions, treaties and
agreements on environment;
4.3.3 Drafting a charter of ethics for biodiversity
4.3.4 International covenant on environment and development;
4.3.5 Education and communication in IUCN ;
4.3.6 Policy on capacity building and technology transfer; and
4.3.7 Capacity building for young professionals.
4.3. SPECIES RELATED RESOLUTUIONS
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Species related resolutions included:
4.3.1 Conservation needs of the tigers, the saiga, antelope,
4.3.2 Protection of the great Indian bustard, shark finning; and
4.3.3 Conservation of the bandula barb and continued prohibition
of shahtoosh production and trade.
5. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Having participated in the six
commissions of the IUCN during the World Conservation Congress,
the delegation of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental
Affairs and Tourism and the Select Committee on Land and Tourism
conclude and recommend that:
5.1 Noting that the South African Government‟s approach has shifted
from that of traditional conservation to a more holistic
approach where conservation is linked with the development
agenda of the country including local communities, poverty
alleviation, capacity building, natural resource management;
5.2.1 Acknowledging that the progress made in SA conservation
over the last ten years has largely been due to the vision
and work of Mr Valli Moosa, the former Minister of
Environmental Affairs and Tourism who introduced new
initiatives and changed the way in which conservation was
being addressed, it is recommended that:
5.2.2 The Portfolio Committee and the Select Committee must
during the 2005 Parliamentary Committee period call both
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the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism and
IUCN to brief members of the purpose and functions of
commissions such as with ecosystem management, education
and communication, environmental, economic and social
policy, environmental law, species survival and protected
5.2.3 Both the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism
and IUCN Regional office must appear before the Portfolio
Committee and the Select Committee to brief members on the
2005 –2008 IUCN Programme.
5.2.4 Based on the recommendations made during the world
Conservation Congress in November 2004, the Department of
Environmental Affairs and Tourism must come and brief both
the Portfolio Committee and Select Committee on strategies
and plans put in place to ensure the implementation of the
World Conservation Congress Resolutions.
MONDAY, 13 JUNE 2005
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
1. Message from President
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 173 OF 175
The Speaker and the Chairperson received the following
message, dated 13 June 2005, from the President, calling a
Joint Sitting of the National Assembly and the National
Council of Provinces:
CALLING OF A JOINT SITTING OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND THE
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PROVINCES
By direction of the President and in terms of section
84(2)(d) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa,
1996 (Act No. 108 of 1996), read with Rule 7(1)(b) of the
Joint Rules of Parliament, this serves to confirm the
President‟s call for a joint sitting of the National Assembly
and the National Council of Provinces on Tuesday, 14 June
2005 at 14:00, in order to deliver a message to Parliament.
TUESDAY, 14 JUNE 2005
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
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1. Bills passed by Houses – to be submitted to President for assent
(1) Bills passed by National Council of Provinces on 14 June
(i) Citation of Constitutional Laws Bill [B 5B – 2005]
(National Assembly – sec 75)
(ii) South African Sports Commission Act Repeal Bill [B
13B – 2005] (National Assembly – sec 75)
(iii) Sectional Titles Amendment Bill [B 10B – 2005]
(National Assembly – sec 75)
1. Membership of Committees
(1) The following changes have been made to the membership of
Portfolio Committees viz:
Appointed: Kohler–Barnard, Ms D
Discharged: Steyn, Mr A C
14 JUNE 2005 PAGE: 175 OF 175
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development
(a) Report of the Judicial Service Commission for 2004.
(b) Government Notice No R.415 published in Government Gazette
No 27549 dated 29 April 2005: Amendment of Regulations in
terms of the Judges‟ Remuneration and Conditions of
Employment Act, 2001 (Act No 47 of 2001).
(c) Proclamation No R.21 published in Government Gazette No
27549 dated 29 April 2005: Extension of the period of
operation of sections 51 and 52 of the Criminal Law
Amendment Act, 1997 (Act No 105 of 1997).
1. The Speaker
Interim Report of the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) for the
period April 2004 to September 2004 [RP 128-2004].