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The Reagan Revolution

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The Reagan Revolution
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The Reagan Revolution at Home

A generation arose in America in the midst of the identity crisis of the 1960s and

1970s that believed the United States could be a great nation again. Isolated thinkers

coalesced into small associations. These associations published magazines, held

conferences, and gained followers, among them a second-tier actor, Ronald Wilson

Reagan, who had voted four times in a row for Franklin D. Roosevelt, a man he intensely

admired. A New Deal Democrat, therefore, found himself at odds with the party of his

hero. Reagan was fond of saying that he, “. . . didn’t leave the Democratic Party; it left

me.” After a series of liberal Democratic presidents and two moderate Republicans,

America also seemed ready for a change. Thinkers like William F. Buckley, Jr.,

launched the Conservative Movement, and Ronald Reagan, who read Buckley’s

magazine National Review from cover to cover, became the figurehead that turned

conservatism into a revolution in American politics.

Reagan was from Illinois, the Land of Lincoln. Eerily, people associated him

with a film role from the 1940 film Knute Rockne, All American. The association was so

strong the Reagan was ever after referred to as the Gipper because he portrayed George

Gipp, the football star of Rockne’s Notre Dame Fighting Irish. The young player’s

death-bed line of, “Go out there and win one for the Gipper,” became a ready-made

campaign slogan. Reagan proved to be a natural leader. He organized a strike at Eureka

College while a student there, thereby becoming the only person to become president of

the United States who had once led a student protest march. He led the Screen Actors

Guild in 1947 and was therefore the only 20th-century president to have led a union.

Through the McCarthy Red Scare, Reagan worked diligently to oust communists from

Hollywood while protecting non-communists who had been unfairly targeted by the FBI.

Reagan backed Barry Goldwater for president, but at the convention he gave a

speech that convinced many Reagan would one day be president himself. First, though,

he became a two-term governor of California, a state that had spent itself into near-

bankruptcy with the nation’s most free-spending welfare system. Reagan brought the

spending under control using 900 vetoes, only one of which was ever overturned. While

his opponents branded him an extremist he cultivated a talent for compromise—he

removed 75,000 people from California’s welfare rolls but increased payments to her

poorest citizens. He also restored order to California’s volatile campuses in the 1960s

and told hippies to take baths.

Reagan had already cultivated a talent for public speaking as an actor, obviously,

but also as a spokesman for the General Electric Corporation. He was able to put ideas in

everyday language middle-class Americans could understand. In the campaign against

Carter, Reagan quipped, “A recession is when your neighbor loses his job. A depression

is when you lose yours. A recovery is when Jimmy Carter loses his.” His campaign in

1980 made three simple promises—he would cut the size of the government through tax

cuts and deregulation, he would fight the Cold War with renewed vigor, and he would

look for market-based rather than government-based solutions to the energy crisis.

Reagan loved to say, “Government is not the solution to the problem; government is the

problem.” As a compromise with moderate Republicans, however, Reagan picked

George H. W. Bush, a former CIA director, as his VP. As the campaign turned to

televised debates, Reagan used Carter’s own question about being better off than four

years ago against him, and he even used Carter’s misery index to point out that

Americans were still miserable. Whenever Carter blustered, distorted Reagan’s record,

or tried to portray Reagan as an extremist, Reagan unleashed his own five magic words.

The Gipper would smile, cock his head, and say, “Well, there you go again.” Reagan

later said those five words won him the presidency. The Electoral College vote came out

489 to 49, handing Carter the worst defeat of an incumbent president since Reagan’s

hero, FDR, had taken down Herbert Hoover.

Your own textbook, The American Pageant, says Reagan “was no intellectual.”

Democrats in Congress and the media concurred and attributed Reagan’s overwhelming

victory to his acting background. Neither group, however, took Reagan’s campaign ideas

seriously nor realized that they appealed to large majorities of Americans. Being

underestimated positioned Reagan for surprise successes even if his accomplishments

were modest, which they weren’t. When the Iranian hostages were released on the day of

Reagan’s Inauguration, Americans sensed something was about to change. Reagan’s

diary reveals he knew fixing the mismanagement of previous administrations was going

to take time and was going to be painful, but he determined to stick to conservative

principles whenever possible and to compromise whenever necessary keeping long-term

change in view. Meanwhile, he resolved to use all his extensive persuasive and

promotional powers to boost American morale after eight years of “malaise.” Did I tell

you Reagan’s father had been a shoe salesman? Perhaps it was because Reagan was the

oldest man ever to be elected president (at age 69) that in 1980 he still believed in the

American Dream.

Reagan’s humor and optimism were contagious. Even after a deranged man

named John Hinckley shot the President to impress actress Jodi Foster, Reagan was able

to joke to the surgeons as he went under anesthesia, “I hope you’re all Republicans!” He

told his wife, Nancy, “Honey, I forgot to duck.” Later records revealed Reagan had come

extremely close to dying, but at the time he seemed indestructible. The doctors

announced they had never had to cut through such tough muscle on a man his age before,

and think of it—the President took a bullet to the chest and within a few months was

delivering his State of the Union Address on television! The oldest man elected president

was evoking images of TR, the youngest man to have been president. Star Wars fans

loved the fact that their president had the temerity to call the Soviet Union the “focus of

evil in the modern world” and “the evil empire.”

At the same time Reagan was a gentlemen who stood when women entered a

room and forbid the telling of any off-color jokes in the presence of ladies. In his youth,

Reagan had been a lifeguard and personally saved over 80 lives. The “crisis of

confidence” was over. As Democratic Speaker of the House Tip O’Neil would later

lament, “Da people loved him.” His staff loved him because after hotly contested

meetings where Reagan had let everyone speak his mind, the President would rise and

say, “I’ll let you know my decision,” rather than embarrass the losing side in front of the

winners.

Reagan resolved to rebuild the American economy as his first step in winning the

Cold War. Whereas Keynesians from FDR to Nixon attempted to boost consumer

spending, Reagan gravitated toward the idea of tax cuts that had first been proposed by

Andrew Mellon. Coolidge and JFK had seen great success with supply-side economics,

the notion that tax cuts would allow the wealthy to keep more of their money which they

would then invest in building new plants and starting new businesses. The Laffer curve,

named after economist Arthur Laffer, proved that revenue would actually go up for the

government under such circumstances. Despite the historical performance of these ideas

and even the recent moderate success that Gerald Ford had experienced, Reagan’s

opponents called them “voodoo economics” and “Reaganomics.” Congress agreed to try

tax-cuts, however, even though they implemented them far more slowly than Reagan

desired. Still, the economy slowly began to recover. As the full weight of the cuts came

online, the economic recovery picked up speed. Investors pumped money into the

economy as never before. In response, their income increased sevenfold, so they were

happy. The taxes they paid rose fivefold, so the government was happy since 95% of all

the taxes paid in America are paid by the rich. Once the Federal Reserve raised interest

rates and dropped inflation from 12% to 4%, stagflation was over. After an initial slump,

the economy accelerated at a pace never before seen.

Reagan pushed to fulfill his promised deregulation and had the help of a process

Carter had set in motion, the deregulation of airlines. The government allowed airlines to

discount their prices for fares, and at the same time new competitors came along that

further drove down prices, nearly doubling the amount of passengers using the airlines by

1992 from the amount back in 1977. The growth of the United Parcel Service (UPS) and

the arrival of Federal Express broke the monopoly of the postal service in delivering

mail, especially since the costs of aviation had been reduced. Reagan was disappointed,

though, in trying to shrink Big Government. He later said the chief failure of his time in

office was an inability to eliminate more than just a few minor bureaucracies from the

government juggernaut. While his tax cuts drove up production, employment, job

creation, and entrepreneurship (as well as increasing government revenue one third over

Reagan’s eight years in office), Congress increased its spending 40%, less than half of

which can be attributed to Reagan’s defense buildup to fulfill his third campaign promise.

Sizable deficits were the result. In fact, once Reagan’s foot was off the brake pedal on

domestic spending after he left office, Congress spent nearly double the amount of money

on new domestic programs that they spent on defense.

Reaganomics did not have to be explained to Americans when they could feel

their wallets were thicker. At the end of the Reagan Administration, 14 million new jobs

had been created. This fact is all the more incredible when compared to Europe’s

condition. Since 1970 all the nations of Europe combined had not created a single new

job by the end of Reagan’s second term. Naysayers claimed manufacturing was

declining, but the share of the GDP from production during the Reagan years rose to

36.1%, the highest level in American history. Since the American steel industry had died

under Carter, the surge in manufacturing came from an entirely new source—computers.

In the 1980s the US possessed 70% of the world market for software and 80% of the

market for hardware! Thus the focus of investment and industry shifted from Detroit to

Silicon Valley, the area in California where computer chips were made. When Bill Gates

gave the world a computer language, operating system, and new interface devices,

America took the lead in making machines that were used to make machines. These

steps impacted all of life in that, for example, it took half the labor to obtain a gallon of

milk in 1980 as it did in 1950. The expenditure of labor necessary to acquire a gallon of

gasoline dropped by two thirds. Prices dropped, accordingly, for everything from food to

the little microchips that had started burgeoning productivity in the first place. There

may never again be such a boost in productivity as was experienced by Americans in the

1980s.

The tax cuts not only revived the economy but also helped restore American

productivity and purpose. Even labor unions began to break away from the dependency

attitudes in which they had been inculcated and became known as “blue-dog” Democrats

in support of Reaganomics. While not able to roll-back the threat of Big Government,

Reagan had at least destroyed the assumption that only a steadily growing government

sector could produce economic stability and prosperity. Characteristically, Reagan

optimistically reversed the indictment Carter had leveled at the American people by only

referring to the successes of his administration as feats the he and the people had

accomplished together. Domestic change, however, is only half the story, or maybe one

third of the story.


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