complexities_of_maintaining_balance_and_harmony_within_the_balinese_system_of_healing_

Andrea Arriaga

ASAN 600S

Fall 05



Complexities of Maintaining Balance and Harmony Within the Balinese

System of Healing



-Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to explore how the Balinese define and

interpret concepts of health and wellness. In doing so, I will attempt to

expose how the Balinese act within a specific ideological framework to

maintain balance and harmony on the island, in the community, in the home,

and within the body. My research rests on the premise that the concept of

wellness within the traditional Balinese system is based on the maintenance

of balance and harmony between dynamic and co-existing forces. Eiseman,

whose work focuses on the concepts of the seen and unseen forces of Bali

discusses how sickness in Bali is a state of disharmony between the

individual and his environment, stating “ in this sense illness is no different

from various other kinds of forces” (1989: 135). The concept of illness

presented by Eiseman and conceptualized by the Balinese is what I will be

referring to as illness in the context of this paper. I will attempt to show

examples of methods of traditional healing within the Balinese system that

are based upon maintaining balance and harmony between interactive and

often opposing forces within the environment, community, family, and the

individual, in order to prevent illness and chaos. I have found that these

methods and structures of healing, as well as healers themselves, act as

bridges between the worlds of the seen and unseen, which in the Balinese

construct of reality exist as one. The intent of my research is not to

deconstruct the Balinese system of traditional healing, rather it is to

understand the Balinese concept of wellness through an anthropological and

historical perspective, as it is my belief that holistic and cross-cultural

perspectives lead to deeper awareness that can then be integrated with and

applied to non-traditional methods and concepts for more holistic practices.

This paper thus views traditional and modern medicines as cooperative and

complimentary. The focus of this research is to look at traditional concepts

and practices of healing in Bali, it will also attempt to demonstrate how

traditional Balinese forms of healing may viewed as both valuable and

effective.





A Description of Bali

-Topography and Geology:

The tropical climate, lush environment, exotic allure, friendly locals, and

easy access to the island, have enticed millions of tourists, scholars, and

residents to place themselves on Bali‟s fertile land. Since the 1930‟s the

occurrence of modernization and globalization have led the Balinese to

witness a huge increase in the influx of tourism and foreign concepts (Shavit,

2003: 21-60). Bali has been exposed to modernization through the influence

of both the east and west (Shavit, 2003: 1-60). Despite access to and

application of modern scientific thought and practices, the Balinese islanders

remain devout practitioners of traditional methods of healing (Conner &

Asch, 1986: 13, 31-2). Methods of healing within the Balinese tradition are

based upon maintaining balance and harmony between interactive and often

opposing forces within the environment, community, family and the

individual (Hobart, 2003: 1-27). Unlike traditional western concepts that

view illness on a linear and fixed scale, focusing on direct physical

correlations, the traditional Balinese concepts of wellness and illness involve

the worlds of both the physical and supernatural, which includes the dynamic

cyclical inter-play of man and spirit, light and dark, seen and unseen.

(Werner, 1993: 11-25). Methods and structures of healing, as well as healers

themselves, act as bridges between the seen and unseen, functioning to bring,

maintain, and restore, harmony and balance to the world of the Balinese and

to the Balinese themselves.

The Balinese cosmology is deeply rooted in the natural physical

environment and historical context in which they are embedded (Hobart,

2003: 1-24). The Baliaga, Bali‟s original people, are believed to have

inhabited Bali since the Stone Age (Mabbett, 1995: 25). The picturesque

island of Bali is geographically located in the Indonesian archipelago, it lies 8

degrees south of the equator at a longitude of 114 degrees east (Conner &

Asch, 1986: 11). The island of Bali is one of over 15,000 islands that comprise

the 3,500-mile chain that makes up the archipelago currently known as

Indonesia (Conner & ash, 1986: 11). Bali is in the middle of the archipelago,

located just east of the larger island of Java, which has some of the densest

population concentration in the world, and west of less populated island of

Lombok (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11). Bali‟s capital, the urban city of Denpasar,

lies near the southern tip of the island. Bali‟s forests are lush and tropical,

and the beaches are a mecca for sun worshippers and surfers. Encircled by

coral reefs and beautiful beaches, Bali separates the Indian Ocean from the

Java Sea. The island of Bali is over 5,688 square kilometers (Suryani &

Jensen, 1993: 8). Bali extends 50 miles from north to south and 93 miles

from east to west (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11). Bali is a mountains island

where volcanic peaks can be seen floating amidst tropic clouds. The

temperature in Bali ranges from 32 to 36 degrees Celsius year round, with a

rainy season ranging from October to March (Shavit, 2003: 3-4). The volcanic

soils of the island along with the seasonal rains, aid in creating rich and

productive fertile soils and the lush landscape that are crucial factors in

sustaining the islanders (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11-19).

Bali is divided into northern and southern portions by a range of

volcanic mountains. Four sacred mountains compromise the range; Gunung







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Agung, Batur, Batukao, and Abang (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11-15). Crater

lakes within the volcanoes are the islands main source of water (Hobart,

2003: 9). The aboriginal peoples of Bali believe that Gunung Batur is the

holiest (Mabbett, 1995:13). Gunung Batur is near Bali‟s Lake Batur and is

associated with the goddess of the lake, Dewi Danu (Shavit, 2003: 3-4). The

4240-acre fresh-water Lake Batur is sacred as well, and revered by farmers

and priests as being the ultimate source of water throughout central rural

Bali (Shavit, 2003: 3-4). The goddess is a provider of irrigation water (Shavit,

2003; 3-4). Natural springs froth forth on the mountains slopes. The water

flows through the island in the form of rivers and streams, connecting the

intricate rice terraces in a beautiful design which integrate man, nature, and

spirit in a harmonious balance (Hobart, 2003: 9-11 and Conner & Asch, 1986:

11-9)..

The highest and most sacred volcano on the island of Bali is the revered

Gunung Agung. Gunung Agung is considered Bali‟s holiest mountain to the

island‟s Hindus, and is identified as a supreme manifestation of Shiva

(Eiseman, 1989: 3). Gunung Agung is an active volcano and the highest peak

on the island, standing over 10,000 feet tall (Eiseman, 1989: 3). The Balinese

believe that mountains are homes to the gods and places to be respected and

revered (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11). To many Balinese, Gunung Agung is the

center of the universe and is described as “the navel of the world” (Eiseman,

1989: 11). The Balinese have a story that the mountain of Gunung Agung

was raised up by the gods to be a lookout spot for watching the life below

(Conner & Asch 1986: 74-6). To the Balinese the sacred exists within all

structure, form, and formlessness. The created structures of life, such as

temples, as well as those that are believed to be creative forces themselves,

such as the sea or the gods, all play an important role in the Balinese

conception of self, and thus wellness; through looking at a the historical

background and cultural context of the Balinese the importance of both the

form and formless worlds begin to merge and become better understood.



-Religious History and Structure:

Most Balinese are animistic Hindus who regard spirit to exist in all

things (Conner & Asch, 1986: 23-7). Concepts of being, wellness, and health

are deeply embedded in historical, cultural, spiritual, and religious practices

and concepts in Bali as well as globally (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 2-3).

Indonesia is home to the world‟s largest Moslem community; ninety-percent

of Indonesians are Moslems, yet the majority of Balinese practice a variant

form of Hinduism generally known as Bali-Hindu (Hobart, 2003: 9-10). Only

5 percent of Balinese are Moslem, while over 90 percent of the Balinese are

Hindus (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). .Bali‟s unique form of Hinduism is a blend

of Hindu, Buddhist, and pre-existing animistic beliefs (Suryani & Jensen,

1993: 7-8). The remaining percent of Balinese practice religions such as

Buddhism, Catholicism, Protestantism, or other indigenous religions (Hobart,







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2003: 9-10). Despite the differences in religious practice throughout the

island the general belief in embedded spirit remains constant (Suryani &

Jensen, 1993: 6-8).

The idea of spirit in all things most likely stems from indigenous

traditions, yet is woven into the greater religious traditions, such as

Hinduism and Buddhism (Conner & Asch, 1986: 23-7). Hindu and Buddhist

influences mark Bali‟s early history (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 15-18). Hindu

and Buddhist influences were most likely first brought to Bali from India

between the fifth and ninth centuries A.D. through the Sumatran maritime

empire of India, Srivijaya (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). Strong Hindu and

Buddhist influences also came from the neighboring island of Java, where the

tremendous Buddhist monument of Burbador was built in the by eighth- and

ninth- century dynasties (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). Although the roots of

the Balinese Hindu tradition stem from India, the greatest Hindu influence

in Bali is believed to have spread from the neighboring island of Java

(Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 11-6).

Although historical evidence is somewhat weak, texts and artistic

sources represent Java‟s historical cultural and political influence on the

island of Bali (Hobart, 2003: 11-24). In the late 10th century political unity

between Java and Bali was established by the marriage of Bali‟s king

Udayana and the Javanese princess, Queen Mahendradatta (Conner & Asch,

1986: 16). The Queen and King‟s son, the eleventh century king Erlangga,

installed Javanese priest and warriors to rule over Bali (Conner & Asch,

1986: 16). To this day the union of the Balinese king and Javanese Queen are

celebrated in performance and art, while poetry, art, and theater also reflect

the influence of the eleventh century ties between Bali and Java under the

rule of their son King Erlangga (Hobart, 2003: 11-27).

Today, the Javanese Hindu kingdom of Majapahit is recognized by most

Balinese as being the most important contributor of Hinduism to the island of

Bali (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). The kingdom is renowned for its long

standing contribution to politics, literature, arts, and cosmology (Hobart,

2003: 10). The Hindu kingdom of Majapahit flourished somewhere between

the late thirteenth and sixteenth centuries (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13, 16,

180). In the middle of the fourteenth century Bali fell under the rule of the

Majapahit, and since then the ruling peoples of Bali have claimed a Javanese

ancestry to the kingdom (Barth, 1993: 18-20). Between the fifteenth century

and sixteenth centuries the kingdom of Majapahit began to weaken (Conner

& Asch, 1986: 16). Islamization in Java began to occur as the Islamic elite

began to take political control over Java (Barth, 1993: 18-20). Bali unlike

neighboring Java did not convert to Islam, and devote Buddhist and Hindus

fled to the island (Barth, 1993: 18-20). Artist, intellectuals, priests and

nobles from the last Hindu courts of Java took refuge in Bali, bringing with

them metaphysical texts, epic narratives, poems, and performance theater

(Hobart, 2003: 9-11). Currently Bali is home to the largest population of







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Hindus in the world outside of Java, and is known for its rich cultural

heritage and practices (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). Almost all Balinese

currently practice the unique form of Hinduism that incorporates Buddhist

and tantric ideas as well as animism, ancestor, and spirit worship that are

characteristic of the traditional and Malay culture (Hobart, 2003).



-Political History and Hierarchy:

Balinese religion, cosmology, and concepts of wellness are not only tied

to historical and cultural events, they are bound to a social and political

hierarchy as well (Hobart, 2003: 10-16). The system of stratification is based

on the Indian caste system (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 9). The three high

castes of Bali are thought to be descendant from the kingdom of Majapahit

(Ramseyer, 1977: 56-59). Although the traditional caste system from India

that includes the untouchable or outcast class was not adopted by the

Balinese, a modified version was (Eiseman, 1989: 32). The adopted caste

system stemming from the Hindu tradition was originally based on a

member‟s role within the community and today is generally of most

importance only during ceremonial activity (Ramseyer, 1995: 267-284). The

three high castes of Bali included the Bahamans who were the highest of the

castes being the priestly caste; the Satriyas, and the Wesias (Hobart 2003,

11-23). Today‟s caste system is mainly used for inheritance and ceremonial

purposes (Hobart, 2003:161-162). Modern day priests and healers may be

from ancestrally lower casts, yet priests remain extremely powerful within

the structure of Balinese society no matter what their ancestral lineage is

(Hobart, 2003; 130-133).

A small and powerful elite group of courtly scholars and priests have

been integral in reinforcing and spreading religious and cultural trends

throughout the island (Hobart, 2003: 15-17). Although peasant religion is not

a separate form of religion than that of the elite community, it does tend to

include more animistic beliefs and practices such as magic and sorcery

(Werner, 1993: 11-17). The peasant and illiterate population of Bali have

historically had no access to scholarly and metaphysical text (Hobart, 2003:

16). They are therefore dependent on local priests and religious officials for

transcribed information, which can be correlated to a limited position of

power within the community (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11-21). Western scholars

and researchers have most often recorded the elites concepts of religious and

cultural traditions within Bali as it has generally been easier for western

scholars to communicate with and gain access to other scholars and their

knowledge (Hobart, 2003: 11-16). This has placed a bias on western

knowledge of the Balinese worldview as religious beliefs and practices that

rely heavily on magico-animism have most likely been left out of western-

based research.

Although the west has also played a large role in Bali‟s history, western

religious practices and ideas of place, time, and being have not displaced the







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traditional cosmological view of the Balinese (Conner & Asch, 1986: 11-30

and Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 2-3). The Balinese Hindu religion has

continued to prosper while islands such as Java have experienced intense

Islamization and Westernization, which over time have dramatically changed

the Javanese worldview (Conner & Asch, 19866: 17). In 1816 the Netherlands

declared the East Indies a colony (Conner & Asch, 1986: 17). Bali was spared

from colonial influence unlike the larger islands such as Java, as Bali was

thought too small for large-scale plantation production and lacked the rich

spice groves found on neighboring eastern islands ((Conner & Asch, 1986:

17).. In the mid nineteenth century the British Empire began to threaten

Dutch power in the region, it was during this period that the Dutch turned

their focus to the smaller islands, such as Bali, as well (Conner & Asch, 1986:

16-20).

In 1846 the Dutch took control of the northern part of Bali, by 1908 the

Dutch had gained complete control over the Island. Colonialism in Bali did

not affect the indigenous economy, practices, and beliefs, as it had on other

islands previously occupied by the Dutch (Shavit, 2003: 5-13). During the

time of Dutch control in Bali the Netherlands officially endorsed native

advancement and social welfare through the Ethical Policy (Conner & Asch,

1986: 17-18). “The Netherlands government accorded Bali the status of a

huge native reservation and intended it to be seen as testimonial to the

benevolence of imperial rule…” (Conner & Asch, 1986: 18). The Dutch forces

of power and missionaries who occupied Bali at the time, were not successful

or did not put much effort into converting Balinese beliefs or practices, as

occurred on neighboring islands (Shavit, 2003: 5-13) . The Japanese

succeeded the Dutch in occupying Bali in 1935, and were eventually defeated

in 1945 (Conner & Asch, 1986: 18). In 1949 Bali gained its independence and

after five years of prolonged violence and strife Bali became a province of the

newly united Republic of Indonesia (Conner & Asch, 1986: 18).

From the Second World War through the revolution of the mid-1960‟s

Bali experienced extreme social unrest and intense violence (Hobart, 2003:

19-21). The violent and dynamic political and cultural history of Bali is

relevant to the context of healing as it demonstrates how the forces of both

good and evil, and the concepts of light and dark work interactively, and

ultimately in balance to maintain the and create the island paradise of Bali.

Most recently Bali has experienced a series of terrorist bombings, which

although affect the islands economy in terms of tourism, do seem to have

altered the cosmology or practices of the Balinese. Despite the infiltration of

Bali by western and foreign political powers, in terms of beliefs and practices

the Balinese have remained somewhat independent as they have kept their

unique form of Hinduism intact (Hobart, 2003: 19-21).



-Socioeconomic and Family Structure:

Although many changes have occurred in Bali in the last few decades,







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the socio-economic and family structures of the Balinese have also remained

generally unchanged (Vickers, 1996: 1-35). Bali is home to nearly three

million individuals, that compromise two percent of Indonesia‟s population

(Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 6). Despite the fact that over fifty percent of the

tourists who visit Indonesia go to Bali and many Balinese have began to work

in the service industry in the cities and tourist areas, over four-fifths of the

islands population still lives in rural areas (Shavit, 2003: 5). The island of

Bali is composed of eight districts, and within each district exist community

groups called banjars (Conner & Asch, 1986: 15 and Suryani & Jensen, 1993:

15). The banjars function as organizational units within the Balinese

communities (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 7-8). There are over four thousand

banjars that govern the community at large and play an active role in the

social structure of the villages, and island as a whole (Mabbett, 1985: 38-40).

The banjars are made up of community members, they work together to

interpret laws, pass judgment on the unlawful, and keep the community

functioning smoothly and effectively (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 7-8). The

members of each banjar are also responsible for village ceremonies and

festivities that are crucial in maintaining balance and harmony in the

community (Mabbett, 1985: 38-40). The community member‟s primary work

focus and responsibility outside of the home is to the banjar. Sometimes a

member must miss work for weeks if they are needed to do a job or act within

the banjar (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 8). The banjar also functions as an

intermediary between the government and the individual community

members (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 7-9). Members of the banjar must work

collectively thus creating an intensified sense of unity that is useful in the

maintenance of harmony amongst the villagers within each community and

collectively as Balinese.

Also important in collective responsibility and cooperation are smaller

functional groups known as sekas (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 8). The sekas

are groups within the villages that are allotted various specific tasks and

roles that are important to the villagers, such as specific forms of art or

performance. The sekas are responsible for tasks within the community such

as a specific forms of art, or specific cultivation (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 7-9).

The practices that are preformed by the sekas are necessary for community

and individual wellbeing.

Another important groups that maintains balance and wellness within

the community is the irrigation group known as the subak (Covarriubas,

1987). The subak is also a small functional group existing within the larger

community, promoting integration and cooperation among individuals,

homes, and villages ((Barth, 1993: 64-75). The subaks are led by high priest

and are believed to be overseen by the goddess of rice, Sri (Mabbett, 1985: 41-

43). The subaks are composed of village members whose responsibility is to

determine the distribution of irrigation water, which flows down and through

the island (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 9-10). The subak is also responsible for







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making decisions about planting and other important irrigation practices,

including ceremonial planning which is an essential to the growth and

harvest of crop and the prosperity of the community.(Geertz, 1966).

Geertz points out that a village is not just one unit bounded together it

is an interplay of complex and dynamic levels of organization, including the

family, that together create a community (1996). Although all groups that

compose the Balinese society are important, one of the most important

functional groups within the Balinese society is the family. Over eighty

percent of the Balinese live in extended family units (. The family group in

Bali is known as dadia. The dadia includes the extended family and all of the

ancestors (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 8). According to Suryani and Jensen,

“…family members periodically band together in one place for ceremonies

dedicated to the worship of God: at the house shrine (sanggah or marjan) for

the immediate family, or at the temple (pura) for the extended family” (1993:

8). Ceremonies and communal living situations within the family help to

tighten family ties and create strong foundations for unified beliefs, and

continual traditional practices within the family and home. Through the

complex and dynamic community units, members of the various organized

groups cooperate collectively in the daily tasks necessary for wellness.

Religious concepts and organizations are foundations of social organization,

creating a tightly knit and interconnected sense of unity amongst individuals

and groups. Most every Balinese Hindu must function effectively as a

community and family member in order to attain balance and create optimal

wellbeing for the self and others.

The Balinese community is rich in unity and beauty despite its economic

position in the world. The majority of Balinese live in the central lowlands

and southern coastal plains areas, near the most fertile irrigated lands and

the major centers of tourism (Conner & Asch, 1986: 13). Most Balinese live in

rural households and over fifty percent work in some type of farming practice,

many involved in rice agriculture, the ancient staple that has supported the

Balinese for centuries (Conner & Asch, 1986: 19). The remaining percent are

artists, government employees, small-scale industrial workers, or are a part

of the ever-growing service industry geared towards tourism (Suryani &

Jensen, 1993: 7). Over fifty percent of visitors to Indonesia go to Bali, yet the

flow of foreign money has done little to increase the national average wage of

the Balinese (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 7). In 1993 the per capita income

averaged less than five hundred U.S. dollars (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 10).

Although this number has surly grown in the last decade the Balinese are no

doubt economically poor people. Despite the level of poverty the quality of

life of the average Balinese is very good when compared with others in

developing countries. There are very few homeless or hungry people in Bali,

as food is plentiful and cheap, and family and community structures and

support are generally very strong and highly functional (Suryani & Jensen,

1993; 10).







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History of the Indigenous Medical System:

-The Early Period:

The island of Bali has long cultural history, having been inhabited since

early prehistoric times. Human fossils that date back to 250,000 years ago

have been found on neighboring Java; while stone tools and earthenware

believed to be around 3,000 years old have been discovered on Bali (Reuter,

2002: 3). Although there is evidence of a cultural history dating back over

2,000 years, little is known about the long early period before the 12th century

and the indigenous medical history that is related to the early era (Hobart,

2003: 11-12). There is much that remains to be questioned with the

possibility for discovery, and there is no doubt that the complex historical

background has left an imprint on current concepts of health and wellness,

within the Balinese system of healing.

Although much of the historic evidence for the indigenous medical

practices and beliefs in Bali are non-tangible, a look into specific known

historic texts, events, and artifacts during the era of the Balinese Kingdom

and beforehand may help to highlight the influences that have a bearing on

the current traditional system of healing. There are wide gaps and

inconsistencies that exist in Bali‟s historical record, yet much of the

information related to Bali‟s early history may be derived in the form of text,

temples, ceremonial practices, story-telling, performance, and other works of

art that are both historic and current. The modes of historic representation

and inquiry may be dynamic and diverse, yet they are valuable in that to

some extent they represent the collective memory and heritage of the

Balinese, which are important factors in comprehending notions of self and

wellness.



-Religious and Spiritual Influences of the Traditional Medical System:

As is noted in the history of religion in Bali, within the context of the

indigenous medical system there is a strong influence of Hinduism,

Buddhism, and Tantric ideas that intertwine with pre-existing indigenous

customs related to magic, animism, shamanism, sorcery, ancestor and spirit

worship (Hobart, 2003: 12-19 and Lovric, 1987a: 64). According to Conner

and Asch, “the Balinese word balian has generally been translated as

„traditional healer‟ in ethnographic literature, but the significance of balians

activities extends beyond this sphere…” (1986: 21). There is evidence of the

existence of balians, associating them the royal courts, that dates back to the

19th century (Hobart, 2003: 11-14). The balians, for whom there is historic

evidence and representation, were mostly elite literate males of the

Brahmanic priestly caste ((Conner & Asch, 1986: 22). Although the historic

record is limited for illiterate and peasant healers surly they existed before

and during the 19th century and played an integral role in the lives and

wellness of villagers and their communities. Existence of early healers who







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were not noted in historic texts can be inferred through various mediums of

the arts (Conner, 1982). Artistic representations of men and women give

insight into the historic roles they played and the archetypes to which they

are or have previously been associated with. Representations of female

balians are generally associated with the Hindu goddess of the underworld

and destruction, Durga (Conner & Asch, 1986: 22). Female images are often

portrayed as witchlike and exist beyond the boundaries of patrilineal-based

scholarly and literate knowledge, while historic artistic representations of

male balians differ in that the images are more diverse in their

representation (Conner & Asch, 1986: 22-23). Male balians are depicted as

both helpful and harmful and may exist within or on the outskirts of orthodox

and scholarly knowledge (Vickers, 1980: 1-47). Artistic representation of the

past allows us to more fully understand the complex history and structure of

healers‟ roles within Balinese society.

Relics of the past also indicate that ancestors and spirits were venerated

in Bali‟s early history (Stutterhiem, 1935: 7). The practice of ancestor and

spirit worship is widespread today in Bali. It is believed that when the

ancestors, Gods, and demons are dissatisfied due improper treatment and the

lack of proper offerings and rituals bestowed upon them, illness and

misfortune will surly manifest amongst the descendants of the ancestor and

within the individuals of any given family or village who have not properly

satisfied the demon or God (Hobart, 2003: 37-88).

In understanding the relationship between the Balinese and the spirit

world it is important to take into account the history of Tantric ideas in Bali.

The Tantras themselves are a specific set of Indian text that are numerous

and obscure, they often require a teacher to fully comprehend (Hobart, 2003:

12). The word Tantra itself is literally defined as, ”any of a comparatively

recent class of Hindu or Buddhist religious literature written in Sanskrit and

concerned with powerful ritual acts of body, speech, and mind”

(www.dictionary.com, 2005). In Hinduism Tantric teachings involve popular

aspects of religion and healing such as spells, rituals, and symbols, while

Buddhist Tantric teachings deal with a broader array of practices

(Snellgrove, 1897: 203-204). Both Buddhist and Hindu Tantric teachings are

part of the Balinese cosmology. The common thread of the Tantric texts and

concepts utilized in Bali is the focus on a cosmic sexuality (Hobart, 2003: 12).

The union of the divine female and male can be viewed as a historic symbolic

representation for the culmination and union of opposing forces in the

universe. This divine union is expressed in the literature and arts of Bali

and is a representation of the harmonious balance that can be achieved

through the uniting and intertwining of opposing forces (Hobart, 2003).

The influence of Tantric ideas on the Balinese system of wellness, stress

the seemingly contrary or paradoxical nature of Tantrism as well as those of

the Balinese concepts of wellness. Loverick states:



“The twin themes of horror and hilarity, of the lurid and the lucid, of invoking





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extremes and of dialectical reversals, demonstrably features of the Balinese magico-

medical tradition, are all characteristic of Tantric rites. (1987a: 426)



Tantric ideas of balance and harmony through movement, interaction, and

intercourse are heavily drafted into the notion of healing within the

conceptual framework of the Balinese. Poems, statues, and stories, tell of a

history in which Hindu and Buddhist cults merged, both carrying with them

a foundation of Tantric beliefs and practices (Fontein 1990: 49-55). Along

with the historical representations of Tantric practices, today small groups of

Balinese Buddhist priests known as Brahmans exist on the island (Hobart,

2003: 13). They are specialist in Tantric text, and continually reinterpreted

and reintegrate Tantric practices and beliefs into Balinese culture, especially

in the metaphysical healing realms of sorcery and magic (Hobart, 2003: 12-

14). The continual integration of Tantric values and the practice of

indigenous belief are tools the Balinese use to keep balanced mentally and

physically and to understand and experience the dynamic world and bodies in

which they live.

Philosophies that deal with the balance of nature, man and spirit, have

been passed, integrated, and implemented in Bali. Tantric texts that are

influential in Bali often distinguish between the culmination and balance of a

right and left hand path, otherwise known as a yoga (Hobart, 2003: 12). The

goal of the individual is to create a path that is balanced, thus utilizing

cosmic power to its full potential, transforming and restoring vitality and

optimal wellness within the individual and community. When the right and

left paths are followed in a balanced manner, harmony is thought to be

achieved as the lotuses or charkas within the body awaken and open,

allowing energy to flow freely through the body (Judith, 2005: 9-41). Once the

seven charkas are open and clear the free and powerful energy of the

universe is though to move in accordance through the body, eventually

leading to a blossoming of knowledge, consciousness, and optimal health and

wellness.



-Ancient Manuscripts and Ayurvedic Values:

The Tantric belief in the seven charkas, or energy centers in the body,

stems from the Ayurvedic medical knowledge of India (Judith, 2005: 9-13).

Other Eastern concepts of healing and energy that are practiced in Bali such

as the Chinese meridian points are very similar to Ayurvedic charka theory

(Judith, 2005: 13-16). When the body is out of balance, there is thought to be

a blockage of energy resulting in disease (Judith, 2005: 16-30). The ancient

tantric Ayurvedic beliefs, such as those related to the charkas or kundalini

are very important foundations for the practices of Balinese healers (Hobart,

2003: 11-17).

Some traditional healers in Bali are illiterate or do not have access to

the traditional text while others are highly regarded healers who specialize in

reading, interpreting and using the ancient text (Hobart, 2003: 59-61). The





11

Lontar usada are manuscripts containing metaphysical information of magic,

mysticism, and medicine (Nala, 1993: 18). The Ancient palm leaf manuscripts

texts are known as lontar usada, and are derived from the Sanskrit word for

healing ausada (Nala, 1993: 18). The lontar usada were originally written in

the ancient Indian language of Sanskrit, which was generally only

comprehensible to the literate and scholarly elite yet many of the concepts

found in the lontar texts have been filtered into the villages and to those who

do not have access to them through art and performances (Hobart, 2003: 15).

Some of the lontar texts are transcribed into Old Javanese (Kawi), even

though originally they are derived from India (Hobart, 2003: 15). The

metaphysical lontar text are thought to have first arrived in Bali from east

Java during the eleventh century, brought by the courtly priest Mpu Kuturun

(Nala 1993: 18). The lontar usada are also suspected to have been brought to

Bali during the reign and fall of the Javanese kingdom of Majapahit (Hobart,

2003: 15). The manuscripts fall into three groups; the first group is referred

to as tutur and are metaphysical, cosmological, and mystical in nature, the

wariga is the second group which are more divinatory and magical in

orientation, this group also contains information on medicinal plants, the

third group defines and discusses various illnesses and diseases and how to

diagnose them (Hobart, 2003: 60-61). The palm leaf manuscripts are dried,

treated, and bound, then put to use by healers who traditionally give advice,

medicine, charms, and instructions for offerings and ceremonial procedures

(Hobart, 2003: 59-61).

Scholarly priests who have been historically linked with royalty, to give

personal and political advice, also used the lontar usada (Hobart, 2003: 15-

13).. The fifteenth century Javanese Brahaman priest Nirartha, is revered in

Balinese history for his poetry and historic recording (Ramseyer, 1977: 59).

He is also known as being the first scholarly priest of the high courts to

encourage and engage villagers to participate in courtly arts and healing,

promoting the mergence of classic texts with folk traditions in Bali

(Ramseyer, 1977: 59). Nirartha was a distinguished scholar on the Tantric

based usada that focused on ideas of Kundalini-Sakti Yoga (Lovric 1987a:

317-325). Kundalini text and practices also focus on the Ayurvedic notion of

clearing the charkas for increased power and vitality (Judith, 2005: 35-41).

Kundalini is also known as serpent power, it is the idea that energy sits like

a coiled serpent in the first or root charka at the base of the spine, as the

charkas open through meditation, breath, and yoga (the yoking of the mind

and body), the serpent energy uncoils passing through the seven charkas or

energy points of the body; consciousness is then awakened and the body

begins to balance and vibrate harmoniously with the energy of the universe

(Judith, 2005: 35-41). Present day priests and scholarly healers in Bali are

aware of Kundalini-Sakti theory and believe that energy can be harnessed as

power, through meditation, awareness and education, and can then be used

in the context of wellness to heal or harm others and the self (Hobart, 2003:







12

17).



-Progress and Modernization:

Notions and historic beliefs of the Balinese and their societal roles as

healers and maintainers of harmony have remained, despite the political and

global changes that have occurred through the centuries (Suryani & Jensen,

1993: 2-4). Colonial rule, globalization and post independence through the

twentieth century brought progress, modernization, and western biomedical

concepts to Bali (Hobart, 2003: 19-23). The Dutch introduced schools and

hospital into urban districts yet generally ignored the role of traditional

healers and rural communities (Hobart, 2003: 21). Not until the mid 1950‟s

after Bali gained its independence did the greatest changes in health care

practices occur; with government aide, community and health care centers

focusing on infectious diseases, maternal, and pediatric health were

established, and disease such as small-pox was eradicated (Conner & Asch,

1982: 51). From the 1960‟s through the 1980‟s international agencies such as

the WHO, UNICEF, and national agencies such as the U.S. AID, and

Indonesia‟s IGGI helped in the promotion and funding of programs to

establish low-cost basic health care to citizens of Indonesia, including those in

rural and urban Bali (Conner & Asch, 1986: 34). In 1986 the National Health

Conference implemented the plan for Community Health Care Centers that

was intended to increase community involvement in rural areas through

training, participation, and the establishment of health centers (Conner &

Asch, 1986: 34). Many of these programs focused on creating access to

medical care in rural communities and educating community members on

public health services, giving them the skills to service themselves (Conner &

Asch, 1986: 35).

These practices and programs, which are based on modern western

concepts of health and scientific thought, may have influenced the physical

wellness of the Balinese, but have not diminished the practice or usage of

traditional healers (McCauley, 1979: 1-20). Conner states,



Many doctors inherited the prevalent Dutch attitude that literate medical practitioners

who used classical medical text were to be admired whereas the illiterate midwives,

spirit mediums, and other healers were to be despised for their primitive practices”

(1986: 35).



Despite this statement researchers, such as Boedhihartono, conclude that

modernization has not changed Balinese attitudes towards traditional or

indigenous healing practices, and traditional medicine has not experienced a

decrease in popularity in either rural or urban areas (1982: 33). It may be

assumed that factors such as transportation, access, economics, and

education are crucial in the medical choices that the Balinese make, yet

McCauley proves that these social conditions are not determinants of the

health care that the Balinese seek, as both traditional and modern care are





13

used by most Balinese. (1979: 1-20). The programs intended to increase

public health care, did not diminish the value of traditional healers, in fact

they ultimately may be viewed as having had encouraged the value and use

of traditional healers. One outcome of the health care service program was

the systemization and coordination of traditional scholarly medical texts and

practices, exemplified by the publication of the book Usada Bali, published in

1993 by Nala. Traditional midwifes were also given training in health care

centers, which supplemented their traditional knowledge and experience

(Muninjaya, 1982: 40). Throughout Bali village midwifes are given delivery

kits and supported by government run health care centers and policies

(Muninjaya, 1982: 40). Alternative practices such as acupuncture and

Ayurvedic medicine are now legalized and recognized in Indonesia, the

legitimization of foreign forms of traditional medicine in Indonesia has

helped bring greater validity and respect to traditional Balinese healers and

the Balinese indigenous medical traditions (Boedhihartono, 1983: 33).

Although traditional healers in Bali still do not constitute on officially

recognized instituted body, unlike Ayurvedic practitioners and

acupuncturists they are still regarded by the Balinese as being skilled and

valued practitioners of healing (Conner & Asch, 1986: 22).



Concepts of Wellness, Health and Being

-Life in Balance and Flux Within Time and Space:

As is evident, the traditional Balinese healing system and concepts of

wellness are a mesh of Buddhist, Hindu, Tantric, and indigenous customs

and beliefs, woven together by a common thread. The Balinese are part of a

wondrous whole of cycles and systems, not separate from nature. Within the

context of healing the common thread is the maintenance of harmony and

balance found at different structural levels. The Balinese believe that all

things are dynamic; this belief is paradoxical to its nature, as the belief itself

remains a constant. It is the job of the healer, family, and community to

maintain balance at all levels in order to maintain harmony and wellness. As

Obeyesekere says, definitions of wellness and healing are culturally

constructed concepts that „are intricately locked into larger cultural and

philosophical issues and problems of meanings‟ (1989: 235). It is thus

necessary to look at different and complex cultural beliefs, practices, and

structures to understand how the Balinese go about maintaining balance and

harmony.

One mode of representation that helps to explain the Balinese

worldview and thus gives a deeper understanding of notions of being, balance

and wellness is the Balinese calendar system and construction of time. To

the Balinese all things in nature and space are dynamic and cyclical, even

time is nonlinear (Mabbett, 1985: 56-59). According to the film, Bali, Beyond

Good and Evil, the Balinese believe that only demons walk in straight lines.

Balinese view time as cyclical and see life as a co-existence of ancient and







14

modern. The Balinese place importance on the repetitive rhythms of growth

in the natural world, recognizing that cycles endlessly repeat, and that the

past is never really gone (Mabbett, 1985: 56-60). There are two different

calendars used in Bali, the lunar calendar (saka), and the 210-day wuku

calendar (Eiseman, 1989: 172). Balinese calendars, unlike western, mark the

intersection of cycles. The Balinese calendars can keep track of cycles up to

10,000 years, to the Balinese the gods have powers over certain days, and

certain homage must be paid to appease these gods, if balance and harmony

are to be maintained, and illness or misfortune to be prevented (Mabbett,

1985: 56-60). Temples and calendars are used in Bali to keep track of the

rhythmic and temporal cycles (Eiseman, 1989: 172-192).

Along with the concept of time and movement, several other major Bali

Hindu beliefs are keys to understanding Balinese cosmology, culture and

cognitive construction; therefore they are important factors in comprehending

Balinese construction of self, balance, and harmony. These beliefs include

and are not limited to the idea of a supreme god, eternal soul, karma,

reincarnation, and unity with God (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 18). They

spiritual concepts also include the idea of maintaining harmony and balance

between the supernatural, man, and his environment, and acknowledging the

important role unseen guardians and connections have in maintaining

harmony, health, daily life, protection and wellness 9Conner & Asch, 1986:

21-30). Spirituality and notions of place and being within the Balinese

cosmology extend to all of nature and the universe, including seen and

unseen aspects. Traditional healers and community members use number of

methods structures, techniques and remedies to maintain harmony and cure

illness through the restoration and maintenance of balance.



-Desa Kala Patra (Place, Time, Rules and Customs):

To the Balinese cycles of time are functional in bringing the three worlds

of Bali together and important in maintaining harmony. The three worlds

consist of the world of the gods and ancestors, the world of man, and the

world of the demons, or underworld (The Three Worlds of Bali). To the

Balinese these worlds not only coexist side by side in the same time and

space, they dynamically interact in a balanced flux moment by moment. One

example of the importance of the concept of time that is integral to

maintaining balance and harmony in Bali is “Desa Kala Patra”, translated as

“place, times, rules and customs” (Muninjaya 1982: 38). Desa Kala Patra

carries the meaning that every action should be carried out at the

appropriate place and time, and should be followed by appropriate rules and

customs. The Balinese will gain advice from priests, healers, and scholarly

text on dates and times important decisions, projects, and actions should be

taken and stared, for example, through consulting the Balinese calendar or

local priestly advice, proper auspicious days are determined for rice planning

and harvesting (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 50). There are even malevolent days







15

for birth, if a child is born on one of these days special offerings must be made

to appease the gods in order to save the individual from a life of suffering and

misfortune (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 15-16). When customs and rules of

conduct are not followed or are done at inappropriate times, members of the

family, whole families, and even communities may become ill or experience

extreme misfortune .

Another example of the Balinese belief in Desa Kala Patra is

exemplified by the volcanic eruption of Gunung Agung in 1963 (Mabbett,

1985: 73). Every one hundred years the purification ceremony, known as Eka

Desa Rudra, intended to restore harmony and balance in people and all of

nature, is held (Conner & Asch, 1986: 74-76). The ceremony lasts over a

month and is attended by all Balinese (Eiseman, 1989: 235). During the reign

of President Sukarno the ceremony was held sixteen years ahead of the

completion of the one hundred year cycle because Sukarno wanted to impress

a group of western travel agents (Eiseman, 1989: 235). During the untimely

event the sacred Gunung Agung began its most violent eruption in over 600

years (Mabbett, 1985: 73). To the Balinese it may have been viewed as hell on

Earth as fire and smoke consumed the area killing almost two thousand

people and destroying almost ninety thousand homes, miraculously Pura

Beskiah, the great and most sacred temple which is located on Gunung

Agung, was spared by the lava that flowed around it (Eiseman, 1989: 236).

The Hindus prayed to the gods to forgive them for defying custom, attributing

the misfortune to anger of Shiva and their defiance of Desa Kala Patra

(Eiseman, 1989: 236).

The Balinese view humans as neither good nor evil, the human world is

the middle ground in between the heavens and the earth (Bali: Beyond Good

and Evil). It is the job of the humans to maintain harmony and balance by

appeasing demons, ancestor, gods, and spirits with appropriate offerings,

sacrifice, prayer, ritual, ceremony, and action. Through right action the

Balinese not only appease the gods, they maintain wellness, and beautify the

land in which they live with temples, shrines, and offerings. For the Balinese

the eradication of evil is not possible, for all things exist as one; both evil and

good must be fed, and balance between forces maintained so that wellness

and harmony prevail and manifest, rather than illness or chaos.



-Panca Srada (Five Principles of Life):

Another term, which expresses the Balinese philosophy of life, is Panca

Srada (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 15). Panca Srada refers to the five principles

of life and important beliefs of the Balinese. The Panca Srada is derived from

the Buddhist and Hindu beliefs that influence the Bali-Hindu religion

(Geertz and Geertz, 1975: 11). According to Suryani and Jensen, the five

beliefs, which compromise the Panca Srada, are:

(1) The existence of a supreme God (Sang Hyang Widi Wasa)

(2) The existence of an eternal soul (atman)

(3) The conviction that every deed has reward (karma pala)







16

(4) Reincarnation (punarbawa)

(5) Eventual unity with God (moksa) (1993: 15)

The Panca Srada, combined with pre-existing traditions and values, are

determinants of Balinese behavior and influential in Balinese daily life and

the importance that the Balinese place on maintaining harmony (Muninjaya,

1982: 36). By acting virtuously and appeasing gods in the present life the

Balinese may pay off karmic debt accumulated from past lives, enabling the

possibility for a more rewarding next life while simultaneously creating

wellness and balance within their current lives (Suryani & Jensen 1993: 15).



-Tri Hita Karana (Three Balancing Factors of Harmony):

The Balinese believe in 3 dynamic factors that interact and have

significant value in the maintenance of harmony, balance, wellbeing, and

health. The three main entities that must relate to one another in balance

and are regarded extremely important by traditional healers in order to

achieve a harmonious state are collectively known as Tri Hita Karana

(Muninjaya, 1993: 37). The three factors that the Balinese strive to keep in

equilibrium on a daily basis include: (1) sanghyang jagat karana: super-

natural powers or sang hyang widi wasa: God; (2) bhuana agung: the macro

cosmos, the total physical environment of man; including the universe; (3)

bhuana alit: the micro cosmos, man him or herself; including bodily needs,

thoughts, feelings, and the soul (Suryani & Jensen 1993: 16). Disharmony or

disturbance between the supernatural powers or god, man, and his

environment is believed to result in disease, chaos, and disharmony. In order

to maintain this balance on a daily basis ritual prayer and offerings are

ceremoniously preformed. In living, work, and public spaces there are

shrines and small temples so that the individuals within the Balinese

community may maintain a balanced self and environment, through

appeasing and venerating gods and ancestors (Hobart, 2003). The Balinese

believe that all three elements of Tri Hita Karana are involved in illness and

wellness and if all are not regarded or in balance, physical and mental illness

and chaos in the family or community will result (Suryani & Jensen 1993:

16).



-Kanda Empat (Four Spirit Siblings):

Anther important foundational concept in Bali is the idea of the four

spirit siblings, kanda empat (Hobart, 2003: 22). Every individual is believed

by the Balinese to have four spirit siblings (Conner & Asch, 1986: 28-30).

Certain rites and ceremonies are preformed before and after birth to ensure

that the spirit siblings will protect the child from illness and misfortune

(Conner & Asch 1986: 28-30). If the siblings are not properly venerated the

fetus is believed to become impure and fetus and infant will have health

problems or the future person will manifest the impurities incurring illness

and misfortune in a variety of possible forms. (Hobart, 2003: 57). The four

spirit siblings unite the individual with macrocosm and the realm of the





17

supernatural, thus the importance of nurturing the kanda empat through

ritual is considered as important as nurturing the child and mother with food

and shelter (Conner & Asch, 1986: 28). The kanda empat are considered as

important as biological siblings, many childhood rites of passage are

preformed in which they are recognized(Conner & Asch, 1986: 28-30). They

are often called upon in ritual by traditional healers and remain an

important part of an individual‟s life and welfare throughout the life-cycle

(Conner & Asch, 1986: 29).



Types of Illness and Diagnosis:

The Balinese believe that all illnesses, be they physical or mental have

specific causes (Hobart, 2003: 53-56). Traditional biomedical concepts of the

west believe that causes of illness stem from biophysical realities that can be

seen, examined, and understood with proper knowledge and technology

(Werner, 1993: 11-25). Meanwhile, the Balinese believe western concepts to

be true within the context of certain illnesses, yet as in other great

civilizations, the Balinese also believe that illness or misfortune may have

moral dimension in which the causes may be understood even if they are

unable to be seen on the physical plane (Brandt & Rozin, 1997: 15). Within

Bali all illness and misfortune are determined by a combination of natural

and moral, seen and unseen causes, thus the job of the Balinese healer

becomes to act as bridge between the worlds of the visible and invisible in

order to bring balance and harmony to a middle ground. The Balinese

concepts of illness and wellness, rely on the concept that a seen and unseen

reality exist side by side and interact, this results in two basic categories for

defining types of illnesses in Bali. The two categories used to define illness

also help to understand the type of healer an individual will choose.



-Sekala (Illnesses from the Visible World):

The first category of illness is what westerns traditionally conjure up

when they word illness is placed in mind. This category can be referred to as

sekala, and is defined as illness from the seen world (Hobart, 2003: 54).

These types of illnesses are known to arise from natural self-evident causes.

Sekala are generally minor physical illnesses that have obvious direct

physical causes, causes include infection, age, and poor health habits

(Hobart, 2003: 54). Physical illnesses in the category of sekala are often

caused by disharmony, especially between the internal state of an individual

and the state of the external world in which they live, examples include colds

from changes in weather, food poisoning, imbalances from improper diet, or

problems with aging such as eye-sight (McCauley, 1979: 5).

For most Illnesses in the sekala category individuals will go to modern

doctors or nurses or may visit healers known for their knowledge of herbs and

homeopathic cures (McCauley, 1979: 4-9). Generally natural diseases are

those accompanied by symptoms like pain, fever, or rashes, and they respond







18

effectively to modern medical treatment, when physical symptoms are not

responsive to modern medical treatment patients often suspect that the

natural disease was caused by a supernatural being and will go to a

traditional healer to find out what has caused the disease and what offerings,

sacrifices, or practices must be done to appease the supernatural force of

causation in order to regain wellness and harmony within the body

(McCauley, 1979: 6-8). Despite the type of healer that Individual chooses the

intent of the treatment is restore balance in the body and bring it back to a

harmonious state.



-Niskala (Illness from the Invisible World):

The second category of illness is unique to the general western-based

concepts of medicine. This category can be referred to as niskala, and is

defined as illness resulting from the unseen world (Hobart, 2003: 54).

Supernatural causes are like the wind playing on a rice terrace in Bali, they

themselves are unseen, yet the effects may be seen and felt. These types of

illnesses are believed to stem from invisible supernatural forces, such as the

gods, nature or ancestral spirits (Muninjaya, 1983: 35). Illness may result as

punishment from angry gods or ancestor due to a lack of proper veneration,

ritual, or offerings (Conner & Asch, 1986: 70-74). The Balinese also believe

that illness may result from neglect of demon spirits (Hobart, 2003: 54).

Although the Balinese do not worship demon spirit they do leave them

offerings that are thought to distract the demons from causing harm, illness,

or misfortune. The neglect of spirit siblings may also result in illness, or

illness and misfortune may result from laws of karmic cause and effect

(Hobart, 2003: 54). Supernatural and unseen causes may also result in illness

and misfortune due to the disruption of balance between natural forces, for

example illness may result after a death or crime in a village, or after

childbirth or during menstruation. It is believed that the village becomes

impure or imbalanced when natural forces are disrupted and the individuals

or community must undergo purification rituals, as impurities are believed to

lead to a weakened and imbalanced state causing individuals and

communities to be susceptible to evil forces and illnesses (Gunawan, 1983:

55).

Although causal forces are unseen, to the Balinese this is not significant

in the acceptance of recognizing cause. Many illnesses that result from

invisible cause are believed to have deliberate human causes such as black

magic, revenge, or spells (Hobart, 2003: 54). During the rainy season there is

an increase in disease and illness, although this is acknowledged to be in part

due to natural causes, supernatural causes too are believed to greatly affect

illness during the wet season (Gunawan, 1983: 56). The Balinese believe that

the increase in illness during the rainy season is due to demonic influences as

the rainy season is a time of year when black magic practitioners are believed

to transform themselves into various forms known as leyak, bringing illness







19

and misfortune to those they encounter (Gunawan, 1983: 56). When the

leyaks transform themselves, the physical body is believed to stay in bed

asleep in human form, while the leyaks transformed shape will manifest as a

physical reality of the night (Eiseman, 1989: 129). Leyak are believed to be

actual community members who have they ability to transform into many

things including animals, light, or the strongest form of leyak being wind

(Covarrubias, 1937: 322-5). Leyak gain their abilities by birth, spell, or

amulet and it is believed that some leyak have secret knowledge of the lontar

manuscripts, which they spend years studying to use for black-magic or

malevolent purposes (Eiseman, 1989: 128). Some people are able to sense

leyak in their human or transformed form and are considered more

susceptible to illness, harm, or even death that the leyak may cause (Suryani

& Jensen, 1992: 322-5). The leyak are one example of a form of malignant

witchcraft or sorcery in Bali, many other examples of Balinese witches and

demonic forces that cause illness or suffering can be given.

On the island of Bali witchcraft is associated with the Hindu goddess of

destruction and the underworld, Durga (Hobart, 2003: 108-112). Witches are

thought to be uncivilized, jealous, greedy, and obnoxious, they are opposed to

the ways of benevolent gods and righteous citizens. They are considered

opposite of all that is normal and decent, and are believed to enjoy things

that ordinary Balinese find morally outrageous, revolting and disgusting

(Howe, 1984: 212-217). Although sorcery and witchcraft are spoken of within

the Balinese communities as strong and widespread cosmic forces, actual

accusation of witchcraft is rare; leading to a disjunction between belief and

practice (Howe, 1984: 213). Based on the disjunction between belief and

accusation the concept rather than the action of witchcraft itself may play a

functional role in maintaining balance and harmony within the individual

and the community.

Sociological theories include such well-worn hypotheses as those which state that fear

of accusation prevents people from behaving in antisocial ways likely to provoke the

anger of a witch or sorcerer, or that people are persuaded not to act like witches lest

they themselves be accused of being one (Ellen, 1993: 18).

The theory of the conceptual function of witchcraft and sorcery is also noted

by Conner and Asch who discuss how individuals in the Balinese community

who are eccentric and display social deviance may be accused of witchcraft

(1986: 68). When sorcery or other forces of the supernatural are thought to be

affecting the wellness and balance of a person or group, a balian is sought to

restore harmony and balance (Hobart, 2003: 54).



-Choices of Care:

Illnesses caused by supernatural forces may result in physical disease,

yet most often they are manifested as mental illness. Individuals who

experience illnesses believed to be caused by unseen supernatural power

generally visit traditional healers in order to be healed (McCauley, 1979: 4-9).

Most often healing of supernatural causes involves sorcery and contact with





20

the spirit world, frequently the balian will go into a trance state to allow for

direct communication with the supernatural cause of illness (Conner & Asch,

1986: 21-33). The Balinese believe that balians are capable of treating

natural illness as well as supernatural while modern doctors are only capable

of treating natural illnesses; this gives the balians increased credibility as

they are able to help patients achieve equilibrium in regards to the concept of

tri hita karana (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 17) There are a variety of types of

balians a patient will visit dependent on the perceived illness (Conner &

Asch, 1986: 30-39). Many Balinese choose to go to both balians and modern

doctors, and it is rare that a Balinese will visit a modern doctor only, as

modern doctors cannot fully recover a patient since they tend to disregard the

supernatural powers and macrocosm which are necessary elements to the

Balinese for truly retaining a harmonious state of being (McCauley, 1979: 1-

20). Balians are unlike western doctors in that they generally do not search

for a direct physical cause of, or correlation to illness (Hobart, 2003: 54-61).

Balians make their diagnosis‟s by noting the history of the patients

complaint, examining the body, examining the patients relationship with

family and community members, and examining the patients relationship to

gods, spirits, and ancestors (Conner & Asch, 1986). In view of the Balinese

conception of health and wellness, balance and health cannot be maintained

by modern medicine alone, so despite socio-cultural factors affecting health

care practices traditional healers are crucial to the wellness of the Balinese

and their communities.



-Dynamic Worlds of Bali:

All members of the Balinese communities, whether they are defined as

traditional healers or not, have important roles in the system of Balinese

healing, in that all community members function in some way to establish

balance and harmony within the body, home, or village. Balinese act to

maintain balance between the three worlds of Bali, which collectively exist as

one. The three worlds of the Bali include the spirit world, the human world,

and the underworld (Eiseman, 1989: 5-6). The Balinese are all important in

the Balinese context of healing as they act to maintain balance between the

worlds, with the human world being regarded as the middle ground. The

individual, family, and community that exist on the middle ground are all

important factors in the biophysical and conceptual realities of the Balinese.

When an individual is ill, the family and community not only may play

contributing roles in the imbalances or illness, they may also function to

restore equilibrium and balance not only by physically nurturing the ill

individual but also by such acts as ceremonial attendance, ritual offering and

performance (Conner, 1984). The idea of the three worlds of Bali, like the

concept of tri hita karana, is a foundational concept upon which Balinese

beliefs of wellbeing are built, it is impossible to discuss, diagnose, or heal

from an emic cultural perspective without recognizing the role of the larger







21

environment of man in his or her wellbeing. The dynamic key concepts of

balance and imbalance, harmony and chaos, purity and impurity, dark and

light, good and evil, are not truly forces of distinction rather they all exist in

dependency to the other and it is the responsibility of all healers and

community members to maintain these forces in a harmonious balance in

order to ensure individual and communal welfare.



Acquiring Healing Power:

-Innate and Inherited Powers:

There are various ways in which individual‟s within the Balinese

communities acquire the skills or power to heal by traditional methods. As

has been discussed, all Balinese are born into a system in which they are

required as functional community members to performing healing acts, either

through ritual, ceremony, performance, or other forms of art (Hobart, 2003).

Power can be hereditary or innate, achieved through training, meditation or

asceticism (Hobart, 2003: 59-61). In discussing acquisition of healing power I

will be referring specifically to those individuals who are recognized by fellow

community members as tradition healers, balians. According to Kapferer, in

the context of healing, sorcery, and witchcraft, kasktian (power) is best

interpreted as being simultaneously creative and destructive (1997). Inborn

ability is very rarely recognized as a mode of acquisition of healing power

among the Balinese (Boedhihartono, 1982: 24). After a healer has experience,

they may develop intrinsic or intuitive powers known as ilmu tetenger,

allowing the healer to experience a form of psychic vibration in the client or

in their own body as they perform healings (Muninjaya, 1983: 35) Although

innate and intuitive powers of healers are believed rare, healers within the

Balinese community may acquire their healing powers through inheritance.

Skill may be passed down from elder family members to children or younger

relatives. Healers that gain power through inheritance may include, but are

not limited to scholarly healers (balian usada), bone setters (balian tulang),

masseuses (balian apun, balian uat), midwifes (balian manak), homeopathic

specialists (balian paica) and various other types of traditional healers who

demonstrate a wide array of therapeutic skills (Conner & Asch, 1986: 25).



-Nyantrik (Education and Apprenticeships):

All types of healers who fall under the category of having inherited

powers may also be placed with those healers who gain their power through

education or apprenticeships. In further discussing acquisition of power

through education and apprenticeship here, I will focus on those who learn

and study under trained literate scholarly healers, balian usada (Conner &

Asch, 1986: 24). The practice of learning and serving under an established

scholarly healer in order to gain medical knowledge and skill is traditionally

referred to as nyantrik (Boedhihartono, 1982: 26). Those who train to become

scholarly healers (balian usada) study the ancient palm leaf manuscripts







22

known as the usada. Only men are allowed to study the usada and must

study under a trained master for years (Hobart, 2003: 60).



-Tirakatan, Nglakoni, Mesu Raga, and Mesu Brata (Meditation and Denial of

Bodily Desire):

Individuals who wish to gain healing powers may also due so through

meditation and suffering (Boedhihartono, 1992: 25-26). Usually the

individual who chooses this route will deny all pleasurable bodily desires and

isolate themselves in a holy place while they fast and meditate with the

intention of acquiring spiritual strength (Boedhihartono, 1992: 25-26).

Through spiritual cleansing and suffering the participant will try to

commune with the sacred and ask the spirit to grant them powers to heal and

cure (Boedhihartono, 1992: 25-26). The actions of meditation and suffering to

gain healing powers are known as triakatan, nglakoni, mesu raga, or mesu

brata (Boedhihartono, 1992: 25-26).



-Tiban and Wahyu (Sudden Miracles and Blessed Madness):

There are some individuals such as Jero Tapakan, who Conner

researches and interviews, that acquire miraculous healing powers that occur

after a period of suffering and psychological trauma, this type of acquisition

is known as blessed madness (Conner & Asch, 1986: 6, 248-9). Those who

experience blessed madness may display behavior and experiences that

appear as though they are crazy or mad, this may be accompanied by vision

and voices and may continue until the spirits divine them to become healers

(Conner & Asch, 1986: 6, 248-9). Once the individuals who experience blessed

madness begin to put their healing powers to practice in the community they

often take the role of spirit mediums, and act as vessels for spirits to enter to

communicate directly with the human world (Conner & Asch, 1986: 240-255).

In most cases of blessed madness or miraculous acquisition of power, the

recipient of power is usually not previously seeking it, nor do they have prior

intention of becoming a healer, rather they come to their calling by a process

of divine inspiration and power which is gifted to them by supernatural

cosmic forces (Boedhihartono, 1982: 26).



-Perewangan (Possession):

Another mode of acquisition that is directly related to blessed madness

in which healing powers can be acquired without being directly sought is

through possession, is referred to as perewangan; the word perewangan

stems from the word for servant, rewang (Boedhihartono 1982: 26). The

healer who experiences perewangan may enter a possession state to perform

healing through trance or during non-altered states of consciousness

(Boedhihartono 1982: 26). Suryani and Jensen describe a woman who

became possessed, when first possessed she would act mad and was able to

communicate directly with the gods (1993: 61-63). The gods told her to pray







23

and sacrifice (Suryani & Jensen: 1993, 61-9). She followed the orders of the

gods and would move in and out of states of possession until eventually she

became an established balian during her states of possession (Suryani &

Jensen: 1993, 61-9). When performing as a balian her personality and

demeanor would change to that of an old man, usually she would not

remember her role or actions when performing healing, and when her healing

work was completed she would revert back from being possessed to her

normal self (Suryani & Jensen: 1993, 61-9).



Types of Traditional Healers:

The type of healer an individual chooses to visit may be dependent on

one or a combination of factors including; the imbalance, problem, or illness

the individual client or group are dealing with, the convenience of accessing a

specific healer, the amount of power the healer is perceived to have, or the

healer‟s reputation (McCauley, 1979: 1-20). It has been estimated that there

are over 1000,000 traditional healers in Indonesia, with an average of more

than one per every 1,500 persons (Boedhihartono 1982: 21). There are a wide

array of types of healers in Bali, and the three categories for which I have

chosen to distinguish them are not necessarily fixed, as each individual may

have one specific specialty or may have healing techniques and skills that

place them in multiple categories. Other systematic classification can be

found in the works of Geertz (1962), Suparlan (1978), Koentjaraningrat

(1979), Conner (1986), Boedhihartono (1982), Muninjaya (1982) and Hobart

(2003).



-Balian Usada (Scholarly Healers):

Of all the diverse healers in Bali, scholarly healers are the most revered.

According to Muninjaya, about 42% of the healers in Bali are balian usada

(1982: 39). The balian usada are known for their elite knowledge of the

ancient medical manuscripts, usada, and their potent powers. The authority

and status of the balian usada within the community is increased and

supported by the fact that they usually come from the elite high ranking

castes and the fact that all are males (Hobart, 2003: 59-60). Even if a woman

wanted to become a scholarly healer it would be very difficult for her since

menstruation is deemed as impure and would thus be an obstacle in pursuing

the life of a literate healer which requires fasting, meditation, and studying

that often takes place in sacred spaces where purity must preside (Ruddick,

1989: 38). Also if a woman is seen out at night alone or frequenting powerful

magical or sacred sites, practices which are often necessary if one is to

become a scholarly healer, she may be accused of witchcraft (Howe, 1984:

212-217). The scholarly healers must spend years in training and

preparation before they are able to exert their power in the community as

healers. The scholarly healer generally inherits the right to become an

apprentice through their patrilineal heritage (Hobart, 2003: 23), while those







24

who do not have children may teach others who are not related to them in

order to pass on their healing skills; as continuing the tradition through

passing on medical knowledge is deemed as extremely important to the

balian usada (Muninjaya, 1982: 38-9).

Medical knowledge is passed on and must be learnt to become a literate

medical specialist, yet ironically not all balian usada are literate. “For some

the main qualification is the possession of the medical texts rather than the

ability to read them” (Conner & Asch, 1986: 24). While most balian usada

are literate elites, some peasant balians also base their practices of healing

on the lontar texts, although formal training is important it is not absolutely

necessary. Even if an individual has studied the usada extensively they will

not necessarily be well venerated or respected, as true power as a healer

comes from the cosmos and the best way to gain legitimization as a balian is

based on divine omens or communication with the deities (Conner & Asch,

1986: 25).



-Balian Takson (supernatural Healers):

Supernatural healers are termed balian takson; placed in this category

are spirit mediums (balian taksu or balian tapakan) (Hobart, 2003: 60). Spirit

mediums act as direct bridges between the spirit and the physical worlds, the

word taksu means to be a witness of the gods, while tapak means to enter

(Conner & Asch, 1989: 261). Unlike scholarly healers, spirit mediums are

usually female, and come from lower castes Conner & Jensen, 1986: 30-33).

The spirit mediums receive their power as healers through divine inspiration,

after an illness or accident or through blessed madness (Hobart, 2003: 23).

Although spirit mediums may achieve influence and increased status in the

community, they are usually less respected than scholarly healers or

sorcerers since their role as healers requires no training and they have not

intentionally acquired elite knowledge or power to aid in the wellness of other

human beings, these reasons for limited social status when compared with

balian usada are compounded by the fact that spirit mediums are usually

unmarried and childless women (Hobart, 2003: 88).

Also unlike scholarly healers who have community ties and

relationships to their clients, clients usually travel outside of their villages to

visit spirit mediums who they do not know personally; this practice may be

due to a desire of the client to keep some sense of privacy at home as “spirit

mediums are at the center of client networks based on ties of kinship,

friendship, and economic relations” (Conner & Asch, 1986: 25) Spirit

mediums often gain clientele through reputation as seen in the film A

Balinese Trance Séance; community members may choose a spirit medium

outside of their village based on the recommendations from neighbors,

friends, or relatives.

Spirit mediums although not usually literate, do have knowledge about

customary laws and rituals that should be preformed and they play a large







25

role in helping the community to maintain balance and harmony as they give

advice on ritual, offering, and action that should be taken (Conner & Asch,

1986: 26). Spirit mediums act in a variety of ways to bring balance and

wellness to individuals and the community, they act as village priests,

perform séances and trance performances, contact and act as vessels for

spirits, deities, and ancestors to communicate with humans, and give

medicinal advice, amulets, tonics, massage, and blessings to the their clients

(Conner & Asch, 1986 and Hobart, 2003). Spirit mediums play an important

role in the cosmology of the Balinese as they are bridges who allow clients to

communicate with the supernatural world, bringing together the seen and

unseen dimensions of life, supporting a clients concept of reality, and possibly

helping them to reconstruct immediate notions of reality so that clients may

feel capable of bringing peace and balance to themselves under times of

stress, through understanding and harmonizing with the forces that

surround them and exist within them.



-Therapeutic Healers:

The last classification of healers I will present, are therapeutic healers,

these healers are most often illiterate and do not have access to the ancient

lontar palm leaf manuscripts (Conner & Asch, 1986: 25) Therapeutic healers

include “bone setters (balian tulung), masseurs (balian apun, balian uat),

(and) midwifes (balian manak)” (Hobart, 2003: 23). Balian apun and balian

tulung are able to set bones, relieve pain, heal sprains, and correct

dislocations, this is done with massage and physical manipulation of the body

and may be combined with “supernatural manipulation of mystical forces

through mantras and offerings” (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 49). Therapeutic

healers do not necessarily need formal education or apprenticeship although

most skills preformed must be learnt, it is possible to receive information and

skill for therapeutic techniques through possession, visionary experience,

divine inspiration or directly from the gods (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 79).

Aside from the power to heal, the status and validity of a therapeutic healer

may be further increased if they learn their skills through inheritance and

are descendant of a well regarded healer (Conner & Asch, 1986: 25). Most

therapeutic healers practice their skills on clients within the villages in

which they live. The therapeutic healers gain their reputation through

successful practice and will be extremely popular if they gain a reputation for

miraculous healing techniques and cures (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 71-8).





Traditional Structures and Methods Involved in the Maintenance of

Harmony and Balance:

In conjunction with the array of types of traditional healers in Bali,

there are a wide variety of traditional methods and structures involved in the

maintenance of harmony and balance within the Balinese system of healing.







26

-Ceremony:

Ceremonies in Bali occur almost daily, and like other traditional

Balinese concepts and aspects of life involved in healing, have remained

relatively unchanged in value and form despite globalization and

modernization (Suryani & Jensen, 1998: 11). The ceremonies in Bali are

methods of great importance within the Balinese system of healing. The

function of ceremony is to maintain harmony and balance within and

between man and the material and spiritual aspects of his or her

environment. Balinese beliefs are expressed, manifested, and reconciled by

the ceremonial involvement in their daily lives. Muninjaya states, “…

ceremonies show how they worship their God, how they recognize and honor

the spirits surrounding them and how they live together in their community

and family compound” (1982: 37). Muninjaya describes five general types of

ceremonies collectively referred to as Panca Yanda, the five duties of life

(1982: 37). These Panca Yanda include:

(1) Dewa Yadnya, the worshiping of God and his manifestations. The main activities

are seen during temple ceremonies.

(2) Pitra Yadnya, the purification of the soul after death. These ceremonies are

conducted after cremation of the body.

(3) Buta Yadnya, the ceremonies for earthly spirits. For example every morning after

cooking housewives put simple offerings on the left side of the door and in the

middle of the house compound so as to maintain harmony between man and his

spirit environment.

(4) Resi Yadnya, priesthood ceremonies. These are the offerings of thanks to a priest

after he has taken part in ceremonies.

(5) Manusi Yadnya, life cycle ceremonies. These start with the first movement of the

fetus in the womb, mark birthdays, include tooth filing and wedding ceremonies,

and finish with cremation. (Muninjaya, 1982: 37)

Many scholars have given detailed descriptions of various ceremonies and

festivals that fall under different categories within the Panca Yanda, these

include but are not limited to those that are dedicated to spirits, gods, and

goddesses, to a specific form of art such as woodcarving, fasting, retreating,

and purifying ceremonies, ceremonies for the dead, harvest festivals, and

ceremonies and festivals held to commemorate special anniversaries (Belo,

1953; Boon, 1977; Conner 1986; Covarrubias, 1937; Hobart, 2003; Hooykas,

1977; and Suryani & Jensen 1993). The various ceremonies form and support

collective rituals and beliefs, which aid in the establishment and practice of

communal and individual daily customs and activities.

Ceremonies serve to bring the community together as they usually include

the participation of a number of people who must cooperate and have specific

roles to play; ceremonies may include the family, banjar, or all Balinese as

the ceremony of panca wali krama does (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 11).

Ceremonies all serve in bringing individuals and their environments together

in different ways. Temporal and spatial factors are very important in

ceremonies, as place and time are key factors in the success and meaning of

the various ceremonies that have been described by numerous scholars (Belo,

1953; Boon, 1977; Conner 1986; Covarrubias, 1937; Hobart, 2003; Hooykas,





27

1977; and Suryani & Jensen 1993). The ceremonies function to bring man

together with the supernatural and macrocosmic spheres of life. The

numerous types of ceremonies are important parts of rites of passage and

necessary for maintaining harmony in the Balinese as individuals and within

collective units, as they serve to establish a sense of identity and place in

time and space, and aid in bringing the three worlds and forces of life in Bali

together in balance.

Ceremonies are extremely important within the Balinese system of

healing. According to Hobart, within the Balinese context ceremonies are

necessary for social health and can be viewed as a form of medicine since they

are therapeutic and healing in their nature (2003: 167-8). It is also expressed

by Hobart that the Balinese fear anger and that chaos may erupt within the

body, family, or community as a resultant cause of anger. (2003: 28-37).

Ceremonies are also functional in the context of healing as they may act as

cathartic stages for the healthy release of anger, pressure, fear, and rage

which could otherwise be manifested as chaos within the family or

community or as illness in the body (Littlewood, 1992: 46). Ceremonies not

only function as rites of passage helping to establish mental health through

supporting healthy psychological individual and group activity and identity,

they also function as preventative medicine as they are believed to protect

against demonic influences and other supernatural forces through pleasing

gods and spirits who may otherwise cause illness or chaos (Obeyesekere,

1991: 118-30).

All ceremonies in Bali are important in the daily lives of the Balinese

and relevant to the context of healing much could be written about each

ceremony that is held in Bali. One of the many extremely important

ceremonies in Bali is Galungan (Hobart, 2003: 167-207). Galungan is

temporal in nature, it celebrates the creation of the world in relation to time

according to the Balinese calendar (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 12-3). It is and is

held on the eleventh week 210 day cycle (Suryani & Jensen, 1993: 12-3).

Galungan can be placed under the ritual categories of dewa yadnya and buta

yadnya, as the festival is given for the purpose of appeasing demonic spirits

and paying homage to gods, spirits, and ancestors (Hobart, 2003: 203). One

Balinese villager states, “Galungan is like medicine for it soothes and gives

pleasure” (Hobart, 2003: 167). During the festival all gods, including the

supreme deity come down to earth to be honored and to receive offerings and

praise (Hobart, 2003: 167-204). Galungan celebrates the whole of the cosmos

and represents through performance how the forces of dharma (goodness) are

manifested over evil; the festival is important in merging the spiritual and

physical worlds of the Balinese and in manifesting concepts of balance, as

both forces of light and dark, visible and unseen are venerated and balanced

to achieve and maintain harmony (Hobart, 2003: 167-203).



-Temples, Shrines, and Offering:







28

Spatial location and areas of worship, ceremony, and ritual are also

extremely important in the Balinese system of healing and the maintenance

of balance and harmony. There are more than 10,000 temples in Bali,

although nature is also revered as a sacred space where worship may occur,

most ceremony and ritual take place in temples or at shrines and there are

even festivals called odalan that celebrate a temples founding (Suryani &

Jensen, 1993: 11). All temples in Bali welcome all community members

regardless of socio-economic status, age, race, gender, or religion (Suryani &

Jensen, 1993: 11). Within each village there are many temples, each may

serve a specific purposes in group or individual worship (Hobart, 2003: 30-1).

Each temple within the community and the home has shrines embedded

within them (Hobart, 2003: 31-3). Shrines may also have specific purposes

and may be dedicated to certain entities such as a certain spirit or god, a

specific aspect of nature such as the sea, or a specific created space such as

the village or home (Bali: Beyond Good and Evil). Temples, shrines, and holy

places must always be kept pure as they are spaces traditionally used for

healing and communion with the supernatural world (Muninjaya, 1982: 43).

Temples and shrines are used by healers and individuals as spaces to

commune with the supernatural through prayer and offering; thus they are

structural manifestation within space and time of humankind‟s relationship

with the supernatural. Offerings are seen from restaurants to street corners,

as they are placed all around the island of Bali. Conner and Asch recognize

offerings as being integral in uniting the Balinese people with the world of

the supernatural as they “…form one of the main elements of worship and

supplication, exorcism and propitiation” (1986: 70). As is showed in the

ethnographic film on the Balinese healer, Jero Tapakan, offerings are

relevant to the Balinese system of healing as they can be made to reestablish

wellness in times of illness, to appease spirits who are causing chaos, and to

prevent illness or chaos from occurring. Although men do make offerings,

daily offerings for the family are usually done by the women, some of whom

spend their whole lives learning about ritual offerings and may practice

healing through teaching and advising others on proper ritual action

regarding offerings (Conner & Asch, 1986: 71).

Daily offerings are made to ancestors, demons, spirits and gods, they are

generally small and usually consists of plant and food materials (Conner &

Asch, 1986: 71) Most all offerings and prayer are accompanied by lit incense;

in the film, The Three Worlds of Bali, incense is described as a doorway for

spirits to enter and leave, the smoke of the incense brings the essence of the

offering or prayer to the heavens and the spirits whom reside there. The

spirits are not believed to desire the material essence of the offering, rather

they seek the essence of the art, beauty, and care that was placed into the

creation of each offering (Bali: Life in Balance). More elaborate offerings are

given at ceremonies and festivals, where village members spend up to weeks

creating the beautiful gifts to the gods, after the essence of the offering is







29

consumed by the goods the offerings may be taken home and the material

remains maybe consumed by the humans (Conner, & Asch 1986: 71-72).

Offerings are used by traditional healers and community members to interact

with the supernatural realm in order to maintain or reestablish harmony and

wellness on both individual and collective levels.



-Trance and Séance:

Offerings and Prayer are not the only ways to communicate with the

supernatural, in Bali trance and séance also act as methods of healing that allow for

direct communion between the human and spirit world. Unlike western concepts of

trance and possession, the Balinese view possession as positive and welcome spirits

into their live, homes and bodies; unless they are considered to be malevolent spirits

(Suryani & Jensen 1986: 174-7). In the film on Jero Tapakan, Jero Tapakan:

Balinese Healer, Jero is showed going into a trance state, the state allows the

healer to act as a vessel of communion, allowing her clients to communicate directly

with the spirit worlds, in order to heal and to prevent misfortune from occurring.

The Balinese do not use mind altering or hallucinogenic drugs to enter trance states

although according to research they do experience mind altering states and may

have hallucination when in trance (Suryani & Jensen, 1986: 28-30). The altered

state of consciousness during trance in Bali is referred to as nadi; nadi allows

individuals to enter into other realms of being and communicate with deities,

ancestors, and spirits (Hobart, 2003: 88-100). Trance is not only used by traditional

healers it may also be used be community members who participate in performance,

ritual, or religious activity (Suryani & Jensen, 1986). Balinese also may enter into

trance states during the performance and creation of sacred dance, music and art;

these states allow for divine inspiration and performance once again reestablishing

the connection between the sacred and profane and bringing balance, beauty and

harmony to the Balinese (Suryani & Jensen, 1986: 108-28).



-Arts:

The Balinese have no word for art; it may be implied that this is so due

to the engrained nature of art in everyday life and the possibility that to the

Balinese, life is art and there is no distinction for created matter such as the

term art implies, since in the Balinese cosmology creation is constant. The

arts of Bali such as dance, music, mask making, and shadow puppetry are

also modes of healing. Within the arts of ceremonial craftsmanship and

performance community cooperation is necessary. The importance of

cooperation functions to unite individuals on a collective community based

level thus aiding in maintaining harmony within the group structures.

Examples of dance, theater, mask-making and puppetry show the importance

of myths in maintaining a sense of self making them extremely important in

the construction of the Balinese cosmology and system of healing (Hobart,

2003). Through performance theater and art, myths become a lived reality,

gods and spirits are manifested through art and human consciousness on a







30

collective and individual level is increased as creation and performance

involve imagination, cooperation, integration, and ritual (Hobart, 2003: 124).

The healing performances and art of Bali combine the worlds of the seen and

unseen and light and dark, and aid in the transformation and creation of

physical and mental realties, which are foundations upon which the

definitions of self and wellness are built.



-Pakas (Amulets and Drawings and Holy Water):

Along with material objects such as ceremonial masks, tangible objects

such as amulets, drawings, and holy water may actualize vital cosmic energy,

bringing power and healing benefits to individuals and groups. These tools

used by healers to gain kasaktian (power) are referred to as pakas (Hobart,

2003: 62-3). There are many types of amulets used by healers. The amulets

are infused with power through sacred drawings and symbols that are placed

on them or through sacred syllables that are breathed onto the amulet as

specific mantras are chanted by the healer (Hobart, 2003: 63). When clients

come to healers with problems or needs, the healer will give them an amulet

for specific healing purposes to be carried, worn or placed in a sacred space

(Hobart, 2003: 79). Sacred stones and coins are also worn as amulets by

healers, the healers gain power through these amulets and use the acquired

power as well as the amulets themselves on patients during healing practices

(Werner, 1993: 274). The amulets bring powers of healing to both the healer

and the client.

Drawings too can be viewed as an extension of the healer‟s powers and

are powerful in their innate nature, as they are composed of sacred symbols

(Hobart, 2003: 63). There are 100‟s of sacred drawings used in Balinese

healing practices, the majority of drawings are used for protection and may

be placed on specific points of the body, on paper, or on some other material

form (Hobart, 2003: 62-72 and Werner, 1993: 274-8). When drawings are

made on material form other than the body, they are wrapped in paper and

tied with a string, the recipient is not able to examine the drawings or they

will loose their power (Hobart, 2003: 63-72). Drawings and sacred symbols

unite humans to the supernatural as they are related to religion, myth, and

magic, and act as healing agents bringing power and beneficial rewards of

wellness and prosperity to the recipient.

Holy water unlike amulets and drawings does not function so much as to

bring power to a person or place, rather it is used to purify, cleanse, and

prevent evil forces from polluting a body or space (Eiseman, 1989: 51). They

function of holy water promotes aspects that are necessary for the

maintenance of wellness. Water has a central place in the Balinese religion

and all water is sacred to some degree in daily life (Hooykas, 1973: 11). There

are different types of holy water are used by priests and healers for

purification purposes. Holy water is commonly referred to as toya and when

it comes from a high priest, is made holy through an extremely sacred ritual







31

or mantra, or is derived from a potent sacred source it is classified as tritha

(Eiseman, 1989: 52) any water can be made holy by qualified Balinese who

place it in a clean container and then in a sacred space, such as a temple or

shrine, and imbues it with pure and reverent thoughts (Eiseman, 1989: 54).

When more potent holy water is desired individuals will travel to sacred sites

in nature, sacred structures, of revered priests and healers to get the water

(Eiseman, 1989: 58-60).Holy water is sprinkled on a site or being to cleanse or

impart a sense of sacredness to the being or area (Hobart, 2003: 76). Holy

water is a critical component of Balinese daily life. All the uses for holy

water are extensive in number as it Holy is involved in all ceremonies, and

most rituals,; one of the most severe punishments within Bali is to be denied

access to holy water (Eiseman, 1989: 51-62). Sacred objects used in healing

(pakas) are instruments used to purify and center the patient, space, and

healer involved in the specific context. As objects become sacred in space

through the passing of time, ritual, and meaning they not only serve as

agents of power and balance they also bring a sense of cosmic power and

unity to the human sphere.



The Balinese System of Healing in the Global Context and what can be

Concluded?

The goal of this research was not to deconstruct Balinese values or

question Balinese concepts of healing, health, and identity, rather it was to

understand the historical context through which the Balinese derived their

notions of self in relation to issues of health and harmony. This research

does not conclude that traditional or modern methods of healing are

conflicting, as both are utilized by the Balinese and viewed as effective and

valuable (McCauley, 1979). Despite modernization, globalization, scientific

methods, and technologies, traditional healers and methods of healing

remain important bridges between the three worlds of Bali, and are integral

in maintaining balance, harmony, and health amongst the Balinese.

Although modern medicine may prove through science to have better results

in the treatment and diagnosis of illness, the approaches of traditional

healers and methods of healing within Bali are necessary in order to

maintain the Balinese cosmology and traditional concepts of self and being,

and are therefore valuable regardless of scientific evidence.

Modern scientific medicine can learn from Balinese traditional healing

practices and the holistic approaches they take in viewing the patient beyond

the physical realm. In taking a more holistic approach to medicine and

looking at a patients beliefs, social relationships, spiritual health, and

embedded environment along with their physical being, surely healers will

derive more thorough diagnosis and optimal methods of treatment. Within

the Balinese cosmology the human cannot be separated from their embedded

socio-cultural environment. In the context of the Balinese the state of being

includes the family and village, nature, the physical and spiritual cosmic







32

forces of the universe, and the supreme God. The Balinese system of healing

thus refers to the concepts, structure, and methods of health and wellness

that correspond to the complexities of maintaining balance and harmony

within the Balinese cosmology.









Master‟s List





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