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City Template

AmsterdamError! Reference source not found.







Basic information on ethnic minorities

and

their participation.





Report according to the grid for city

templates

of the MPMC-project.









By drs. Karen Kraal

and drs. Aslan Zorlu

Institute for migration and Ethnic Studies

(IMES)

Rokin 84

1012 KX AMSTERDAM

The Netherlands

Contents



I Basic data



1.1. Size

1.2. Relative significance of the city in region and country

1.3. Cycles of migration for the country

1.4. Cycles of migration for the city

1.5. Composition of immigrant and ethnic minority population in

Amsterdam

1.6. Generational make-up and differences within immi-

grant/ethnic minority populations.

1.7. Concentration

1.8. Mobilization/organization

1.9. Political, syndicalist and religious affiliation of the different

ethnic groups.



II Relevant Political Structures



2.1. National level.

2.2. Local level

2.3. Immigrant and ethnic minorities related political structure



III Case group features (Turkish minority).



IV Relevant research.



4.1. Economic and social participation of ethnic minorities

4.2. Housing of ethnic minorities

4.3. Education of ethnic minorities

4.4. Political participation of ethnic minorities

4.5. Cultural claims of ethnic minorities



V Other information supporting comparison.



References.

I BASIC DATA





1.1 Size.



The Amsterdam region consists of the city of Amsterdam and the sur-

rounding local municipalities which are together labelled "ROA" (Regional

Organ Amsterdam). The whole region includes 1.3 million residents. More

than 50 % of these residents live in the city of Amsterdam (715.000), the

remaining live in the surroundings: about 257,000 residents in

Amstel-Meerlanden, 146,000 in Waterland, 140,000 in Zaanstreek and

98,000 in Almere (O+S, 1994, 1997).

The city of Amsterdam encompasses a territory of 22,037 hectares.

The population density is about 4283 residents/km2 and the average house

density is 2154/km2. About one quarter of the territory is residential area

and one quarter is water. Industrial areas and `green space' occupy respec-

tively 13% and 16% of the total territory.



Since 1990 the administration of Amsterdam has been decentralized. The

city of Amsterdam now consists (in addition to the Binnenstad, the old inner

part of town) of thirteen city districts1:

1 Westerpark

2 Oud-West

3 Oost/Watergraafsmeer

4 Zeeburg

5 Bos en Lommer

6 De Baarsjes

7 Zuid/De Pijp

8 Zuider-Amstel (Buitenveldert/Rivierenbuurt)

9 Amsterdam-Noord

10 Geuzenveld/Slotermeer

11 Osdorp

12 Slotervaart/Overtoomse Veld

13 Zuidoost

Population density and land use vary widely between districts. Oud-West, De

Pijp and De Baarsjes are the most densely built on: more than 10,000

houses per km2. The average density per dwelling is the lowest in old

neighbourhoods, such as the Jordaan and the Pijp (about 1.6 people per

house) and the highest in new building areas, such as the Middelveldsche

Akerpolder/Sloten, Eendracht and Gein (2.7 people per house) (O+S, 1990,

1994).



1

.These districts are the new division of the city of Amsterdam. Formerly, the city consisted of

17 districts. Tables in this city template are based on the old division.

After a long period of decrease, the population of Amsterdam began to

increase again in 1985. This rise levelled off at the beginning of the 1990s,

caused by two factors: immigration from foreign countries (especially from

Turkey and Morocco) was less than in previous years, and the absolute

number of native Amsterdammers declined as a result of increasing emi-

gration from Amsterdam to other regions. According to recent predictions,

however, the increase of the population will continue until 2015 (821,000

residents estimated).



1.2 Relative significance of the city in region and country.



Amsterdam holds an important position as the capital city of the Nether-

lands (The Hague being the residence city of the National government and

parliament) and is

found at the intersection point of trade and political lines. The economy of

Amsterdam provides 6% of the GNP (Gross National Product) and is mainly

concentrated in commercial, financial and transport services. Almost half of

the production in Amsterdam is exported to either foreign countries or other

parts of the Netherlands (Van der Vegt and Poot, 1991, pp. 9-10).

Banking business, commerce and related services, the tourist industry

and publishing are concentrated in Amsterdam. The city is the financial

centre of the Netherlands, home of the country's main international airport,

Schiphol, second sea port after Rotterdam and the national powerhouse of

arts and culture.

The presence of the Dutch Central Bank, the Stock Exchange and the

European Options Exchange underline the powerful position of Amsterdam

as a financial centre. Moreover, Amsterdam offers locations for head quarters

of multinational corporations from countries including the United States,

Japan and South Korea. The city is ranked tenth among business centres in

the European Union countries.

The connection with other parts of the World is provided by the (sea)

port of Amsterdam and Schiphol airport. The port of Amsterdam ranks fifth

among Western European ports and seventeenth among world ports.



1.3 Cycles of migration for the country.



In 1947 there were 104,000 people of foreign nationality in the Netherlands;

1.1 percent of the total population. The vast majority of these people were of

European origin. In the post-War period, migration to the Netherlands and

emigration from the Netherlands has been determined by political processes

and economic developments. Directly after World War II, between 1946 and

1972, the Netherlands had a labour surplus which resulted in the emigra-

tion of 481,000 Dutch citizens to Canada, the United States, Australia and

New Zealand. Emigration was generally dominant until the beginning of the

1960s, except for three short periods: 1945-1947, 1949-1951 and 1957. In

these periods the Netherlands experienced a positive migration balance

caused by immigration from the Dutch East Indies/Indonesia as a result of

the decolonization process (independence of Indonesia in December

1949). In total, 300,000 repatriates and immigrants arrived in the Nether-

lands between 1946 and 1962 (Penninx et al., 1994: pp. 7-9).

By the mid-1950s, the Dutch economy began to grow. This process led

to a labour shortage in certain sectors of the economy, such as mining and

industry. The system of `temporary guest-workers' was applied to fill

vacancies in these sectors. Initially Italian workers were recruited on a small

scale. Then workers from Spain, Portugal, Turkey, Greece, Morocco,

Yugoslavia and Tunisia followed. The number of `guest workers' increased

even more through spontaneous immigration from these countries. In 1967,

74,000 people from recruitment countries lived in the Netherlands.

After the oil crisis of 1973 the Dutch economy stagnated and labour

recruitment stopped. Immigration, however, from recruitment countries

(especially from Turkey and Morocco) continued caused by family reunifi-

cation, and more recently, marriage migration. Recruited workers as well as

those immigrating through family reunification were predominantly un-

skilled and semi-skilled people from rural areas in sending countries (Pen-

ninx et. al., 1994).

Following family reunification, the residence of immigrant workers

began to take on a permanent character. This was stimulated by both poor

labour market conditions in source countries (Turkey, Morocco etc.) and

official policies of immigration countries (Penninx, 1979, pp. 104-107).

Governments of source countries were furthermore strongly interested in

remittances of migrant workers. These added to foreign exchange reserves

necessary to finance the import of raw materials and high-tech goods.

The labour market position of immigrant workers in the Netherlands

deteriorated in the second half of the 1970s and also in the 1980s as a result

of the transition process of the Dutch economy. Labour-intensive sectors,

such as shipbuilding and textiles, moved towards low-wage countries

(Kloosterman, 1996). Unemployment among immigrants began to increase.

These two developments forced the Dutch government to adjust its policy

relating to immigrants. The assumption of temporary presence had to be

rejected and replaced by an expected permanent presence. Some political

rights and an active labour market policy directed to (unemployed)

immigrants seemed inevitable.

Another immigration wave took place before the independence of the

former Dutch colony of Surinam (1974-1975) followed by a second peak after

the decolonization (1979-1980). This migration was not triggered by labour

market considerations. Before the independence of Surinam, the Surinamese

were Dutch citizens and free to settle in the Netherlands. After the

independence of Surinam in November 1975, Surinamese had in principle

become aliens and thus subject to restrictive admission policies. This did not

prevent, however, the Netherlands from being a destination of a sizeable mi-

gration movement of all ages and educational backgrounds (Amersfoort and

Cortie, 1996).

In the period 1960-1970 the immigrant population in the Netherlands

doubled from 117,000 in 1960 to 235,000 in 1970. In the following decade

the foreign population doubled again and reached 473,000 in 1980. The

growth in 1980-1990 was smaller, 36 percent (Penninx et al., 1994, p. 17).

In 1995 there were 757,000 people with a foreign nationality in the Nether-

lands. If one takes naturalization into account, the figure for the population

of non-Dutch origin is higher (Tesser, van Dugteren and Merens, 1996, pp.

20-23; Heijs, 1995, pp. 206-211).2

The age and gender composition of immigrant groups changed in the

course of time per group. In the case of labour migrants from the Mediter-

ranean countries, such as Turkey and Morocco, the great majority of the

immigrants was male in 1965. Among all foreign immigrants in that year, 75

% were men, a similar proportion were men aged 20-39 years and 61 percent

immigrated alone, without family members. When family reunification

became the main motivation for immigration after 1974, this pattern began

to change in favour of females (Penninx 1979, pp. 92-107). Thus, in 1985

only 51 percent of the new immigrants from Turkey were men, 47 percent

from Morocco were men, and the percentage of men in the age group 20-39

years among the whole immigrant population declined to 37% (Penninx et

al., 1994, pp. 33-36). The immigration pattern from the Northern EU, the

other northern countries, and from Surinam and the Antilles shows a more

equal representation of male and female. The largest group of elderly people

are among Surinams, followed by Turkish people, then Moroccans and

Antilleans.3



4

Table 1.1 Population per 1-1-1996, according to ethnic origin and gender.









2

. The total number of the population of non-Dutch origin includes another main category of

immigrants, refugees, who arrived in the Netherlands from Hungary (1956), Portugal (1960s) and

Czechoslovakia, followed in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s by Ugandans, Chileans, Uruguayans,

Argentineans, Ethiopians and Eritreans, Vietnamese, Cambodians, Surinamese, Iranians,

Turkish Christians, Kurds, Poles, Iraqis, Bosnians and others (Penninx et al. 1994; O+S, 1994,

BSM-Gemeente Amsterdam, 1996) .



3

.The composition of the Turkish, Moroccan,Surinamese and Antillean communities according to

gender is given in table 1.1. Table 1.2 presents the figures according to age.



4

.Ethnicity is defined on basis of the country of birth of the person involved and on the country of

birth of the mother and father (see section 1.5).

Error! Turks Moroccans Surinams Antilleans

Reference

source

not

found.

Men 144.849 122.797 136.683 46.506



Women 126.915 102.456 145.627 47.008





Total 271.764 225.253 282.310 93.514





Source: CBS (1997) in: Smeets, Martens en Veenman, 1998.

Table 1.2 Ethnic groups in Amsterdam according to age, 1 January 1997.

Error! Surinams Antilleans Turks Moroccans S.Europeans non-indus- in- Dutch Total

trialised dustr.coun-

Reference countries tries

source not

found.Age

0-4 5706 897 3705 6148 865 6242 2210 16308 42081



5-9 6317 912 3516 6088 829 4912 1670 13227 37471



10-14 6372 855 2837 5727 796 4027 1419 10569 36260



15-19 5563 791 2801 5139 1021 3741 1546 11662 32264

20-24 5863 900 3064 4519 1623 4629 4051 27531 52180

25-29 7346 1310 3391 4489 2425 6887 8780 47567 82195

30-34 7704 1229 3478 4188 2129 8020 9391 44557 80696



35-39 7120 1089 2376 3370 1181 7526 7352 35745 65750



40-44 5612 875 1607 2571 981 6450 5554 29891 53541

45-49 3760 696 1321 2018 1187 3878 5666 30088 48614

50-54 2558 432 1018 1709 1022 1683 4263 25810 38495



55-59 1919 236 925 1670 916 1021 3613 19691 29991

60-64 1534 167 508 920 634 715 3147 18211 25836

65-69 1066 108 192 296 302 520 2708 19287 24479



70-74 792 54 72 94 142 469 2212 19755 23590



75-79 419 46 23 38 60 261 1473 17339 19659

80-84 264 16 16 14 33 152 1166 12499 14160

85 + 178 6 11 2 26 144 1191 9901 11459



Total 70093 10619 30852 49000 16172 61277 67412 409638 715063





Source: O+S 1997 in: Scholten, 1997.

From the total population of Amsterdam 28 % is below 25 years. The ethnic

minorities population is younger than average. Among Turks and Moroccans

respectively 51% and 56.4 % is younger than 25 years, from the Surinams

and Antilleans respectively 42.5% and 41% belongs to this age group. Native

Dutch and persons from other industrialized countries have less people

under the age of 25 (19.4 % respectively 16.2%) From the almost 200,000

inhabitants of Amsterdam who are younger than 25 years, 40% is of Dutch

origin and 5.5% comes from the other industrialized countries. More than

half (54.5%) belongs to one of the ethnic minorities.

The balance between the sexes is not always equal. Overrepresentation

of women is found among immigrants from European countries like Poland,

Austria, former Czechoslovakia and Finland, and from Thailand, Dominican

Republic and the Philippines. Overrepresentation of men is found among

Italians, Egyptians, Sudanese, people from India, Pakistan, Iran, Iraq,

Liberia and Sri Lanka.



1.4 Cycles of Migration for the city.



For many centuries the Netherlands were a shelter for people who had to

leave their country for economic reasons or their political or religious beliefs.

Amsterdam especially attracted a lot of newcomers. Cycles of migration for

the city correspond strongly with cycles of migration for the country.

In 1580 the first great immigration wave took place. In the 16th

century the Southern and Northern Low Countries were officially part of the

Spanish empire. In 1568 a revolt split the North and the South. When in

1585 Angers was reconquered by the Spanish troops more than 100,000

South Netherlanders fled, fearing persecution because of their protestant

belief. They were mainly highly specialised craftsmen and workers who were

welcomed in Amsterdam with open arms. In the period 1531-1606 Am-

sterdam's population grew from 30,000 to 60,000 people. A second

immigration wave took place at the end of the 17th century. French

Huguenots (protestant French) fled to Amsterdam because Louis XIV ended

their protection. In Amsterdam they were offered permission to settle and

carry on their trades. In a short period Amsterdam received 12,000 new

inhabitants. Many of them started publishing firms. From the 17th till the

late 19th century thousands of German men came to the Netherlands and

Amsterdam for seasonal work. In the course of time many of them settled in

Amsterdam by starting their own stores and factories like bakeries and

butcher's shops. At the end of the 19th century many German catholic

textile-entrepreneurs settled in Amsterdam.

Not only refugees from the South Netherlands, France and Germany

found a place in Amsterdam. More immigrants who either could not settle in

other parts of the Netherlands or their native country, because of

unemployment or discrimination and persecution, moved to Amsterdam. For

example, Jews from Portugal (at the beginning of the 17th century, who fled

for persecution by Philippe II) and Middle and Eastern Europe (especially in

the 18th century, who fled the pogroms in Poland and Russia) found a place

in Amsterdam and opportunity to exercise the rituals and beliefs of their

ancestors.

Migration waves after the Second World War are already broadly

discussed in paragraph 1.3. Cycles of migration for the city correspond

closely with cycles of migration for the country. When in the mid-`50s Dutch

economy began to grow, many guestworkers came to the Netherlands. In

1967 about 25% of the 74,000 people from the recruitment countries living

in the Netherlands, lived in Amsterdam. In the period 1968-1981 the im-

migrant population in Amsterdam more than doubled. In 1996 there lived

304,500 people of ethnic/immigrant origin in Amsterdam (for composition

see table 1.3).

After the Second World War, there were also newcomers who settled in

Amsterdam and had fled their country because of their political or religious

belief. Newcomers like the Hungarians in the `50s, Chileans in the `70s and

Yugoslavs in the `90s.

Table 1.3 Population of Amsterdam according to ethnic groups*, January 1st 1982 - 1996; prediction 2000-2015





Error! 1982 1984 1986 1989 1990 1992* 1994 1996 2000 2005 2010 2015 %

Reference source 1996(2015)

not found.

Surinamese 39542 41338 45659 52757 54839 62045 67,900 69,600 77,800 85,400 92,100 98,000 9.6(11.9)

Antilleans 4501 4778 5773 8473 9063 10684 10,600 10,500 12,200 13,600 15,000 16,300 1.4(1.9)

Turks 15421 16130 17486 21028 22405 28664 30,900 31,000 35,600 39,500 43,000 45,800 4.3(5.5)

Moroccans **) 22170 24933 27435 32274 33701 41623 46,100 48,000 54,800 62,100 68,500 73,700 6.6(8.9)

South Euro- 12423 11128 10673 11210 11278 14489 16,100 16,300 17,300 18,300 19,100 19,800 2.2(2.4)

peans ***)

non-industrial- - - - 16248 15763 50151 57,000 59,700 72,600 87,000 101,100 114,600 8.3(13.9)

ized countries

industrialized - - - 23479 23707 70132 71,100 69,500 72,400 74,800 77,300 79,800 9.6(9.7)

countries



Dutch 578508 549139 540845 529521 524465 435705 424,600 413,600 405,000 399,100 384,600 373,100 57.5(45.4)



Total 700861 676524 679363 694990 695221 713493 724,200 718,100 747,600 780,000 800,700 821- 100(100)

,000





Source: BSM-GA, 1996





*) The broad definition is used from 1992 onwards: those who are born in the country of origin mentioned, plus those who have at least one

parent who is born there.

**) Between 1982 and 1992, including Tunisians and Algerians.





***) Italians, Portugese, Spaniards and (former) Yugoslavians.

1.5. Composition of immigrant/ethnic minority populations in

Amsterdam.



Since 1993, government institutions have applied a new definition in regis-

trations to determine whether a person is `allochtonous'. Country of birth (of

the person or his/her parents) is the decisive criterion. A person is regarded

as `allochtonous' if he/she or his/her parents are born outside the

Netherlands. The main groups in the published tables are Surinamese, Antil-

leans, Turks, Moroccans, migrants from a South European country, other

non-industrialized countries and industrialized countries. The latter category

is called allochtonous but is not a target group of the

ethnic minorities policy. According to the new definition, `allochtonous

people' or immigrants are defined in two categories (national figures): (1) 1.3

million people who are born abroad and whose parents are also born abroad

(first generation); (2) 0.4 million people who are born in the Netherlands, but

have at least one parent born abroad (second generation) (Tesser, van

Dugteren and Merens, 1996, pp. 13-23).

Between 1981 and 1992 the share of non-native residents increased

annually by approximately 1 percent. Since 1992 this increase has levelled

off and since 1994 immigration from Turkey and Morocco has strongly

declined. In addition, the decrease in the absolute number of native Dutch

population and people from industrialized

countries led to a decrease in the total population of Amsterdam, from

724,200

(1974) to 718,100 (1996) (BSM-GA, 1996). The composition of the

Amsterdam population has scarcely changed since 1996. The number of

people from non-industrialized countries -- they are mainly refugees and

family members-- is expected to increase less strongly.

Table 1.3 shows the number of ethnic groups in Amsterdam in

1982-1996, and the prediction for 2000-2015. In general, one could say that

the minority population in Amsterdam grows faster than the native

population. This due to a higher birth rate and continuing immigration.

Apart from the figures above, the following developments are observable for

the Amsterdam minority population:



 declining fertility rates

 declining number of households

 increasing age of marriage

 increasing number of single-parent families

 decreasing number of new-comers as a result of restrictive immigrati-

on policies since 1994

1.6. Generational composition and differences within immigrant/ethnic

minority populations.



About 25 to 40 % of the various ethnic groups belong to the so-called 'second

generation'. With respect to migrants from the industrialized countries this

figure is higher: from them more than 50 % belong to the second generation.

From the first generation of all ethnic groups, 44.5% stays longer than 15

years in the Netherlands. Table 1.4 presents in detail the distribution of the

first and second generation for various age and ethnic groups.

The vast majority of children under twelve years old belongs to the se-

cond generation. There are very few adults of 26 years and older in this

generation (except for migrants of non-industrialized countries). They were at

least six years old when they came to the Netherlands. This means that the

second generation is mainly attending school or entering the labour market.

For the country as a whole the second generation among Turks is the

biggest with 104,000 people this is 3,000 more than the second generation of

Surinamese. In the past six years the second generation of Turks has grown

by 60%, of Moroccans by 66% and of Surinamese and Antilleans by 30%

(Smeets, Martens + Veenman, 1998).

Table 1.4. Ethnic groups in Amsterdam according to generation and age, 1-1-1996.



Ethnic group. Second generation First generation.

Error!

Reference

source

not

found.Age

0-4 Surinams 5749 -



Antilleans 792 -



Turks 3654 -



Moroccans 5901 -



South.Eur. 761 -



Non.industr. 5423 -



industr. 1991 -



Total 24271 -



5-12 Sur. 8340 -



Ant. 873 -



Turk. 4134 -



Moroc. 7626 -



Southeur. 876 -



Non.ind. 5127 -



Industr. 1993 -



Total 28969 -



-



-







13-17 Sur. 3847 -



Ant. 366 -



Turk. 1893 -



Moroc. 3285 -



Southeur. 650 -



Non.ind. 1786 -



Industr. 1097 -



Total 12924 -



18-25 Sur. 3298 6463



Ant. 464 1025



Turk 1052 4065



Maroc 1286 5936



Southeur. 1282 1411



Non.ind. 1489 5563



Industr. 4278 2386



Total 13149 26849

26-54 Sur. 2303 29616



Ant. 502 4718



Turk. 89 12561



Moroc. 75 17005



Southeur. 1132 7294



Non.ind. 1881 30717



Industr. 21354 19536



Total. 27336 121447







Source: O+S 1997.

1.7. Spatial and Economic Concentration.



Residential:



Ethnic minorities are characterized as a typical urban population category.

In 1992, 61 percent of the minority population lived in cities with more than

100,000 residents. Forty-four percent of the minority population lives in the

four largest cities

(Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Den Haag, Utrecht) while (only) 13 percent of native

Dutch people lives in these cities. Table 1.5 indicates the distribution of the

minority population in the former 17 districts of Amsterdam (including

Binnenstad).

As table 1.5 shows, the distribution of minorities in Amsterdam is

rather unequal. The two extremes of the continuum are:

1 districts in which the percentage of minorities is lowest: Buiten-

veldert, Watergraafsmeer, Zuid, Binnenstad and Rivierenbuurt (between

12.4 percent and 18 percent);

2 districts in which the concentration of minorities is highest: Zuid-

oost, Zeeburg and Bos en Lommer (between 50 percent and 57.2

percent).



Economic:



Determinants of concentration and segregation in (Dutch) cities are partly

linked to the kind of migration. Turkish and Moroccan migrants came for low

and unskilled labour in industry and settled in industrial centres in or near

the cities. Surinamese and Antilleans came to study or sought work in the

service sector. All was available in the big cities of the Randstad Urban

conglomeration, roughly consisting of the area between the big cities

Rotterdam, the Hague, Amsterdam and Utrecht.

In Amsterdam, people work especially in the service sector: healthcare,

social work, social-cultural care, banks, insurances and other business

services. Turks and Moroccans do not follow this pattern. They work mainly

in industry, trade and catering. They hardly work in business services.

Table 1.5 Distribution of the ethnic minority population and native Dutch in 13 districts in Amsterdam, 1996.





Error! Reference source Suriname- Antilleans Turks Moroccans South non-indus- industriali- native total %minor-

not found. se Europeans trialized zed coun- Dutch ities

countries tries

Binnenstad 2870 706 693 1361 1841 5961 13,327 52,386 79,145 17.0

Westerpark 2,933 343 1,254 3,048 1,090 2,706 2946 17,627 31,947 35.6

Oud-West 1,821 310 1,107 1,657 989 2,320 4,111 20,493 32,808 25.0

De Pijp 2,401 331 1,501 2,712 1,297 2,744 3,832 19,830 34,648 31.7

Oost 4,516 431 2,431 4,170 1,060 3,165 2,723 15,585 34,081 46.3

Zeeburg 4,285 370 2,952 4,204 997 2,715 1,879 12,333 29,735 52.2

Bos en Lommer 2,469 268 4,312 5,594 839 2,229 1,733 13,956 31,400 50.0

De Baarsjes 2,738 324 3,690 4,030 1,088 2,488 2,780 18,661 35,799 41.0

Zuid 1,615 366 798 1,349 1,129 3,343 8,092 34,964 51,656 16.6

Rivierenbuurt 1,149 194 467 881 721 1,480 3,453 18,872 27,217 18.0

Watergraafsmeer 916 140 357 837 837 352 1,104 17,446 23,173 15.6

Noord 6,574 817 2,832 4,049 1,240 5,451 5,400 58,913 85,276 24.6

Geuzenveld/Slotermeer 2,957 328 3,635 4,768 687 2,564 2,773 20,153 37,865 39.5

Osdorp 2,553 331 2,091 3,767 586 2,308 2,801 23,210 37,647 30.9

Slotervaart/Overtoomse 3,463 298 1,747 3,980 717 2,825 3,186 23,270 39,486 33.0

veld

Buitenveldert 530 92 89 114 269 1,187 3,098 13,025 18,404 12.4

Zuidoost 25,560 4,764 1,042 1,326 1,359 15,073 4,997 31,881 86,002 57.2





Total 69,578 10,468 31,028 47,950 16,305 59,697 69,439 413,626 718,091 32.7





Source: BSM-GA, 1996

1.8. Mobilization, organization.



Immigrants became more and more visible in Amsterdam by mobilizing

themselves, for example by protesting against certain events and the

organisations they formed.

The 1970s can be seen as a turning point in the way immigrants

are perceived and treated: the awareness that the Netherlands are an

immigration country is growing. The presence of ethnic minorities has

acquired a permanent character on the one hand, but on the other

hand there is an increase of violence against minorities. In 1977, for

example, a Turkish man was deliberately thrown into a canal in Ams-

terdam and drowned.

In the beginning of the 1980s the number of violent incidents

increased. On August the 20th 1983 a fifteen year old Antillean, Kerwin

Duijnmeier, was killed by a sixteen year old 'skinhead'. This led to a

massive protest against racist violence all over the country. A big

demonstration was held in Amsterdam and the death of Kerwin

Duijnmeier has been remembered every year since. During the following

years the scope of the demonstration broadened to a process against

racism and the extreme right in the Netherlands.

On October the fourth 1992 an El Al aircraft crashed on the Bijl-

mer (the South East district). Among the people killed, were many

'illegals'. This led to a politicisation of the 'illegal' issue in the

Netherlands, the result of which is a more strict minority policy .

Migrants in the Bijlmer formed different organisations to help the

victims of this catastrophe.

In October 1994, 2000 Turks protested in Amsterdam against the

development plans of the Baarsjes city district council. The Turkish

organisation Ayasofia and the city district were, and still are, in dispute

about the development plans of a former garage and a piece of ground.

Ayasofia bought the garage and ground to build a larger mosque, a

sportsbuilding, bathhouse and room for courses and other activities.

The Turkish community collected 3.5 million guilders to accomplish this

project. A project that traversed the negotiations of the city district and

their plans to build houses. The city district was of opinion that it was

not possible to give more than 1000 square meters to the Ayasofia,

since 101 different nationalities with different wishes live in the Baar-

sjes. The Ayasofia wanted 5000 square metres since there was a strong

demand for the proposed facilities which would help people to overcome

their isolation. According to Sunier (1995) this dispute is closely linked

to the wish of (religious) recognition. Since muslims have a (permanent)

place in Dutch society, they want to be acknowledged in their religious

needs.

In 1997 a Turkish family named Gümüs was threatened with

eviction. This

led to much protest and discussion. In the Netherlands a residence

permit is given to those who have worked in the Netherlands for six

years or more and have paid taxes and other contributions. Gümüs

could not prove he had worked for six years, so he, his wife and their

children (who were born in the Netherlands and went to school in Am-

sterdam) had to leave for Turkey. The population from the Pijp, where

Gümüs lived, organised many protests, but the Secretary of Justice

would not make an exception and Gümüs and his family were sent to

Turkey.



Migrant organisations:



In Amsterdam, migrant organisations are active in various areas of

social life. Some organisations provide religious services while others

are directed to promote political participation or to influence public

decision making processes. Most organisations are subsidized by the

city of Amsterdam, the city district(s) or other government levels.

Relevant minority organisations which are known to the city of Amster-

dam are registered in the so-called `Social Map of Multicultural Amster-

dam'.5 These organisations are:



Antilleans and Arubans

1 Ata-Carta foundation

2 Guadirikiri foundation

3 FORSA Amsterdam, foundation

4 Mama foundation

5 SAN-East

6 Puente Natural foundation

7 El Gramadear foundation

8 Sembra

9 Cabinet for Dutch-Antillean and Aruban affairs



Armenians

1 Ararat foundation



Assyrians

1 Tur-Abdin Netherlands federation



5

. Recent research by Tillie and Fennema (1997) on Turkish organisations indicated that 106

active organisations of/for the Turkish community in Amsterdam were registered. This implies

that there exist many more migrant organisations than the number of organisations which are

reported here (refer also to Alink, Berger, Tillie and Fennema, 1998, for Moroccan organisations).

Chinese

1 Chinese Bridge foundation

2 Union of Chinese entrepreneurs Amsterdam

3 Ho-Yin, Chinese women organisation Amsterdam

4 National federation of Chinese organisations in the Nether-

lands

5 Tung Lok, union of Chinese old people

6 Wa Lai, Chinese centre



Eritreans

1 Organisation of Eritreans in the Netherlands



Ghanese

1 Amansie Youth Association

2 Amsterdam Youngsters club

3 Interdenominational Welfarehouse Ghanian Youthcommunity

founda tion

4 Ghanaian community Netherlands foundation

5 Kwahuman Association of the Netherlands

6 Representative council of Ghanaian organisations in the

Netherlands

7 SIKAMAN foundation



Greek

1 Greek community in Amsterdam



Italians

1 Instituto Italiano di Cultura per i Paesi Bassi



Iranians

1 Persian cultural youth centrum, foundation



Yugoslavs

1 Union of Yugoslavs

2 Home for Peace and Non-Violence foundation



Cape Verdians

1 Capeverdian Embassy

2 Capeverdian Consulate-General



Kurds

1 Midia, Kurdish union in Amsterdam

2 Kava, Kurdian Employees in Amsterdam, foundation

Latin Americans

1 Organisation Latin America activities

2 Latin-American youth employment foundation



Moroccans

1 General Moroccan culture, foundation

2 Al Rissala, foundation

3 Amsterdam Moroccan council, foundation

4 Argan, Moroccan youth centrum

5 Assadaaka union

6 Ibn Khaldoun foundation

7 I Zaouran foundation

8 KMAN-youth

9 Committee Moroccans WAO-victims

10 Committee of Moroccans workers in the Netherlands, KMAN

11 Committee of Moroccan workers, department Oud West

12 Moroccan council Bos en Lommer

13 Moroccan council Zeeburg

14 Moroccan students union in Netherlands

15 Moroccan women union in the Netherlands

16 Marvo foundation

17 Nasser foundation

18 Organisation Moroccan women Amsterdam

19 Osdorp Moroccan platform

20 Billal, Moroccan inhabitants eastern innercity foundation

21 Darna, shelter for Moroccan boys

22 Golden River, working group Rivierenbuurt

23 SHMJ, Assistance Moroccan youth foundation

24 El Itihaad Chora foundation

25 Marhaba, Moroccan elderly people foundation

26 Moroccan girls centre

27 Moroccan womenwork

28 Moroccan youth Osdorp, prevention project

29 Moroccan teachers union

30 Moroccan Women/womenwork neighbourhood centre de Pijp

31 Moroccan workgroup Rivierenbuurt

32 Meraat Amsterdam

33 Social Counsellors, Moroccan hours of business

34 UMMON, Unions of Moroccan Muslimorganisations in the

Nether lands



Moluccans

1 Barak-G, foundation

2 Media collective ORAS, foundation

Pakistanis

1 Pakistan social-cultural centre



Portuguese

1 APA, Portuguese union of Amsterdam



Somalians

1 African Somalidoon, foundation

2 Federation of Somalian associations in the Netherlands

3 SONECUW





Spaniards

1 Molinos de Viento



Surinamese

1 Abaisa Surinamese cultural organisation

2 Anand Joti foundation

3 Kwakoe, Surinamese youth centre, foundation

4 Our Surinam union

5 SAN-Noord

6 SAN-Oost (Surinamese/Antillians/Dutch people)

7 Sibi Boesi

8 Sitara foundation

9 SSA, Partner in intercultural problems region Amsterdam

10 Winti information and documentation centrum Netherlands,

foundation



Tunisians

1 Touahid, Tunisian union



Turkish

1 Alevi cultural association Amsterdam

2 Alternatif, Turkish youth centrum foundation

3 Elele, Turkish women platform

4 Kulsan, foundation

5 STISCCAN

6 Turkish workers Islamitic social-cultural centre

7 Turkish cultural centre

8 HTIB, Turkish workers association

9 HTKB, Turkish women association in the Netherlands

10 Turkish work group Rivierenbuurt

11 Turkish work group de Baarsjes

12 Turkish house Westerpark, foundation

13 Turkish platform de Baarsjes

14 Turkish platform Bos en Lommer

15 Amsterdam committee elderly Turks

16 AEB, Amsterdam Turkish teatchers organisation

17 Anatolie foundation

18 HTDB

19 Turkish education centre foundation

20 Turkish democratic youth organisation

21 Turkish Islamic social-cultural centre foundation



Refugees

1 Amsterdam solidarity comitee refugees

2 Home for peace and non-violence, foundation

3 Platform refugee self organisations in Amsterdam and

surrounding areas

4 Work group refugees, Rivierenbuurt

5 Refugees organisations the Netherlands, foundation

6 Refugeework Amsterdam, foundation

7 Refugeework the Netherlands organisation



Gipsies

1 Lau Mazirel, association





1.9. Political, union and religious affiliation of the different ethnic

groups .



Political affiliation:



In the 1960s ethnic groups organised themselves to define their own

place in a new culture. Now, in the `90s, they are more concentrated on

fulfilling their needs, improving their societal position and influencing

the surrounding society. National origin, ethnic identity and political or

religious affiliation are the main grounds on which organisations are

based. The historical development of so-called 'self-organisations' differs

for each group. Determinants of these historical patterns are: length of

residence, ethnic-cultural background, the specific problems of the

different groups and governmental policy towards the specific groups. In

recent years the growth of organisations has stabilized, but still new

organisations are being established which deal with subjects such as

education or elderly people. On the national level more initiatives are

bundled in national (and multi-national) organisations.

In the second half of the `70s there was a sharp polarisation

between left and right organisations of Turkish migrants. This reflected

the political developments in Turkey. In the `80s many new organi-

sations were established, especially on the basis of religion. The most

important sources of conflict were: the Kurdish question and Islam.

Many Turkish and Kurdish organisations are linked to institutions,

organisations and movements in Turkey and sister organisations in

other parts of Europe.

Moroccans are mainly organised at the local level. Some

organisations stay in close contact with the country of origin, like the

left-oriented KMAN (Committee Moroccan Employees in the

Netherlands). The KMAN works together with 'agents' of King Hasan II

to fight against the rise of 'Islamisme'. On the national level there are

also moderate Islamic organisations who take up an independent

position towards the Moroccan government (Smeets, Martens en

Veenman, 1998).

The way in which Italian and Spanish migrants organise

themselves is strongly linked to political or union movements in the

native country. Greek and Portuguese migrants also have some political

organisations. For the Yougoslavs the war and rise of new states on the

former area of Yugoslavia influenced the organisations in the Nether-

lands. Multi-ethnic coalitions lost many members. New organisations

are divided along the new state lines. The organisations of Surinamese

are partly based on ethnic and religious lines. Their goals differ

strongly; from the realisation of social-cultural and creative activities, to

education, emancipation, information and the improvement of relations.

Surinamese elderly people have started organising themselves more and

more and a recent development is the establishment of organisations for

students with a Surinamese background. Antilleans and Arubans focus

on organisations at municipal level. Former national organisations of

various ethnic groups merged into FORUM, a new national minority

organisation which focuses on various projects for migrants and advices

the (local and national) government (Smeets, Martens en Veenman,

1998).



Union affiliation.



The way trade unions register their members makes it difficult to give

any clear figures on migrant participation. Members are not obliged to

indicate their nationality and even then allochtonous people with Dutch

nationality can not be traced. Syndicates can also be reluctant to give

any information. But in the non-discrimination code of syndicates it has

been decided that they will introduce a new registration system, where

nationality as well as ethnic origin will be included. 6 Despite this

'registration problem' the following can be said about the syndicalist

affiliation of different ethnic groups.

Because foreign employees would demand less (in terms of work

conditions) than native employees, trade unions saw their arrival as

threatening for the negotiations with employers. Therefore, the syndi-

cates restricted the attendance of foreign employees in deliberations

with employers and the government. In the `70s the big syndicates

began to pay extra attention to foreign employees and opened special

secretariats. 7 In research on the FNV (Federation Dutch

Trade-Unionism) it was concluded that the relation between trade

unions and allochtonous employees is not as good as it could be. The

level of organization of allochtonous people is low. Some of the `white'

members fear that attention to allochtonous people will harm their own

position. Possible reasons for the low organisational level of

allochtonous people could be: language problems, unfamiliarity with the

phenomenon of the syndicate (since most people come from rural

areas); incorrect image of the syndicate (caused by the specific situation

in the land of origin); no parent-to-child syndicate culture; not recogni-

zing themselves in the `white' syndicate; membership being too expensi-

ve; not seeing the profit; the syndicate not approaching them (as does

happen in Turkey) and alternative help from own organisations

(Stokman 1995).

Ethnic minorities did form their own syndicates. For example, in

1974 the HTIB (Turkish Employees Association in the Netherlands) was

established. It has a socialist background and is mainly focused on the

welfare sector. Turkish employers organised themselves, among others,

in the Turkish Dutch Entrepreneurs and Leaders Alliance and the

Turkish Business club the Netherlands. Moroccans established the

KMAN (Committee of Moroccan Employees in the Netherlands). The

KMAN strives for a better position for Moroccan employees in the

Netherlands. Italians and Spaniards established local departments of

native syndicate organisations. The Chinese have a Common Chinese

Association in the Netherlands, which serves the interests of a great

part of the restaurant holders. It seems that Antilleans and Surinamese

do not have their own separate syndicates.



Religious affiliation.



6

. Ethnicity is defined on basis of the country of birth of the person involved and on the country

of birth of the mother and father.



7

. An example of a secretariat specially for immigrant employees is the SEM (Secretariat for

Ethnic Minorities) of the FNV (Federation Dutch Trade-Unionism).

Religious belief is no longer included in the registry office for newcomers

and newborns. Since 1994, this information is also no longer included

in publica-

tions of the Central Bureau of Statistics. Based on old figures and

estimations the following can be said. Ethnic groups are more religious

than the native Dutch. Secularization is not common among them. The

new ethnic groups are mainly Islamic or Christian, but there are some

other groups, like Hindus and Buddhists. A tentative estimation based

on figures from 1989 and 1993 shows that in Amsterdam there are

15,000 Hindus, some thousand Buddhists, about 95,000 Muslims and

the same amount of Christians. About 25,000 migrants do not have any

religion. There are considerable differences between the native ethnic

groups as far as religious denomination is concerned. Surinam Creoles

are mainly Roman Catholic, the remaining Hindu or Islamic. Antilleans

are mainly Roman Catholic, Turks and Moroccans are mainly Islamic.

There is a very small Turkish Christian group. South Europeans are

mainly Roman Catholic. People from non-industrialized countries are

partly Islamic or partly belong to all kinds of Christian denominations

(Hoolt and Scholten, 1996).

Christians from allochtonous origin can join Dutch churches, but

they do so only sporadically. Other religious denominations must build

their own religious institutions in the Netherlands. In Amsterdam there

are 80 allochtonous church societies (more than 50% in the south east),

about 30 mosques, one Hindu temple and a Buddhist temple is being

built. There are Moroccan, Turkish, Surinamese/Pakistanese and

Surinamese/Javanese mosques where different languages are spoken

and different streams of the Islam are supported. The staff of the

mosques consist mainly of their own people, the pastor coming from the

country of origin. Religion is also expressed in the establishment of

Islamic schools; 29 Islamic primary schools function in the Netherlands

and 6 in Amsterdam (Hoolt and Scholten, 1996).

II. RELEVANT POLITICAL STRUCTURES



2.1. National level.



The Netherlands consists of twelve provinces. Each province is headed

by the so-called `provincial states'. The members are directly elected by

the population.

The political system of the Netherlands consists of three levels;

the

`Rijk' (national state), the province and the municipality. The

government consists of ministers under leadership of the

minister-president. Every minister is head of a ministry. The ministry is

divided in several departments where officials work. Officially the

Queen, Beatrix, is head of the State. But all she does must be approved

by the government, she has no political power and her function is

predominantly ceremonial.

The government is controlled by parliament consisting of the First

and Second Chamber. The 75 members of the First Chamber are

chosen for a

period of four years by the members of the Provincial States. The 150

members of the Second Chamber are chosen for a period of four years,

through general elections. The authorities of the Second Chamber reach

much further than those of the First Chamber. Every bill must have the

approval of the

Second Chamber before it can be submitted to the First Chamber. The

First

Chamber may do no more than accept or object to a resolution of the

Second Chamber. The Second Chamber has the possibility to take

initiatives for new legislation and to make changes in bills proposed by

the government and may force the government to step down if they have

`misbehaved'.

There are the following ministries; Common affairs; Foreign

affairs; Justice; Internal affairs; Education; Culture and Science;

Finance; Defence; Housing Department; Spatial planning and

Environment management; Traffic and Waterworks; Economic affairs;

Agriculture; Naturemaintenance and Fishery; Social affairs and Employ-

ment; Public health; Welfare and Sports.

All people with a voting right can express their choice for a party

in the Second Chamber. From 1994 till 1998 the Netherlands had a

so-called purple government: a combination of PvdA (social-democratic

party), VVD (conservative-liberal party) and D'66 (left-liberal party).

Elections were held on the 6th of May 1998 and again a purple cabinet

was formed with the PvdA, VVD and D'66. Table 2.1 shows the turn-out

of these votes.

Table 2.1 Distribution of votes for (and seats in) Second Chamber 1998.

Error! PvdA VVD CDA D66 Green SP Others

Referenc Left (Socialist

e source Party)

not

found.



Votes 32.3% 22.2 6.1 14.3 15.0 4.5 0.9





Seats 45 38 29 14 11 5 8



Source: O+S, 1998.









2.2. Local level.



Amsterdam is governed by a city council and a `college' of eight

aldermen, each with her or his own portfolio of tasks and areas of

responsibility (health, finance, transport etc). The aldermen are elected

councillors who have been selected by their party's representatives in

the council. They are chaired by the mayor. The aldermen remain mem-

bers of the full council and vote in its meetings.

The mayor is formally appointed by the monarch, advised by the

government and the main political parties. In practice, Amsterdam's

mayor is usually from the PvdA. The mayor chairs the city council and

the `inner council' or college of mayor and aldermen. He or she can vote

in the college, but not in the full council. As head of the police the

mayor is responsible for maintaining public order. The mayor also acts

for the city in dealing with `the world outside'.

The city council is the highest political authority in the city. It

takes all important decisions, from budget to infrastructural plans. The

45 seats in the council come up for election every 4 years. To vote you

have to be 18 years or older and registered in Amsterdam. Since 1985

foreigners can vote for municipal elections if they have (legally) lived in

the Netherlands for 5 or more years. The present city council (elected in

1998) consists of 45 members from 8 different parties.

Table 2.2 depicts the votes for the Amsterdam city council for the period 1970-1998

and the votes for and seats in the city council for 1998.

Error! 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1994 1998

Referenc

e source

not

found.

PvdA 23.5% 35.4 38.5 33.5 43.8 26.1 26.3 28.0

(social 15(seats)

democratics)



17.6 14.5 17.2 13.8 12.7 11.3 7.4 6.2

CDA 3

(Christian



democratics)



VVD 11.6 16.4 15.1 20.6 15.1 14.2 16.0 18.5

(Conservative 9

Liberal)



D'66 7.3 2.1 7.8 5.0 6.4 18.3 15.9 8.4

(Left liberal) 4

Green 17.2 26.4 18.9 22.8 13.1 15.4 12.6 14.8

Left 7

Others 22.8 5.2 2.5 4.3 8.9 14.7 21.8 24.1

5

Source: O+S, 1970, 1978, 1982, 1986, 1990, 1994, 1998.





Over the last twenty years the PvdA (social democratics) has had the

majority of seats in the city council. CDA (christian democratic) has lost

many seats in the course of time and D'66 (Left liberal) has gained a lot.



The administration of Amsterdam takes place in an open-government

style. The city council meets every second week in the council chamber

at the city hall which is open to the public during these sessions.

Debates are carried live on local cable radio. The preparatory committee

meetings are also conducted in public.

Specialist advisory committees are gaining increasing importance

as organs of government. The members of these committees are

members of the city council chaired by the responsible alderman. They

meet once or twice a month, usually in open sessions. Members of the

public who have contacted the council about `hot' topics will often be

invited to address the relevant committee.



In 1990 a major decentralisation took place in Amsterdam. The main

central council at the City Hall stayed in place, but Amsterdam was

divided into sixteen city districts (in 1998 this was changed in thirtheen

districts) . Each has its own elected council, `mayor' (in this case the

chosen chairman of the council) and team of civil servants. The

city-district councils are tasked with public aspects in their areas. This

includes housing, infrastructure, education, and socio/economic

facilities. The `City Hall' retains authority over strategic aspects (e.g.

police, health care etc.) and formulates broad developmental guidelines.

It remains also responsible for the centre of town (Binnenstad).

To improve living and working conditions in the big cities in the

Netherlands, the Ministry of Justice has started a project called

'Grootstedenbeleid' (Big Cities Policy). Special attention is paid to the

stimulation of the economy, the creation of work and the realisation of

safety. A large number of departments and (government)organisations

work together in this project on municipal and national/provincial

levels.



2.3. Immigrant and ethnic minorities related political structure.



The Netherlands did not perceive themselves as an immigration country

after the Second World War and emigration was stimulated. The

thought that immigrants would only stay temporarily led to a double

policy; a certain integration and functioning in society was demanded

for as long as immigrants stayed. After 1980, the government decided

that it was necessary to introduce a minority policy to integrate

minorities while also maintaining their cultural identity. The new cate-

gory of `minorities' is a policy category. Target groups of the minority

policies are socially and economically disadvantaged and are ethically

and culturally different. The minority policies are aimed at reducing

disadvantage especially in the domains of labour, education and

housing.

In recent years the accent has moved from `minority policy'

towards `integration policy'. The so-called newcomers policy is mainly a

naturalization policy. It is aimed at those newcomers, who as a

consequence of their personal background, run the risk of falling into a

disadvanteged state. For this reason people from industrialised

countries are not counted as newcomers. The municipalities have a

substanial scope in developing this newcomers policy.



Since 1985 immigrants have been eligible to vote (for) in local elections.

Each non-Dutch person who has continuously lived in the Netherlands

for more than five years and possesses a valid residence permit, is able

to use her or his right to vote. Immigrants who meet these conditions

participated four times in local elections: in 1986, 1990, 1994 and

1998. Immigrants and members of ethnic minority groups who have

Dutch nationality by birth or naturalisation always had those rights.

The turn out of minority groups in Amsterdam in 1998 varied: with

respect to Turks, Moroccans and Surinamese/Antilleans, participation

amounted respectively to 39%, 23% and 21%, a total turn out of 25%

(Tillie, 1998). The turn out of 1998 was much lower than in 1994. In

1994 with respect to Turks, Moroccans and Surinames/Antilleans,

participation amounted respectively to 67%, 49% and 30% (Tillie, 1994).

This result was notable because the participation of

Surinamese/Antilleans in other areas is significantly higher than that of

Turks and Moroccans.

The voting behaviour of ethnic minorities in the municipal

elections of 1994 is reported in table 2.3. The figures of 1998 are

presented in table 2.4.





Table 2.3 Voting behaviour of various ethnic minority groups in Amsterdam (1994).





Error! PvdA D66 Groen VVD CDA SGP/G- others total N

Reference links PV/RPF

source not

found.Origi

n

Turks 35% 13 12 2 37 - 1 100 420

Moroccans 39 6 50 2 2 - 1 100 382

Surinamese 48 13 27 3 4 - 5 100 626

Antilleans 40 14 23 5 9 - 9 100 94

other 33 14 20 10 14 - 9 100 723

migrants

total 39 12 26 5 13 - 5 100 2245

migrants

Total muni- 26.3 15.9 12.6 16.0 7.5 0.6 21.1

cipality





Source: Tillie, 1994

Table 2.4 Voting behaviour of various ethnic minorities in Amsterdam (1998).









Error Pvd D66 Gro VVD CDA SGP- SP Oth- Total N

A en /GPV- (socalist ers

! Link /RPF party)

Refer s

ence

sourc

e not

found

.Origin

Turks 47% 7 18 1 18 0 1 9 100 336

Mo- 57 3 33 1 2 1 0 3 100 247

roc-

cans

Sur- 56 3 20 4 3 0 3 11 100 379

/Ant

Total 53 4 23 2 8 0 2 8 100 962





Source: Tillie, 1998





The PvdA (labour party) clearly received most of the minority votes,

followed by Groen Links (Green Left) and the CDA (christian-democrats).

Compared to 1994 the CDA has lost many Turkish votes. The voting

behaviour of minorities in general is explained primarily by ideological

differences. Additional determinants of voting behaviour are religion

(Turkish voters), the participation of candidates from the own ethnic

group (Moroccans) and party size (Surinamese) (Tillie, 1994).



The political participation of minorities in the decision making process

may also be specifically related to the minorities policies of the

municipality of Amsterdam. Tillie and Fennema (1995) discuss the

minorities policy of Amsterdam on two levels: the official level which

refers to published memorials, laws, regulations etc, and the level of

practice which refers to interpretations and implementations of official

policies by institutions or organizations by way of

projects.

The official minorities policy of Amsterdam is based on the

so-called `memorial municipal minorities policy' published in 1989. 8



8

. While writing this city-template, a debate is held on revising the official minorities policy.

This policy is strongly related to the (perceived) social position of ethnic

minorities. Minorities,

especially Turks and Moroccans, have a poor education level, live in bad

housing conditions and are more often unemployed, compared to native

Dutch people. The official minorities policy has two main objectives:



(1) to abolish the disadvantage of immigrants and stimulate

upward mobility in society by increasing the accessibility of

scarce goods and services (education, housing, labour, income,

welfare) and to realize conditions for emancipating activities. In

order to realize these aims, three policy areas are considered:

education, housing and

employment. The policy considering education is directed at

preventing the

existence of so-called `black' and `white' schools, improving the

education

level and strengthening the position of immigrants in the educa-

tional field.

The labour market position of immigrants is to be improved by

implementing a policy of 'positive action'. Housing policies are

designed to arrange that immigrants will have better housing

conditions.



(2) to fight racism and discrimination, by making new rules as

well as by maintaining existing rules, with the object of breaking

unequal power relations.



Implementation of official minorities policy is strongly influenced by the

administrative organisation of the city of Amsterdam. Amsterdam

experienced, as mentioned, a decentralisation process. Some

administrative tasks are delegated to lower levels of government, i.e.

from the municipality to the city districts. Additionally, some other

governmental tasks are delegated to private organisations.

These two organisational changes seem to weaken the control of

the municipality of Amsterdam over the (official) minorities policy. Many

decisions related to minorities are taken by the city-districts and many

projects are performed by private organisations. Furthermore, a

considerable amount of available funds flows directly from higher levels

of government to executive (private) organisations, which lowers the

control of Amsterdam municipality on the minorities policy. This makes

it necessary to study minorities policies in practice.

A significant part of the minorities policy in practice is performed

by private organisations and immigrant organisations. Projects related

to immigrants are financed by different departments within the various

levels of the bureaucratic apparatus: the National government,

provinces, the municipality of Amsterdam, the city-districts. Some

projects are also financed by private organisations or by a combination

of both.

Immigrant organisations are important participants in the `min-

orities policy in practice'. The network of immigrant organisations and

their supporting organisations is summarized in figure 2.1. This figure

outlines the consultation structure, rather than a hierarchical struc-

ture. Organisations or sub-groups form coalitions on different levels of

policy and bureaucracy to create a power basis for consultations with

government organisations.





Figure 2.1 Network of immigrant organisations and their supporting organisations.









At the top level are the immigrant support organisations financed by the

municipality of Amsterdam and the province. These are run by

professional workers, carrying out tasks that are agreed upon with the

funding authorities. They support general institutions and immigrant

organisations to direct social or community work. Supporting

organisations are:

SOAA (Stichting Ondersteuning Allochtonen Amsterdam) which

gives mainly administrative and secretarial support to immigrant

organisations.

ACB (Amsterdams Centrum Buitenlanders) whose main objectives

are: general support of immigrant organisations, substantial

support, information to press and public, project development,

link between municipal government and trade and industry.

SSA (Stichting Surinamers Amsterdam) which supports the Su-

rinamese population in Amsterdam.

FORSA which support Antillean and Aruban population in

Amsterdam.



The second level consists of the so-called 'consultative bodies'. These

are created and financed by the municipality of Amsterdam and have an

office in the Amsterdam town hall. They advise the municipal

government on immigrant matters. The Moroccan consultative body

(SMR, Stedelijke Marokkaanse Raad) has its own separate premises. It

develops immigrant projects and has an informative function.

Finally, there are several immigrant (self) organisations on the

lowest level (see figure 2.1 and section 1.8).



Access to national citizenship.



Since January 1996 municipalities have had more responsibilities for

the naturalisation process. Immigrants who want to be naturalized have

to go to Burgerzaken (Civil Affairs) at the City Hall. There they fill in the

request. The immigration and naturalisation service (IND) receives a

complete file and will

check this. The number of non-Dutch people living in the Netherlands

that get the Dutch nationality has increased in recent years. Between

1992 and 1995 there was a clear doubling of the amount of people that

got the Dutch nationality in Amsterdam: from 3103 to 7159 people. In

1995 this fell to 5276 people; in this Amsterdam differs from the global

trend. The `new Dutch' are to be found among all ethnic groups.

To define one's nationality there are two principles: `ius

sanguinis': the right of the blood (the nationality of the parent is given

to the child) and `ius soli': right of the territory (nationality is

determined by birth on the specific state territory). The Dutch definition

takes a position in between. The third

generation of migrants automatically gets Dutch nationality by birth,

the second generation has an option between the age of 18 and 25 years

old and the first generation can only get Dutch nationality by natu-

ralisation. In 1992 the requirement to renounce the original nationality

was abolished so people can have two nationalities. But this has now

changed. Naturalisation means giving up one's original nationality.

To be naturalised you must be older than 18 years or married to a

native Dutch person, have lived for at least 5 years in the Netherlands

(or the Dutch Antilles or Aruba), have a permission to stay in the

Netherlands for an undefined period of time, speak Dutch language, be

part of the Dutch `society', not be a danger to the society and be

prepared to give up the old nationality. Minors are naturalized with the

parents if they live in the Netherlands at that time. Naturalisation costs

500 guilders.

III. CASE GROUP FEATURES: TURKS.



In section 1.4 we summarized the history of migration for the most

important minority groups living in Amsterdam. In this section we will

report in more detail on the Turkish immigrant population.

The first group of Turkish migrants, solely males, arrived in the

Netherlands in 1960. How this group came to the Netherlands is

unclear. In 1964, the Dutch government made a recruitment agreement

with Turkey, in addition to former agreements with Italy, Spain and

Portugal. After this agreement, the number of Turkish migrants

increased sharply. Until 1966, many Turkish workers spontaneously

arrived in the Netherlands, apart from the official

recruitment procedure. In 1966, the Dutch economy experienced an

economic recession which led some immigrants to return home. In 1968

the Dutch economy began to grow again; the second recruitment period

started and continued until 1974. The number of Turks reached its

peak of 50,000 people in 1974, these were mostly workers. In that same

year, the impact of the oil crisis on the economy was felt severely. In

1974 the Dutch government took measures to restrict spontaneous

migration and official recruitment stopped. This did not lead to the end

of migration flows from Turkey (Penninx et al., 1994, pp. 33-36). In the

1970s, increasingly more Turkish workers brought their families.

Additionally, a few thousand Christian Turks requested political asylum

in the Netherlands. This form of immigration reached its peak and the

Turkish population numbered 120,000 people in 1980. In the first half

of the 1980s, the net migration balance declined as a result of a

combination of factors: restrictive admission policy, poor job prospects

and the slowing down of family reunification. Nevertheless new immi-

grants came: many Kurds and political dissidents requested political

asylum after the military coup in Turkey in 1980. In 1985, immigration

began to increase again as a result of family-formation: children of the

first generation labour migrants brought marriage partners in from

Turkey. In recent years, immigration from Turkey has decreased

(Böcker, 1994).



The nature of migration and the varying origins of the Turkish

migrant-workers within their own countries, both geographically and

ethnically, have far-reaching consequences for the internal organisation

of the Turkish community in Amsterdam and the Netherlands. The

aspirations of the Turkish migrant-workers at their arrival in the Neth-

erlands were to earn as much money as possible in the shortest time

and go back. In addition, they were individually recruited or came to the

Netherlands on their own initiative and did not form a group before

arrival (Penninx, 1979, pp. 112-115).

In the 1970s, Turkish workers established their first

organisations in Amsterdam. This often took place through the support

of the local government which hoped that organisations would form a

link between the Turkish community and Dutch society. Most

organisations did not satisfy this expectation. These organisations

initially fulfilled a `shelter-function' for their members or visitors. They

offered an opportunity for Turkish people to shelter in a `recreated'

Turkish sphere. These organisations did not serve to protect their

collective interests or their social position in Dutch society. This may be

related to a couple of factors on the side of Turkish migrants: the lack of

a tradition of protection of collective interests, their initial orientation

towards re-migration to Turkey and mutual differences of opinion

within the community. The Dutch state allowed and indeed stimulated

the emergence of migrant organisations which were expected to par-

ticipate in decision making processes on behalf of their own community.

Yet in the eyes of officials, `grass-roots' organisations, such as immi-

grant organisations in the US at the beginning of the 20th century,

would be less needed (Böcker, 1995).

In Amsterdam, the first well-known organisation was the `Turkish

Cultural Centre' (TKC, Turkse Kultureel Centrum) which offered a

meeting place for Turkish people. After a couple of years, dividing lines

related to regional origin, ethnic groups, religious differences, political

preferences etc. began to emerge, parallel with the polarization process

in the country of origin, Turkey. This led to the establishment of new

organisations, mainly along political and religious lines of differences. In

the second half of 1970s, the leftwing HTIB (Dutch-Turkish Workers

Association) was established on a national level as a counterpart of the

TKC, which meanwhile organized right-wing oriented Turks.

In the course of time, further polarisations took place within

left-wing and right-wing organisations and the number of Turkish

organisations strongly increased. Local Turkish organisations on the

national level started to form federations in three main streams:

left-wing, religious and nationalistic. In each major stream, there are

many organisations. Their activities cover different areas, from sports to

religion.



The present Turkish organisations in Amsterdam may still be

categorized in these three main political streams: Left-wing oriented

organisations, Islamic organisations and nationalistic (extreme-right)

organisations. This is summarized in figure 3.1. Although opinions and

activities of some organisations within and between political streams

may overlap on certain issues, these three main streams reflect different

approaches of Turkish organisations to social and political participa-

tion, integration and ethnic identity of the Turkish community. For

more details on Turkish organisations in Amsterdam we refer to Tillie

and Fennema (1997).

In recent years, Turks have been more more successful at

working together on both the local and national level, despite their

ideological differences. Turkish organisations co-operate at the level of

their consultative bodies in subjects interesting the whole Turkish

community such as the abolition of education in the mother language,

the obligation to always have identification papers, racism etc. Co-oper-

ation with non-Turkish organisations remains limited. Nevertheless,

occasional co-operation between Turkish and Moroccan organisations

in order to decide a collective point of view is a recurrent phenomenon

caused by their comparable position in the

Netherlands.



Figure 3.1. Main political streams in the Amsterdam Turkish community.

Turkish organisations seem to have taken the lead in building up an

Islamic bloc in the Netherlands. Islamic organisations have the largest

rank and file membership and they are able to mobilize their followers.

Some Islamic organisations succeeded in organizing second generation

youth by offering sports and other recreative activities in addition to

koran-lessons. In Amsterdam, there are 19 mosques and 6 Islamic

primary schools. The emergence of these Islamic organisations has been

a difficult process. Finding financial sources and

suitable locations were not easy for leading organisations.

Turkish organisations try to influence the public decision making

process through lobbying activities of their (local) organisations and

active participation of some community members in political decision

making processes as elected members of various political parties in the

city of Amsterdam and in its city districts. After four local elections in

which migrants could participate more is known about the voting

behaviour of the minority population. If a member of the Turkish

community is on the list of candidates for a certain political party, many

Turkish people tend to vote for this important candidate, rather than for

the political party itself. Therefore, it is for political parties to find

candidates from the Turkish community. It may be expected that

political parties feel forced to adopt an attitude which is sympathetic to

the Turkish community as long as the number of Turkish people (thus

voters) in Amsterdam increases.

IV. RELEVANT RESEARCH



4.1. Economic and social participation



Ethnic minorities participate in economic life in two ways: as

employee/self-employed or employer. Most of the ethnic minorities from

Mediterranean countries such as Italy, Spain, Portugal, Turkey and

Morocco, were recruited in the 1960s and in the beginning of the 1970s

for unskilled/low-paid jobs in traditional industries. In this period the

unemployment rate among these 'gastarbeiders' was negligible.

Unemployment began to rise rapidly just after the first oil crisis of 1973

which resulted in economic stagnation. The collapse of production in

traditional sectors, like shipbuilding and textiles, together with the

impact of the first oil crisis in 1973, increased the incidence of unem-

ployment among immigrants. When the Dutch economy began to

recover after the oil crises, immigrants could not profit from the growth

of employment. They lacked the skill for the new employment opportun-

ities. A general trend was taking place in industrialized countries

(including the Netherlands): production systems were increasingly

managed by computers which resulted in an increasing importance of

employment in the tertiary sector, coinciding with an overall decline of

employment in industry. The re-structuring of the Dutch economy

started: the service sector has grown sharply at the expense of industry

in terms of employment rate. The impact of the second oil crisis in 1979

was decisive for the direction towards a post-industrial society and the

position of ethnic minorities in the Dutch labour market. The emerging

service economy has provided poor opportunities for ethnic minorities.

New jobs required relatively high skills and education proficiency.

Immigrants, however, were mainly unskilled and could not obtain

training due to their limited

knowledge of the Dutch language and their low education level, while

the education level of native Dutch people rose considerably. Moreover,

neither the Dutch government nor the employers were prepared to

invest in training for these immigrants. They were, so to speak, `written

off'. This, in combination with discrimination, reduced the chance for

immigrants to obtain better jobs. A high structural unemployment since

the mid-1970s also had a negative impact on the employment

possibilities of immigrants. Immigrants became disproportionally unem-

ployed compared to indigenous Dutch people. It is significant that

especially among ethnic minorities long term unemployment is ex-

tremely high (Zorlu, 1997).

This general trend of the Dutch economy was very dominant in

Amsterdam. In the period of 1970-1983, industrial production

decreased on average by 1% annually and remained stabile after this

period until 1995. At the same time, the productivity of labour (in terms

of hourly production) rose sharply as a result of technical and

organisational innovations. The direct consequence of these two

developments together was that the number of jobs in industry

decreased from 148,000 in 1970 to 89,000 in 1995 in the Amsterdam

area. On the other hand, jobs in the service sector, especially in

commercial services, increased sharply in terms of absolute numbers.

In other words, manual labour is substituted by mental labour. Overall,

economic growth is closely connected with the rise of part-time and

flexible jobs (Van der Vegt et al., 1995). While the structure of

employment has changed in favour of relatively highly educated

workers, the education level of ethnic minorities has remained below

average. Additionally, the participation level of women has increased

sharply in the 1980s and in the beginning of the 1990s. Women profited

mainly from the growth of (part-time and flexible) jobs in the service

sector. Ethnic minorities became increasingly unemployed in

Amsterdam (Kloosterman,

1994). The unemployment rate among ethnic minorities is three-times

higher than native Dutch people. The participation rate is considerable

low among two minority groups, namely Turks and Moroccans, who

have the most unfavourable position in the labour market. The labour

market position of these minorities remains vulnerable because a

relatively large part of them is employed in industry and low-paid jobs.

The unfavourable labour market position of minorities results in a low

household income.

Note that not all ethnic minority groups have the same

unfavourable labour market position. Surinamese and Antillean people

are less frequently unemployed than Turks and Moroccans. Moreover,

the distribution of employed Surinamese and Antilleans over different

sectors shows more similarities to that of Dutch people.

The relatively low participation of ethnic minorities in the labour

market is generally explained by the low education level and the limited

knowledge of the Dutch language. But empirical research shows that

the incidence of high unemployment among minorities cannot be

completely explained by these two factors (CBS & ISEO 1993/1994; de

Beer 1996; Kee 1995). If estimations are corrected for age, education

and language proficiency, a substantial

difference between unemployment among minorities and natives

remains unexplained. Van Beek (1993) and Niesing (1993) attributes

this unexplained gap to discriminating behaviour by employers during

the recruitment and selection procedure. Employers would hire ethnic

minorities only if they are better qualified than native people. This

implies that when they become unemployed, there is a high probability

that they remain unemployed. Indeed, seventy percent of unemployed

minorities have been unemplyed for a year or more (O+S 1996).



There has also been some research on the social position of

allochtonous people referring to their activities in spare time, called

SPVA (Hoolt and Scholten, 1996). According to this research from the

four defined ethnic groups (Surinams, Antilleans, Turks and

Moroccans) men have more contact with autochthonous people in their

spare time than women (the difference being the biggest for Moroccans).

The second generation has much more contact with autochthonous

people than the first generation. Antilleans and Surinamese have more

contact in their spare time with Dutch people than Turks and Moroc-

cans. Adult allochtonous people are not often members of a sport club,

to them sport is something for children. Although allochtonous people

participate less overal in cultural activities, they do have their own

culture pastimes and organisations. Voluntary work is unknown for

many migrants, especially Turks and Moroccans. But the higher one is

educated and the longer one stays in the Netherlands, the more volun-

tary work is done (Lindo, van Heelsum and Penninx, 1997).



Self-employment

Ethnic minorities have started their own small firms in reaction to their

declining opportunities in the regular labour market, in sectors where

the production is labour intensive, profit margin is low and little

start-up capital is required. Their businesses rely mainly on family

labour and the labour force of their own ethnic community. They have

started their own (green)groceries and butcher shops, oriented mainly to

the own ethnic group, while supermarkets have increasingly gained

ground from the retail trade. They have established restaurants and

snack bars where new kinds of cuisines (up to then unknown for Dutch

consumers) are provided. Turkish employers breathed new life into the

clothing sector with their small businesses employing thousands of

low-educated immigrants (Zorlu 1997). Immigrant entrepreneurs are

also active in the lower segments of the service sector, as cleaners and

window-cleaners.

The number of firms owned by ethnic minorities has increased

strongly in the last two decades. Six percent of the minority labour force

between 15-64 years was self-employed in 1995. This percentage is low

compared to the average self-employment rate of 14% (Hoolt and

Scholten 1996). But not all minority groups are equally successful in

establishing their own enterprise. Frequently more Turks and Italians

are entrepreneurs than Surinamese, Moroccans and other South

Europeans. The degree of entrepreneurship is very high among some

other small minority groups, i.e. Chinese, Egyptians, Pakistanis,

Indians (Choenni, 1997). In general, minority business is unequally

distributed over sectors. Firms of ethnic minorities are overrepresented

in sectors as restaurants, snack bars, retail trade (such as bakers,

butchers, grocers) and wholesale.



Programs to improve the position of ethnic minorities

The Dutch government enacted a law in 1994 which obliges employers

to report annually how many employees they have from ethnic groups.

But the enforcement of this law does not work because employers do

not co-operate and some employees do not report to which ethnic group

they belong.

Additionally, the government has taken some measures to lower

long-term unemployment and youth unemployment. Since immigrants

are strongly overrepresented among (long-term) unemployed people and

unemployed youth, most government projects designed to lower the

unemployment rate involve minorities. The best known projects are

Youth Job Guarantee plan (YJG), Banenpool and Melkert-jobs. The YJG

applies to 1262 youths leaving education early and being unemployed

for 6 to 12 months. The intention is to lead these people to a regular job

where labour experience is combined with education. Fifty-seven per

cent of these younger people are from ethnic minorities. Banenpool is a

regulation in order to create jobs for long-term unemployed people.

Without this settlement the jobs in question would not have been ful-

filled. Thirty-two percent of the 2126 people employed within the fra-

mework of Banenpool belong to ethnic groups. Melkert-jobs named after

the minister of social affairs A. Melkert, are created for people who are

unemployed for 3 years or more and get social security from the GSD

(Municipal Social Service). Melkert I jobs are in the (semi) government

sector, Melkert II jobs are in the market sector. In 1996 about 57% of

the 1550 Melkert jobs in Amsterdam were occupied by minority people

(Hoolt and Scholten 1996).



4.2. Housing



The housing policy of the Municipality of Amsterdam and the Dutch

government is based on one main pillar: the prevention of the

concentration/segregation of ethnic minorities in certain city-districts.

The local and national government try to prevent a possible emergence

of districts with `ghetto' characteristics. Some districts of Amsterdam

(Zuidoost, de Baarsjes, Bos en Lommer, Zeeburg and Oost) show a

concentration pattern: forty-one to 57% of the city district population

consists of minorities while the percentage of ethnic minorities in

Amsterdam as a whole is 32.7. The highest concentration is found in

South-East Amsterdam, or Bijlmermeer, where the Surinamese popu-

lation is overrepresented (Holt and Scholten, 1996). Van Amersfoort

(1992) notes that the correlation between the housing situation, the

level of social segregation and participation on the labour market and

other spheres of social interaction in Amsterdam is weak. Moreover,

Ostendorf (1996) shows on basis of his international comparative

research that Amsterdam has a moderate level of segregation compared

to cities as Brussels, Dusseldorf, Frankfurt, London, Paris, Stockholm

and Toronto. General opinion among researchers and policy makers is

that Amsterdam has no single district which is comparable to the

ghettos in the US. This is explained by the fact that the Municipality of

Amsterdam has an important role in the construction and management

of housing.

The old city centre built before 1870, comprises a large variety of

houses in terms of quality and prices. The city districts built between

1870 and 1920 contain mainly cheap houses. These houses were

substandard by

present day standards. The growing population in the city and the rise

of the living standard created a movement which asserted government

intervention in the housing market to improve poor housing conditions

at the end of the 19th century. In 1901, the government issued the

Housing Act which enabled municipalities to build social housing

financed by public funds. This Act is especially applied by the

municipalities of the big cities where the housing conditions were poor

and where the Labour Party was dominant in the municipal executive.

Social housing became predominant in emerging districts of the city in

the period beore World War II. In the post-War period, only social

housing is constructed in Amsterdam, except for small owner-occupier

sections (7% of the total housing stock). This process resulted in a

housing market in Amsterdam where social housing is predominant in

the sections built after 1920. Table 4.1 shows the housing stock and

tenure in Amsterdam. Forty-four per cent of the houses are rented by

the municipal housing association and a small segment of the housing

market, 11%, is occupied by individual households. The distribution of

houses in suburbs show other characteristics. Almost half of the

housing stock in suburbs is owner-occupied.



Table 4.1 Housing stock and tenure (1993).

Error! Reference owner-occu- private rented public rented total (1000s)

source not found. pied % % %



Amsterdam 11 45 44 346

Suburbs 49 16 35 250

Source: van Amersfoort, 1996

Social housing consists of a broad range of houses in terms of price and

quality. The quality of houses developed parallel to the rising standard

of living. Moreover, houses constructed between 1870 and 1920 have,

in the meantime, been upgraded by urban renewal. The price of new

houses followed the rising quality. The houses constructed after 1965

are expensive by Dutch standards. All houses in Amsterdam, except for

a very small residual category at the top and bottom of the housing

market, fall under the municipal allocation system. The direct conse-

quence of this regulation is that the rent of the vast majority of houses

is not determined by market forces, i.e. demand and supply of houses.

Rents do not follow increases in costs, and rise slower than costs. The

result is that the rents in Amsterdam are low, compared to international

standards (van Amersfoort, 1996) and the housing market in

Amsterdam is rationed: many people seeking a house are on a waiting

list. The expensive part of the housing market (which is only a small

section) is generally irrelevant for immigrants. Van Amersfoort (1996)

notices that the municipal allocation system has improved the housing

situation of minorities and the relative great immigration wave towards

Amsterdam has not resulted in a more segregated and poor housing

situation. This is also attributed to the period when immigrants settled

in Amsterdam. In the 1960s and 1970s, middle and high income groups

moved to surrounding towns where large owner-occupied properties

were available. They left behind their small (two or three bedroom flats)

and cheap houses in the city. These cheap houses which belong mainly

to the social housing stock, offered suitable accommodation for

immigrants. After a short time, however, it seemed that these houses

could not satisfy the requirements of large immigrant families.

Immigrants had to seek larger houses when they were reunified with

their families in the second half of the 1970s and in the 1980s. Their

direction was larger houses (3 or 4 bedrooms) in suburbs, as Bos en

Lommer, Geuzenveld/Slotermeer, Osdorp and Zeeburg. The price of these

houses was moderate, just payable for large immigrant families. Recent

research by the Amsterdam Statistic and Research Bureau ,O+S (van

Vlijmen, 1996) shows that Moroccan and Turkish households often live

in tight houses with an average rent of 570 Gulden. Furthermore, they

are overrepresented among people looking for a house urgently.

Musterd and Deurloo (1997) doubt the role attributed to public

housing in explaining the moderate level of segregation. Their study

confirms a segregation of Moroccan and Turkish people at the micro

level of the postal code. They argue that the tendency towards

segregation is influenced by the increase in opportunities to choose. The

share of the public rental sector has declined, compared to the cheaper

part of the private rental sector and owner-occupied sector. At the same

time, housing associations began to

operate independently from the national government and their activities

are increasingly influenced by financial considerations, rather than

ideological motives. Additionally, housing allocation becomes income

related while the inequality of income distribution has increased from

the mid-1980s onwards. These developments resulted in a considerable

rise of the share of low income households living in the public housing

sector. Especially Turkish and Moroccan immigrants substituted their

houses belonging to the cheaper part of private rental sector for the

public housing sector. The percentage of Turkish and Moroccan

households living in the public sector increased from 40% in 1982 to

80% in 1990. Musterd and Deurloo conclude: `As a result of all these

changes, relative choice and probably also segregation within the public

sector will have increased, or is expected to increase steadily.'

In order to prevent segregation in the long term, parties involved

in the housing allocation system have agreed on a minimum of 25 a 30

% of the housing stock consisting of core-stock of houses with a low

rent. Moreover, the Dutch government supports the purchasing power

of low-income households by rent subsidies. Twenty percent of the total

households in Amsterdam receives rent subsidy. This percentage is

about 33% among Surinamese, Antillean and Moroccan households.

This regulation, however, does not offer automatically a solution for the

problem of low-income groups to rent a larger house. The right for the

rent subsidy is not utilized by all households who need it. A relative

small number of Turkish households and households from

non-industrialized countries receive the rent subsidy.



4.3. Education



Even though it has increased in the last ten years, the education level of

ethnic minorities is very low, compared to Dutch people . The available

data can not give a complete picture of the education level of ethnic

minorities from the period when they arrived. Table 4.2 shows the

education level of people from the main minority groups in the

Netherlands who no longer attend school. It is remarkable that about

three-quarters of Turkish and Moroccan people only have a primary

education compared to one quarter of the native Dutch. Ethnic minor-

ities, except for Antilleans, are drastically underrepresented in higher

education levels.



Table 4.2 Education level of people (12 years and older) no longer attending school by

ethnic group, Netherlands.

Error! Reference Primary educ. % lbo/mavo % mbo/havo- hbo/university

source not found. /vwo % %



1988 1994 1988 1994 1988 1994 1988 1994

Surinamese 37 39 40 34 16 18 7 9

Antilleans/Arubans 32 27 42 35 17 18 10 20

Turks 78 70 15 19 6 9 1 2

Moroccans 89 82 7 11 2 5 1 2

native Dutch 22 23 33 31 25 19 20 27

bo:primary education 8 years, lbo: lower vocational education 4 years, mavo: junior

general secondary education 4 years, mbo: senior secondary vocational education, havo:

senior general secondary education 5 years, vwo: university preparatory education 6 years,

hbo: higher professional education 4 years





Source: Tesser, van Dugteren and Merens 1996







The low education level of ethnic minorities, especially of Turks and

Moroccans, is in research practice mainly attributed to the very low

education level of migrants who immigrated as 'gastarbeiders' in the

1960s and 1970s. No doubt, the vast majority of first generation

immigrant workers had a poor education in their home country. This

was not a limitation for employers who recruited these workers for

manual work in the industry. However, this cannot completely explain

the present poor education level of minority groups, because the posi-

tion of minority groups has improved remarkabl less than the native

Dutch in the last thirty years. The first immigrants had/have few oppor-

tunities to develop themselves: language courses and other forms of

education/training were/are not offered to them in the Netherlands.

Descendants and second generation immigrants perform poorly in the

education system, compared to their Dutch contemporaries. Scientific

research and the attention of policy makers are mainly concentrated on

the low performance levels of students from minority groups and not on

the improvement of education levels of minority adults who are out of

the education system.

In Amsterdam, 53% of the 54,032 students attending primary

education consist of students from ethnic minorities. Primary education

is in general compulsory for all children. The content of primary educa-

tion is generally the same in the Netherlands. Nevertheless, we observe

a polarisation of primary schools along ethnic lines in Amsterdam. In

the last decade, students from different ethnic groups are increasingly

concentrated in specific schools. There have emerged `white schools'

having predominantly native students (more than 75%) and `black

schools' having mainly students from ethnic minorities (more than

75%). The concentration of minority or native students in certain

schools can not be explained only by the ethnic composition of the

district inhabitants. It is true that `black schools' are in districts where

the percentage of the

minority population is higher than the average. However there is no

single district in Amsterdam where 75% of the district population is

composed by ethnic minorities. In 1988, 7 per cent of the schools was

`black' and 25 per cent of the schools was `white'. The percentage of

`black schools' rose to 34% in 1993 while the percentage of `white scho-

ols' decreased to 23% in this year.

Popular opinion is that the education standard of the `black

school' is lower than the `white school'. But this is not `yet' shown by

existing research. Another ongoing tendency is the emergence of Islamic

primary schools. In the beginning of the 1990s, six Islamic schools were

established in primary education. But no information is available to

evaluate their `success'. It still has to be seen what the effect of Islamic

schools will be on the education level of

minority children. The effect of these schools will not be large as long as

Islamic education is limited to the primary level.

Differences in the directions followed by native and minority stu-

dents in the Dutch education system occur just after primary educa-

tion, in secondary and higher education.The general picture is that stu-

dents from minority groups follow a secondary vocational education

(vbo-mbo) and finish earlier than native students. On the contrary, a

relatively large percentage of native students follows a general second-

ary education and moves on to a higher education level. The percentage

of students from minority groups is low in the category of havo-vwo

which forms an important basis for higher education, and the

percentage of Turkish and Moroccan students is especially high in the

category of vbo-mavo. Berdowski (1993) states that this general picture

in Amsterdam scarcely changed between 1987/88 and 1992/93 while

some other researchers state that the position of Surinamese, Turks

and Moroccans improved in the 1990s (Hoolt and Scholten, 1996).



The disadvantaged position of ethnic minorities with respect to

education is generally explained by four factors:

1. Characteristics of migration: Many children of immigrants

arrived in the Netherlands at school age. This leads to age differences

for moving on to secondary education, for moving on to lower forms of

secondary education (vbo, mavo), and to a higher drop out rate.

Moreover, the mother language of these children is not Dutch. They

have to learn Dutch in primary education (Hoolt and Scholten 1996;

Veenman 1996; Berdowski and van der Steenhoven 1995).

2. Socio-economic factors: immigrants, especially Turks and

Moroccans, who arrived in the Netherlands in the 1960s and 1970s,

had a low education level or were even illiterate. Immigrants from the

former Dutch

colonies, i.e. Surinam and Indonesia, had higher education levels.

Nevertheless the relatively high percentage of Surinamese and

Antilleans immigrating in the 1980s and 1990s, is poorly educated.

Researchers suggest that the low education level of parents is closely

connected with poor performance level of the children (Suhre et al. 19-

96). But increasingly empirical research shows that second generation

immigrants perform better, despite the lack of adequate support from

their parents. Crul (1996) points out that a substantial part of the

second generation students are successful thanks to the support of

both their older sisters/brothers and their personal networks. He notes

that there is no significant connection between the performance in

education and the most important socio-economic factors.

3. Ethnic and cultural factors: some researchers argue that

differences in cultural capital play an important role in school

performance. The Dutch education system is dominated by a middle

class culture. Ethnic groups might differ from this pattern on some

aspects; on opinions about upbringing and education of children, and

relationships between school and home. This argument remains an

untested opinion, given that students from South-East Asia perform

better than Dutch students. It is also not proved by research. Moreover,

Latuheru and Hessels (1996) stress ethnicity in order to explain the low

performance of minority students.

4. Characteristics of school: the performance levels of schools

differ. Some effective schools achieve better results for their students

who have an unfavourable socio-economic and cultural/ethnic position

(Cebeon 1995, Jungbluth and van Erp 1995). These successful schools

apply some measures, such as regular supervision outside school time,

individual instruction and intensive class management.





It is not clear which of these four factors has a decisive role in

explaining the unfavourable position of students from ethnic minorities.

The debate continues. In the discussion, the disadvantages of students

described above gain most attention. It is not clear how large the

influence of the institutional structure of the education system is or the

exclusive behaviour of teachers and school management. Veenman

(1996) points out that the choice of education type by minority students

after primary education nearly always takes place on basis of advice

given by teachers and school managers. Parents play no role in this

decision process. This may be attributed to a couple of factors. Firstly,

parents have little information on the opportunities in the education

system. Secondly, they tend to accept the school advice because they

trust the expertise of the school. Thirdly, their knowledge of the lan-

guage limits the power of negotiation. Fourthly, parents seem to accept

a choice which is the same as that of older child(ren) or other close

examples. Partly as a result of passive behaviour of the parents, schools

often give advice for a lower type of secondary (vocational) education to

students from minority groups. School advisors rely too much on the

stereo-type: children of underprivileged `gastarbeiders' can not be suc-

cessful in the education system, thus have to learn an occupation as

soon as possible. This process results in a large number of minority stu-

dents attending lower secondary occupational education.

Moreover, we have another reason to look at the role of

institutions with respect to the disadvantaged position of minority

students. Statistics show that the performance of Surinamese students

is comparable with that of native Dutch students in the earlier phases

of secondary education. Their success falls in the later phases of

secondary education and in higher education. Since most of the

Surinamese enjoyed higher education levels and learned Dutch at

home, their low performance in the higher regions of the education

system may be explained by the hindering role of institutions.



Government efforts to improve the education level of ethnic minorities



The Dutch government and the municipality of Amsterdam have taken

some measures to improve the position of ethnic minorities in the

education market. The education policy concerning ethnic minorities

can be evaluated on two levels. On the one hand, some measures are

designed to intervene in an early stage of the education ladder. There

are some projects in Amsterdam to strengthen the connection between

school and home (parents), to improve language proficiency, arithmetic

and mathematic skill. On the other hand, the Dutch government

enacted a law that obliges new comers to follow a education set

consisting of the Dutch language and social and occupational studies.

Additionally, more opportunities are provided for adults already living in

the Netherlands to learn Dutch.



4.4. Political participation:



The Dutch government has a more `liberal attitude' compared to other

West European countries with respect to the (in)direct participation of

ethnic

minorities in the political decision processes. The national government

and local governments designed a special policy toward minorities in

1983 to stimulate political participation and integration processes of

minorities in Dutch society and to realize a proportional representation

of ethnic minorities in all societal strata. In other words, maybe more

correctly, government policy is directed to the prevention of the

emergence of possible autonomous social systems based on ethnicity

and the maintenance of social cohesion. Policy aims are applied to local

conditions and recent developments in the course of time. In the

framework of minority policies, the Dutch state provides grants to

minority organisations, establishes consultative bodies and platforms,

and stimulates the participation in social organisations and decision

making processes in district urban/social renewal projects. Rath and

Tillie (1998) note that this kind of government intervention may provide

only an apparent contribution to real ethnic pluralism. They refer to the

limited (or non-) existence of minorities in central political arenas and

higher key functions, and suggest that the government may control

political activities in a direction desired by the government itself.

In addition to basic rights, ethnic minorities can participate

(actively and passively) in local elections. Following Denmark, Sweden

and Ireland, the Dutch government awarded the voting right to

non-Dutch people for district council elections in 1980/1981 and for

city council elections in 1985. These people must have a residence

permit and live in the Netherlands for at least 5 years (continuously) in

order to utilize the voting right. Non-Dutch people can in principle

occupy the function of aldermen. The mayor function is reserved for

people with Dutch nationality. Non-Dutch people do not have voting

rights for elections for Provincial States and Parliament (Heijs, 1995).

Since ethnic minorities achieved the right to vote for local

elections, four local elections took place: in 1986, 1990, 1994 and 1998.

Researchers kept so-called `shadow elections' among minority voters (all

having Dutch nationality or not) in different cities: Buijs and Rath

(1986) in Rotterdam, Pennings (1987) in Amsterdam, Rath (1990) in

Rotterdam, Boosten (1990) in Enschede, Luyten (1990) in Den Haag

and Tillie (1994) in Amsterdam, Tilburg, Enschede, Utrecht, Arnhem,

Rotterdam, Den Haag. Tillie conducted a research on the 'shadow

elections' in Amsterdam, Utrecht, Arnhem, Den Haag and Rotterdam in

1998. We may, on basis of the four elections kept, conclude that the

turnout differs per elections, ethnic group and municipality/district,

and that the turnout of minority voters is, in general, lower than native

voters. The overall turnout of Turkish voters is the largest, followed by

Moroccans. Surinamese and Antilleans vote less frequently. The poor

turnout of Surinamese is notable because the socio-economic position

of these groups is better than Turks and Moroccans. The turnout rates

of Turkish voters in some cities is even higher than native voters.

In Amsterdam, 52 candidates from ethnic minorities were elected to the

district councils at the elections of 1994. Half of these councillors (26)

were Surinamese, 17 Turkish, 6 Moroccans, 2 Antilleans and 1

Moluccan. The number of minority councillors (52) is equal to 12

percent of the 443 district seats. Twenty councillors belong to the PvdA,

12 to Groen Links, 8 to CDA, 6 to D66 and 3 to VVD (Hoolt and

Scholten 1996).9

The participation of ethnic minorities in political life is not

restricted to voting in local elections. Ethnic minorities with Dutch

nationality have, at least theoretically, all rights native people possess.

According to the broadest definition of ethnic minorities (at least one of

the parents is born in another country), 109,648 of the 304,465

foreigners have a non-Dutch nationality in Amsterdam (O+S, 1996). The

vast majority of people from former colonies, i.e. Surinam and Indonesia

and Dutch Antilles and Aruba have Dutch nationality. Many ethnic

minorities from Mediterranean countries have naturalized in the last

ten years, especially after the decision that people may keep their

original nationality in addition to the Dutch nationality in the beginning

of the 1990s. The regulation of dual nationality was abolished in 1997.

If one wants to be naturalized, she/he has to give up her/his

nationality.

Ethnic minorities are not sufficiently represented in traditional

political institutions and social organisations in relation to the size of

their population. The largest political parties have at least one

parliament member from the minority population since the elections of

1994. There is, however, no member of non-Dutch origin among

members of the Provincial Executive, the Upper

Chamber, Council of state and Mayors (Rath and Tillie, 1998).

Ethnic minorities seem to have many political rights. However, this

did not automatically lead to comparable political power of immigrants

in the political decision making process. Possible reasons for this may

be: the lack of a middle-class engaging in politics; low education levels

and language proficiency on the side of minorities; and the attitudes of

the present political organisation towards native people.



4.5. Cultural claims.



A main point of minority policy is that the `pluralistic society' is taken

as an ideal. Immigrants must have the same rights and chances to

develop their cultural and religious identity in this society. The

government should make extra efforts, since newcomers were and are in



9

. With respect to the voting behaviour of ethnic minorities we refer to section 2.3.

an disadvantaged position. New religious beliefs such as Islam,

Hinduism and Buddhism should get a legitimate societal position. The

relation between state and religion can be summarized in three main

common principles: the freedom of religion, the equality of religious

groups and a division between church and state.

When temporal presence became permanent the freedom of

expressing the own cultural identity became more important. Ethnic

minorities had other needs, especially on the terrain of religion, and

demanded their own mosques, schools, and nowadays old people's

homes. Migrant organisations play an important role in achieving these

goals, and many studies are concerned with the place of migrant

organisations in Dutch society (e.g. Penninx 1991, Landman 1992, de

Graaf 1985).

In the 1960s migrant organisations were mainly directed

towards

their country of origin. In the seventies, more diverse organisations

developed. In the eighties, migrant organisations become more and

more representative of the migrant population. The government is main-

ly directed to integration and regards the organisations as negotiators

rather than as executors. This preference expresses itself in the way the

government subsidises migrant organisations which may conflict with

the expectations and demands of the organisations themselves

(Penninx, 1991, Sunier, 1996). To obtain money, organisations must

put the emphasis on their function as information sources about Dutch

society rather than demanding space for

religious purposes (de Graaf 1985).

The Dutch state takes a leading position compared to France, Bel-

gium, Germany and Great Britain when it comes to the recognition,

raising and subsiding of Islamic schools. In a relatively short time 29

Islamic and 3 schools with a Hindu background were raised. About 4%

of the children with an Islamic background receive education in an

Islamic school; in the school year 1993-1994 this amounted to 4360

students (Vermeulen 1997).

Roosblad (1992) conducted specific research on the establishment

of an Islamic primary school in the west of old Amsterdam. Islamic

parents desired an Islamic school because regular education did not

give enough attention to their culture and religion. They were also

disappointed about the results in regular schools. A conflict about the

founding of this school developed out of the fear that regular schools

would lose their students, that a black school would develop and foreign

institutions would interfere. The director of the Islamic school was of

opinion that the streghtening of their own cultural background was a

condition for the integration of Muslims. Other parties thought that the

school was too orthodox to support integration.

A group with special wishes in Dutch society are elderly ethnic

elderly people. There are several studies on the position of ethnic elderly

in Dutch society and especially Amsterdam. In these studies it is

concluded that although there are still not so many elderly in the Dutch

society and many of them are helped by their children, there are

problems that have to be recognised ( Belfaarts en Verweij, 1995,

Monsels 1987, Berdowski 1993 and Martens en Roelandt 1993).

Demand and supply are not well connected to each other: common

provisions are not suited for allochtonous elderly. Allochtonous elderly

are often in a worse mental state than Dutch elderly and employees of

old people's homes do not speak their language and are not familiar

with their culture. Furthermore, allochtonous elderly are unfamiliar

with the facilities they can use if they still live at home. There is a

communication

problem and some of them are reluctant because they want to return

home. In addition there is a problem if the elderly are going to live with

their children; houses are too little. Especially Surinamese demand

larger houses to host their parents.

V. OTHER INFORMATION SUPPORTING COMPARISON.



5.1. City links



The city of Amsterdam is officially twinned with Managua (Nicaragua)

and Beira (Mozambique). The city is a member of EUROCITIES and

EMPORIUM (Ethnic Minorities Participation (or) Involvement in Urban

Market-economy), UCUE (Union of Capitals of the European Union; in

which mayors of different cities meet every year). Amsterdam's interest

in Central and East European countries has also grown over the past

few years. Since 1996 an Amsterdam project involving the

reconstruction of Sarajevo has been in progress, and co-operative

programmes have been established with a number of East European

cities, including Budapest, Lipova, Belgrade and Moscow. It is expected

that the co-operation with Central and Eastern Europe will be expanded

in the future. Amsterdam also grants assistance to projects in several

other cities, e.g. Cape Town and Paramaribo. In addition to the city

alliances with developing countries, Amsterdam maintains alliances

outside Europe with Toronto and Beijing. The latter are friendship

pacts, focused particulary on economic co-operation. In 1997 an

international Desk with information about the city links was established

at City Hall to co-ordinate the municipality's international contacts and

forms of co-operation. The international desk serves as the point of

contact for information and documentation. It is the place where the

municipal services, city districts, private institutions and citizens can

obtain information regarding the Amsterdam municipality's external

contacts. Forms of co-operation: promoting municipal expertise,

co-operation via European Networks, special aid programmes, foreign

development co-operation and city alliances.



5.2. Amsterdam as comparative study



Amsterdam is known as a very tolerant city. Over the centuries

`non-native' groups have settled in Amsterdam. Some of them

succeeded socially and economically, but more and more it has become

clear that ethnic minorities are in disadvantaged position in different

areas. Despite various efforts by the Dutch government and the self

organisations of immigrants, ethnic minorities are not as equally

represented in decision making institutions as the native Dutch.



In 1996, 42.4 percent of the total population of Amsterdam was of

non-Dutch origin, and this percentage is estimated to be 54.4% in

2015. Various minority groups have different socio-economic positions

as a consequence of their migration history and the position of their

country of origin. We may categorize the major minority groups in

three main groups:

-- the social position of Surinamese, Antilleans and Arubans is more

or less comparable. Immigrants from these countries already speak the

Dutch

language (at least to a certain extent), and they have a common history

coming from former colonies. Moreover they have similar education

levels.

-- the social position of Turks and Moroccans are comparable: these

two minority groups were initially recruited as poor educated

`guest-workers' in almost the same period. Turkey and Morocco are

non-EU countries. These minorities do not speak the Dutch language

and they usually have another religion: Islam.

-- the position of Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese and Greeks also

shows similarities: they are from EU-countries.

As a consequence of different group characteristics, each minority

group meets different problems and restrictions. It would, for example,

be interesting to study: 1- how separate minority groups organize in

their internal community structure and participate in decision making

processes; 2- how important the effect of minority organisations is on

governmental decisions (under the condition of a certain immigrant

group acting alone or under condition of a group of minority

organisations acting together). The existence of different minority gr-

oups and their organisations in Amsterdam, each with a different

history, allows us to study the role of minority organisations in the

(political) participation of minorities in Dutch society.

It may also be interesting to study developments in the social posi-

tion of Turks and Moroccans in Amsterdam. Initially Turkish and

Moroccan male workers came to the Netherlands to work in industry as

unskilled manual workers. They could not speak the Dutch language

and they spend most of their time working. They were not able to es-

tablish their own organisations to participate in public decision making

processes. They were strongly oriented towards going back to their

country of origin. Since the beginning of the 1980s they started to strive

for their rights as permanent members of Dutch society. The emergence

of the second generation reinforces and facilitates this trend. Although

in the beginning these immigrants did not succeed in setting up a

powerful organisation structure supported by a substantial part of their

fellow community members, due to different opinions of view and

lacking of experience, in the course of time, they learned to work

together beyond their different views. Consequently, the number of

Turkish and Moroccan organisations sharply increased. They try to

influence public decision making process through their organisations,

lobbying, and participate actively and passively in political life.

And last, as already mentioned, the first generation of the ethnic

minorities are now becoming elderly people. They have difficulties with

taking care of themselves and must look for help. Returning home to

their native country is in many cases not an option since families live in

the Netherlands and pensions will be lost. How can these elderly,

without loosing their cultural

identity and becoming more isolated, create a place for themselves?

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