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Art of World War I

http://www.art-ww1.com/gb/visite.html

Soldiers as Artists

 Amongst the millions of conscripts there

were painters of every nationality and

every school of painting.

 Those who were born around the year

1880 belonged to the generation that

was called up immediately on the

outbreak of war.

 The war held no secrets for men such as

these – they were the ones who did the

fighting.

 Many of them drew and painted what

" No entry! "

they saw and lived through. From the Front line sentries on watch,

sketchbooks of pencil drawings done at "covering" the mobilization, in

"Les Vosges".

the front to the canvases painted on

returning home, theirs is an intense and Georges Scott (1874-1943),

drawing published in

accurate testimony. L'Illustration on August 8th

1914.

The Fighting Men

 Mobilisation meant that civilians suddenly

became soldiers plunged into a whole new

world, governed by different laws: the

world of military order and imminent death.

In spite of the propaganda in both camps

which depicted the artificial image of

triumphant heroes, it was not like that at

all.

 Up until the nineteenth century, war had

mainly been the affair of career soldiers but

now it was gradually absorbing greater and

greater numbers of people. After 1914,

one's social class and occupation were no

longer taken into account. This war in

which everybody was fighting against William Orpen, Ready to Start,

1917, 60 x 50.8 cm, oil on canvas,

everybody else was first and foremost a Imperial War Museum, London.

war of civilians of all nationalities with

compulsory conscription for those of an age

to bear arms.

Otto Dix (1891-1969)

The Self-Portrait as a Soldier, lighted

by reds and the white reserve, is a

celebration of strength and violence

verging on savagery. It can be seen

as the quintessence of the image of

war, proclaiming the necessity of the

struggle and the intoxication of

destruction with no remorse or

regrets.







Otto Dix, Selbstbildnis als Soldat (Self-Portrait as a

Soldier), 1914, ink and watercolour on paper, on

both sides, 68 x 53.5 cm, Municipal Gallery,

Stuttgart.

Otto Dix (continued)

On the back of the previous painting….

On the other side, the Self-Portrait as

a Gunner is in opposition to this over-

simplified interpretation, with the all-

pervasive black, the shadow around

the helmeted head, the worried look

and the stark contrast between the

warlike symbols of the gold facings

against a background of night and

death. Despite his youth and his

attraction to the war as an experience

of the unknown, Dix is not unaware

of the horror of war, the appalling

daily chronicle of which he later did

drawings and etchings.



Otto Dix, Selbstbildnis mit Artillerie-Helm (Self-Portrait Wearing a

Gunner's Helmet), 1914, ink and watercolour on paper, on both sides,

68 x 53.5 cm, Municipal Gallery, Stuttgart.

Lovis Corinth (1858-1925)

Neither the subject nor the painter give in

to the exalted belligerency of the moment.

Despite the fact that Corinth paints with

emphatic touches, he keeps his distance

from all forms of expressionism, in order,

more simply, to depict the worry, the

melancholy and the unease of the artist in

his soldier's garb.









Lovis Corinth, Bildnis Hermann Struck (Portrait of

Hermann Struck), 1915, oil on canvas, 80.5 x

59.5 cm.

André Mare (1885-1932)

This is his self-portrayal as a soldier. Mare’s job

was to prepare and organise the camouflaging

of the artillery positions. He lived close to the

front lines in the same conditions as an

ordinary private, with no privileges or

pleasures. His natural language was Cubism, a

style he had been using since 1912. He

highlights the thinness of his face and the cap

and around the faces he organises picturesque

symbolic elements dominated by the three-

coloured harmony of the French flag. Shortly

after this self-portrait, Mare was seriously

wounded by a shell whilst setting up

observation posts in Picardy. He was operated

on by the doctor and author Georges Duhamel

at Ressons, and recovered from his wounds

caused by three pieces of shrapnel.







André Mare, Autoportrait (Self-Portrait), 1916, Sketchbook 2, p. 7, ink and watercolour on paper,

Historial de la Grande Guerre, Péronne.

Egon Schiele (1890-1918)

A survivor after three years of war, he had

been decorated; there are two medals on

his tunic, but his face, eyes and joined

hands indicate the weariness and the

indifference of this prematurely old man.

He portrays him in the same way as he

had formerly depicted the Russian

prisoners he guarded - with the same

coldness and objective acuteness. The

absence of the bust, uniform and any

setting aggravates this feeling of loss and

isolation. This could also be a depiction of

Schiele's own loneliness (which his peers in

Vienna considered distrustfully if not

reprovingly, so much so that they took him

to court for alleged indecency).



Egon Schiele, Heinrich Wagner, Leutnant i. d. Reserve (Portrait of

Reserve Lieutenant Heinrich Wagner), 1917.

The Battlefield







Le Miroir May 2nd 1915

 On May 2nd 1915, Le Miroir published the first snapshot of a battle:

the exploding of a shell while infantry dragoons carried out an

assault in a landscape of meadows and woods. The poor quality of

the picture is given by the newspaper as ultimate proof of its

authenticity. The "as if you were there" photographic style came

into fashion, heralding a long run of photographs, years before the

famous shot taken by Robert Capa during the Spanish Civil War, in

which we see a republican soldier at the very moment of being

brought down by a bullet as he runs. This did not, however, prevent

painters from producing some war paintings in very different styles.

Alfred Basel (1876-1920)

The first solution was to tell a story. The

artist chose an episode and described it amid

a wealth of detail. Basel, a Viennese painter

and engraver, was called up as a reserve

officer. He took part in the fighting against

Russian and Polish troops in Galicia. He

became a war painter in 1915. He chooses a

precise moment, which he had probably

witnessed, around which to build a narrative

vision: a squad of Austro-Hungarian

infantrymen stealthily approaching a village

controlled by the enemy who surrenders and

flees. A bombed-out farm is in flames. Basel

Alfred Basel, Erstürmung des Dorfes Stary Korczyn avoids all stylistic effects, preferring the

durch das Landsturminfanterieregiment Nr. 1, 22.

Dez. 1914 (Attack on the Village of Stary Korczyn extreme simplicity of a painting that tells a

by the Vienna First Infantry Regiment on tale.

December 22nd 1914), 1915-6, tempera on

canvas, 99 x 99 cm, Heeresgeschichtliches

Museum, Vienna.

Eric Kennington (1888-1959)

In 1914, Kennington enlisted with

the Kensingtons, the 13th London

Regiment. He fought in northern

France where he was wounded and

sent home in June 1915. During his

convalescence, he produced this

portrait of a group of infantrymen

who had halted among the snow-

covered ruins of a village.

Kennington himself can be seen,

wearing a dark blue balaclava

helmet and standing behind the

soldier with a German pickelhaube

strapped to his backpack by way of

a trophy. First exhibited in 1916, the

work created a sensation owing to

Eric Kennington, The Kensingtons at Laventie, oil the painting's attention to detail and

on glass, 139.7 x 152.4 cm, Imperial War Museum, total rejection of lyricism of any

London.

kind.

C. R. W. Nevinson (1889-1946)

The son of a journalist and famous war

correspondent, Nevinson went to Paris in

1911, where he discovered Cubism, which

was to have a lasting influence on him and

which taught him all about construction and

the geometry of modern forms. His

representation of the machine-gun and its

operator is exemplary: the hard lines of the

machinery dictate those of the robotised

soldiers who become as one with the killing

machine. The painting caused quite a stir, in

France as well as in Britain. Apollinaire

praised its painter as being one who

"translates the mechanical aspect of modern

warfare where man and machine combine to

form a single force of nature. His painting

Machine-gun conveys this idea exactly.”

C. R. W. Nevinson, Machine-gun, 1915, oil on

canvas, 61 x 50.8 cm, Tate Gallery, London.

William Roberts (1895-1980)

Although Roberts had distinguished

himself through his brightly-coloured

semi-Cubist style, this work reveals a

different, more descriptive style. The

painting commemorates one of the

most symbolic events of the war: on

April 22nd 1915, the first use of toxic

gases by the German artillery against

positions held by the Allies, French

Zouave troops dressed in red and

blue, and Canadian troops dressed in

khaki. The clashes of colours add to

the intensity of expression, as do the

view from above, the expressions of

horror, and the large number of

figures in this monumental work.

William Roberts, The First German Gas Attack at

Ypres, 1918, oil on canvas, 304.8 x 365.8 cm,

National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa.

Otto Dix (1891-1969)

Dix’s vision sometimes verges on

the nightmarish. Seen head on,

close up, throwing their grenades

among the barbed wire and tree

roots, the masked soldiers appear

inhuman, just like the surroundings

which appear unreal, the No Man's

Land of the trenches. It is

noteworthy that Dix chose to depict

not enemy, but German soldiers. In

1924, which was one of a set of 50

plates entitled War, this engraving

shocked public opinion in that Dix

Otto Dix, Sturmtruppe geht unter Gas vor

(Assault under Gas), 1924, watercolour, 35.3 x

shows a complete lack of respect

47.5 cm, Deutsches Historisches Museum, for his old comrades in the fighting

Berlin. forces. In place of the exaltation of

heroism, he prefers to denounce

the savagery of the destruction.

Frank Brangwyn (1867-1956)

Another example of a monumental

representation, but from a later period.

The work of Brangwyn is that of an

artist who made large formats and

brutal realism his personal hallmark.

Paying great attention to detail in his

skilful stagings of attacks, he

composed pictures whose dimensions

and composition seek a spectacular

effect. In 1924, he was commissioned

to do a set of wall paintings for

Westminster Palace, including this one,

where his expressionism was found

unacceptably morbid for the official

building it was painted for.

Frank Brangwyn, Tank in Action, 1925-26,

tempera on canvas, 366 x 376 cm, National

Museum of Wales, Cardiff.

Félix Vallotton (1865-1925)

Before going to the front to

attempt to paint the war, Vallotton

engraved emblematic images of it.

His album entitled This is War is a

collection of his woodcuts - a

technique he mastered during the

1890s - one which demands

extreme simplicity, bold contrasts

between black and white, and

ruggedness of line. This makes it

particularly appropriate for

depicting warfare, groping with

knives in the dark sapping

trenches, between enemies who

could hardly see each other. The

Félix Vallotton, Dans l'ombre (In the Shadow),

details on the helmets are all there

1916, woodcut on paper, 17,7 x 22,5 cm, Galerie is to indicate the nationality of

Paul Vallotton, Lausanne. either side.

Fernand Léger

Léger painted this picture, the

largest and most accomplished of

his war paintings whilst

convalescing in Paris. Although

there is nothing tragic or, strictly

speaking, warlike, about the

subject, here, for the first time on

such a large scale, Léger develops

the idea of the automaton that he

puts forward in his drawings. The

soldiers are faceless and

Fernand Léger, La partie de cartes (Soldiers Playing at Cards),

1917, oil on canvas, 129 x 193 cm, Kröller-Müller Museum, expressionless, they are reduced

Otterlo. to cones, barrels, pyramids and

tubes which can only be distinguished by the insignia showing their ranks, and their

decorations. The space in which they are playing is the narrow enclosed space of a

geometry punctuated by the vertical lines in the background and the broken lines in

the centre. All that remains of any colour, in a painting dominated by the blue-greys

of the greatcoats and the metal helmets, are a few touches of ochre and red.

C. R. W. Nevinson

After a period of leave or rest on the home

front, a march brings French troops to the

front line. This was a possible opportunity

for an epic picture of one of those lyrical

visions seen in the propaganda. Nevinson

however had by then already lost any

illusions, despite the early dating of the

painting, which was exhibited in London

early in 1915. There is nothing

enthusiastic or heroic about these soldiers.

They are bent under the weight of the

outsize packs and guns as they move

forward as quickly as they can - towards

the carnage. The reds and blues of the

uniforms fade away amid the greys and

C. R. W. Nevinson, Returning to the Trenches, 1914-15, ochres as Nevinson divides the foreground

oil on canvas, 51 x 76 cm, National Gallery of Canada, up with slanting lines in the Futurist

Ottawa manner in order to reinforce the feeling of

precipitation.

The Landscape

 Fire invented a new landscape, devoid of

landmarks or colour. When Jean Hugo

went to the front line for the first time

during the spring of 1915, he discovered

the battlefield with the rising of the sun:

"The plain, which stretched as far as the

eye could see, seemed to have been

churned up by a mad plough. The

entanglement of trenches formed in the

grass a huge white net with much of the

mesh gnawed away. In the middle, there

was a pile of stones and beams from

which emerged, here and there, a house

and a tree with all its leaves: La Targette.

Further on, some charred tree trunks and

a few white stones: Neuville-Saint-Vaast

(...) There were thousands of men on this

plain and I could only see one of them. He

was lying face down with his nose in the Photo from Le Miroir May 2nd 1915

grass; he was dead." Jean Hugo, Le regard

de la mémoire 1914-1945 (The Look of

Memory), Actes Sud, 1983.

The Age of Artillery

This is how Henri Barbusse describes the night-time bombardments on the Artois front in

1915: "The rumbling of the artillery became more and more frequent and ended up

forming a single rumbling of the whole earth. From all sides, outgoing bursts and

explosions threw forth their flashing beams which lit up the dark sky over our heads with

strips of light in all directions. Then the bombing grew so heavy that the flashes became

continuous. In the midst of the uninterrupted chain of thunder claps we could see each

other directly, helmets streaming like the bodies of fish, gleaming black iron shovels, and

the whitish drops of the endless rain, truly it was like moonlight created by cannon fire.”









Paul Nash, Void (Néant), 1918, oil on canvas, 71.4 x Paul Nash, The Menin Road, 1919, oil on canvas, 182.9 x

91.7 cm, National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa. 317 cm, Imperial War Museum, London.

Max Beckmann

Beckmann adds to the immediacy of this

image by depicting the fraction of a second

before the explosion. He makes it even

more expressive by avoiding too much

depth, with a pile of corpses in the

foreground, soldiers firing or running away

around the incandescent ball which is about

to spew out flames and shrapnel. There is

no escape for the man who has turned

away with his arms spread out, or for the

man firing the gun. A similar fate to that of

the disfigured victims all around awaits

them.









Max Beckmann, Die Granate (Shell), 1915, dry-point on

paper, 38 x 28.8 cm.

C. R. W. Nevinson

Nevinson's painting shows a syncopated

geometrical transcription of an explosion.

It combines two kinds of geometry: one of

angles and triangles, suggestive of flying

shrapnel; the other of curves and spirals,

evoking the flames and curls of smoke.

Nevinson adds colour, a chromatic analysis

of the flash of an explosion in a restricted

space - ruins, a dugout or a well, we

cannot tell which.









C. R. W. Nevinson, A Bursting Shell, 1915, oil on canvas,

76.2 x 55.9 cm, Tate Gallery, London.

C. R. W. Nevinson

A year later, when he returned to this

subject, his treatment was simpler and

more narrative. Nothing remains of the

phosphorescent spiral, and Nevinson

reduces his language to a proliferation of

oblique lines radiating out from a central

point - the point of impact - which he also

places at the summit of two dark triangles.

He again abandons nearly all the colours of

the spectrum, using only greys and

browns, so much so that his treatment of

the explosion is almost photographic. While

the painting retains its symbolic force, it

has lost some of its experimental value.







C. R. W. Nevinson, Explosion, c.1916, oil on canvas, 61 x

45.8 cm.

George Grosz

In January 1917, Grosz, who up to then had been convalescing, was recalled to

his unit. The following day he was hospitalised and shortly afterwards, owing

to the seriousness of his depression and the nervous disorders which affected

him, he was interned in an institution for the mentally ill. He experienced

repeated attacks accompanied by nightmarish hallucinations. In April, the

painter was declared unfit for further service.

Explosion was painted shortly

afterwards, not as the memory of

the fighting, but rather as an

allegory of the destruction: a town

is razed and catches fire in a

bombardment and cannot escape

the destructive fury that had taken

hold of Europe. This is Cubo-

Futurism in a dreamlike vein.



George Grosz, Explosion, 1917, oil on

panel, 47.8 x 68.2 cm, Museum of Modern

Art, New York.

Félix Vallotton

Félix Vallotton, Le plateau de Bolante

(Bolante Plateau), 1917, oil on canvas,

Musée d'Histoire Contemporaine -

BDIC, Paris









In Vallotton's landscapes where there is no sign of the thousands of men hidden

in the trenches. We may well look far into the distance, as far as the horizon,

scour the slopes of mutilated trees and the plain in the distance, there is nothing

living to be seen, there are only a few wisps of white smoke and the barely

perceptible furrows of the communication trenches dug in the ground. The work

is disappointing, being short on picturesqueness, pathos, and intensity - Vallotton

was certainly aware of this and yet he refused to cheat. He wished to paint only

what the soldier saw: earth, patches of grass, tree trunks and sky.

John Nash

Oppy was a village not far from

Vimy. Fortified by the Germans, it

withstood the assaults of the

British, Canadian and French

troops until September 1918. John

Nash's painting depicts with

careful didacticism the

circumstances of the confrontation

- the destruction of nature, the

plain ravaged by shell-holes which

had been turned into lakes,

shelters dug deep in the ground,

and trenches with cemented floors

and arches reinforced by sheet

metal, and - once again - the

immobility, the void, the lookout

John Nash, Oppy Wood, 1917. Evening, oil on on his watch with his face at

canvas, 182.8 x 213.3 cm, Imperial War ground level among the roots and

Museum, London

clods of earth.

Georges Leroux

Leroux (1877- ?) belonged to a

camouflage unit and served in

northern France and Belgium.

He told how on returning from

a reconnaissance mission he

had seen "a group of French

soldiers taking shelter in a great

shell-hole full of water" and

how he later painted the picture

from a sketch made that same

evening. With a realism quite

unlike the style of Nash or

Léger, he produced a work

which attempts to represent as

Georges Leroux, L'Enfer (Hell), 1917-18, oil on accurately as possible the

canvas, 114.3 x 161.3 cm, Imperial War Museum, unrepresentable reality of war.

London.

C. R. W. Nevinson

During the Great War, aerial bombing

raids were carried out against civilian

targets by both the artillery and the

airforce. Here, Nevinson denounces

the German airforce - the Taube and

its attacks against civilian populations

- even though such attacks were

more often carried out by airships

such as the Zeppelin, and the Allied

airforces had also attacked German

towns in the Ruhr as the bombers'

range of action increased. A closer

perusal of the painting is highly

instructive in that it prefigures all

those photographs and paintings

which, during the Spanish Civil War

and the Second World War and those

which followed, chose civilian targets

C. R. W. Nevinson, A Taube, 1916-17, oil on canvas, 63.5 x - an even more odious crime as there

76.2 cm, Imperial War Museum, London. were children involved, as is the case

here.

C. R. W. Nevinson

Because Nevinson was so bold as to

paint the bodies of two Tommies in

front of the barbed wire, this

painting was banned from an

exhibition in 1918. Nevinson refused

to take it down and covered it with

brown paper on which he wrote

"Censored". This gesture earned

him a reprimand from the War

Office, for it was forbidden either to

show reality or to denounce

censorship. Nevinson had only

painted what every soldier had seen

dozens of times: comrades who had

fallen under fire during pointless

C. R. W. Nevinson, Paths of Glory, 1917, oil on canvas, assaults.

45.7 x 61 cm, Imperial War Museum.

Otto Dix

The light of the flares reveals what

was hidden in the night: a mound of

twisted bodies, skulls, limbs torn

apart - a dance of death. This, one

of Dix's most expressionistic works,

boils down everyday experience into

a central theme. The clashes of

colour intensify the violence of the

painting as can be sensed in the

artist's vigorous brushstrokes, in the

deformations, the explosions of red

and white and the patches of blue

partly covering the grey and green.

Later, Dix returned to this theme in

an uncompromisingly realistic style;

and yet this chaotic, vehement

painting of 1917 conveys the

revulsion and the terror no less

Otto Dix, Lichtsignale (The Flare), 1917, gouache on

paper, 40.78 x 39.4 cm, Städische Galerie, Albstadt.

effectively.

William Orpen

During the summer of 1916, a

fierce battle took place between

the Germans and the British at

Thiepval in the Somme and the

surrounding region. A few months

later, Orpen returned to the scene

of the battle to find the stones

littered with skulls, bones and

fragments of clothing. Typically,

Orpen refused to choose, his eye

and his painting enumerate the

human remains and broken

objects without distinction. The

weather is fine, and tufts of grass

and poppies, are growing in the

chalk ground around the scattered,

William Orpen, Thiepval, 1917, oil on canvas, 63.5 x

soon to be forgotten skeletons.

76.2 cm, Imperial War Museum, London.

Otto Dix

At a time when the Nazis had banned

him from teaching and exhibiting, Dix

secretly produced this last painting in

memory of his war and its dead. Even

more so than the triptych, the style is

inspired by the old German masters,

notably the treatment of the sky, the

roots and the branches. The literary

allusion helps to specify the subject -

no longer the carnage, but the flooding

of the trenches, which made fighting

impossible and forced soldiers from

Otto Dix, Flandern (Flanders) (after Le Feu by Henri Barbusse), both sides to flee their dugouts with no

1934-6, oil and tempera on canvas, Staatliche Museen Preußischer thoughts of killing each other.

Kulturbesitz, Berlin.



During the night they sought shelter out of the water's reach. At dawn, they discovered that

they were close to one another. Barbusse wrote: "It had now become an uncanny field of

rest. The ground was dotted with beings sleeping or gently stirring, lifting an arm, raising

their heads, coming back to life or else dying. The enemy trench finally collapsed in on itself

…. All these men with cadaverous faces in front of us and behind us, exhausted, drained of

speech and all will, all these men weighed down with mud, almost carrying their own burial,

looked like each other, as if they were naked. From both sides, men came out of that

dreadful night wearing exactly the same uniform of destitution and dirt."

John Lavery



Many hospitals for British troops

were set up in Etaples and many

men died here, to be buried in the

countryside above the River

Canche and the Paris-Boulogne

railway line. Before the Imperial

War Graves Commission brought

them together and arranged for

their upkeep, this is how it

appeared to Lavery as it had done

to Vallotton: crosses, a few flowers

and interminable rows among

John Lavery, The Cemetery, Etaples, 1919, oil on which women tend the graves.

canvas, 59 x 90 cm, Imperial War Museum, London.

Félix Vallotton

From Vallotton's time in Champagne

and Argonne, this is the most

straightforward painting, the one in

which style and means are not an

issue. It relies on the repetition of a

sign - a cross - in the depth of space.

The graveyard thus appears immense,

the crosses countless, and death

omnipresent as is the case in the

cemeteries remaining both from this

war and from World War II. Here and

there the wooden crosses are adorned

with wreaths and decorations. Using

the 'unknown soldier' symbolism that

Félix Vallotton, Le cimetière de Châlons-sur-Marne Vallotton introduced here a long time

(The Cemetery of Châlons sur Marne), 1917, oil on

canvas, 54 x 80 cm, Musée d'Histoire Contemporaine -

before it became the official French

BDIC, Paris. symbol under the Arc de Triomphe,

not one name is legible.

Discussion Questions

 How were these depictions of the war

different from the war propaganda shown

in the postcards and recruitment posters?

 How might a painting be able to portray

war more accurately than a photograph?

 Why do you think many of these painting

were not welcomed by the authorities?

 How does art work as a form of history?


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