p97oeira

City template Oeiras









Basic information on ethnic minorities and

their participation





Report according to the grid for city templates

of the MPMC project









By Maria Margarida Marques, Rui Santos, Tiago Ralha

and Ana Rita Cordeiro

with the collaboration of António Sá



SOCINOVA

Universidade Nova de Lisboa

Avenue de Berna 26C

Lisbon

Portugal

1









CONTENTS





CONTENTS 1

FOREWORD 2

THE GENERAL FRAMEWORK 2

IMMIGRATION AND ETHNIC MINORITIES IN

PORTUGAL: EVOLUTION AND CONTEXT 6

Demographics 6

Public opinion 13

Immigration policies and the granting

of civil rights and duties 18

Juridical-political rights 20

Social and economic rights 24

Cultural and religious rights 29

THE GENERAL SITUATION IN OEIRAS 34

Demographic, economic, and political evolution 34

Internal differentiation 38

Making a rough estimate about how many

immigrants there are in Oeiras 40

Town Hall position toward immigration 43

Relations between local and other levels of government 45

Relations between local level of government and

Immigrants and ethnic minorities interests

mediating organisations 47

Civic participation in re-housing context 51

The URBAN program 56

LIST OF THE INTERVIEWS MADE 60

SOURCES AND REFERENCES 62

APPENDIX

2







FOREWORD





The invitation we were made to join the MPMC project occurred in January 98, in the

sequence of field work we had been carrying on for the last two years; and the formal

acceptance of our team in the MPMC project occurred in February. We were very happy

to participate in a comparative research, of course, but since our work was following a

specific orientation, most of the items requested for the MPMC city template had to be

collected, and interpreted in four months time. This report therefore reflects the short

time we had for information gathering and processing, and for discussing the issues

addressed in the MPMC project with the different actors and levels of decision

involved.







THE GENERAL FRAMEWORK



Lisbon metropolitan area concentrates almost one third of the Portuguese population,

two thirds of the taxes collected (but one should keep in mind that many large firms

choose to establish their sieges in the capital), and about two thirds of the foreigners

living in Portugal. Oeiras, the municipality where this observation is being carried out,

is located in the periphery of the administrative Lisbon perimeter, and is one of the

eighteen municipalities included in the Lisbon metropolitan area (LMA).





Lisbon Metropolitan Area









(Please insert map 1)

3







Source: Atlas Municipal de Oeiras







Portugal LMA LMA – LMA - Oeiras

North* South*

Area 91 985 km2 3 121,3 km2 1 599,92 km2 1 521,38 km2 45,75 km2

Population 9 862 700 2 535 669 1 895 176 640 493 151 342

Density 107,4 812 1 185 421 3 308

(inh/Km2)

Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997; INE, Portugal em

números, 1992

Note: * North and South of the Tagus river





The administrative organisation of the territory, mostly inherited from the last century,

with some small arrangements made in the fifties, and a recent creation of a

metropolitan authority with scarce (if any at all) authority in the management of the

metropolitan area (Lisbon Metropolitan Board), makes it difficult to conciliate the

administrative requirements of information gathering, and the empirical unveiling of

socio-economic dynamics in the region of the capital 1. The data we shall be handling

will therefore reflect this mismatch: the (reliable) statistics available seldom meet the

criterion of the municipality borders, which is nevertheless the relevant one for most

urban-level policy matters. Even when they do, there is no simple interpretation about

how to interpret them. In fact, lying in the outskirts of the capital, Oeiras has, for a long

time, functioned as a dependent suburb, lodging the people working in Lisbon, and

harbouring some of the nuisances that the capital centrifuged (namely industry and a

part of the people from the shanty towns ran down in the capital). As a consequence, not

only the quantitative, but the qualitative information as well should be analysed bearing

in mind the distortions caused by the powerful attraction effects of the capital vicinity.



Thus, the number and array of associations sieges, cultural manifestations, political and

other initiatives of immigrants and ethnic minorities (henceforth simply referred to as

ethnic) reported for the metropolitan area of Lisbon is, obviously, biased in favour of the

capital, in spite of the fact that most of the people involved live outside its

administrative borders, where they constitute local communities indeed presenting



1

The administrative organisation of the territory defines three geographical units: the “Freguesia” (parish), which is the

smallest portion having an administrative status, although one with a very limited scope of autonomy; the “Concelho”,

corresponding to the municipal area; and the “Distrito”, under the rule of a representative of the central government.

Only the governing bodies of the first two (Junta de Freguesia and Câmara Municipal, respectively) are chosen in

periodic local elections (every four years); the latter being an inheritance of the past, actually abolished by the

Constitution of 1976, in which it was substituted by the “Regions” - the exact definition of which is still being discussed,

and so far, only the Atlantic archipelagos (Azores and Madeira) and (in 1992) the Metropolitan Areas of Lisbon and

Oporto have been created.

4







several traits of institutional completeness – with or without the recognition, and the

actual support of the respective local authorities (namely the Town Halls and their

specialised intervening institutions). Conversely, the relatively small number of

immigrants and ethnic minorities members living in Lisbon is but an illusion, as

anyone who walks in the streets of Lisbon can plainly see. Although the bulk of the

activities (namely public works and house building and repairing, for men; and personal

and domestic services, and the menial commerce jobs for women) is concentrated in the

centre, it is in the periphery that most of the immigrants and ethnic minorities‟ members

live – the vast majority of which either in City Council and other public funded

re-housing projects or in the still remaining slums.





The available data obtained through nation-wide surveys actually document the

extremely precarious housing situation of immigrants and ethnic minorities in Portugal:

not only are they mostly concentrated in the Lisbon metropolitan area, as they are

over-represented in the slum areas (Silva et al. 1989). These are to be found in the inner

city, as well as in its outskirts, the large influx of people coming from the former

African colonies after de-colonisation (since the mid seventies) having strongly

contributed to their growth. Their elimination has been targeted as one of the major

policy objectives, and the Special Re-housing Program (SRP), aiming at definitely

putting an end to the degraded areas, was initiated by 1993, and covered both the

metropolitan areas of Lisbon and Oporto.





Although Oeiras started its municipal re-housing program earlier 2, the Town Hall also

participates in the central government SRP program, and while adopting a “pragmatic

position” (i.e. re-housing all the inhabitants registered in 1993, independently of their

legal status), today the municipality clearly rates among the most successful in the SRP

execution. Mutatis mutandis, the re-housing achieved performances attracted a booming

influx of immigrants, mostly coming from the Portuguese speaking countries, supported

by the family reunification act and an admittance policy biased in favour of the former

Portuguese colonies. This increasing growth rate may jeopardise the planning initially

drawn by the local authorities and, in the long run, even the goals of integration.





The general idea one gets, when looking at the formal organisation schemes adopted by

central and local governments in the LMA is, in fact, that central government and local

authorities are not playing in tune, that the re-housing program is being carried on by the

different municipalities following different criteria, not necessarily congruent with the





2

The first re-housing project in Oeiras was built in 1943 and 40 families were re-housed. Between that first experience

and 1973, five such projects were built, lodging 181 families (source: 10 Anos de Habitação, CMO, 1997).

5







central government policy toward immigration and ethnic minorities issues, and that the

very existence of such a policy is by no means a pacific matter.





Let us now, therefore, get a closer look at the context of immigration and ethnic

minorities presence and associated issues in Portugal, the LMA, and in Oeiras

municipality.

6







IMMIGRATION AND ETHNIC MINORITIES IN PORTUGAL: EVOLUTION AND

CONTEXT





Demographics



The use of statistics concerning foreigners is the only way to make an approximated

guess about the numbers of immigrants and ethnic minorities, for there is as yet no

statistical device specifically conceived to come to terms with this recent development

in Portugal, and, therefore, there is no other category, besides the “not national” (i.e. the

foreigner) to grasp this particular and growing phenomenon of immigration and

ethnicity. Among other things, this situation has to do with the late (by European

standards) development of immigration in Portugal, and, consequently, with its

identification as a political issue to be considered on its own right – which will be

further discussed later on.



About 4 % of the population of the whole LMA 3 , in 1996, didn‟t have Portuguese

nationality (83.2% of which came from Portuguese speaking countries (PSC) - African

former colonies and Brazil), a proportion that is nearly double the national percentage

(Cordeiro 1997)4. Although it is impossible to determine exactly how many foreigners

are at present living in Oeiras, and particularly the part of immigrants among them, it is

possible, by the knowledge obtained via direct intensive and extensive observation made

during the last two years, to consider it as a municipality having a heavy immigration

presence, most certainly higher than the average obtained for the metropolitan area as a

whole, although very unevenly distributed throughout the municipal territory.



Immigration is a very recent phenomenon (mostly dating from the eighties) in a society

of, until very recently, heavy emigration. The calculations have already been made

elsewhere, so in order to simply illustrate how recent are the changes entailed by this

immigration upsurge, we shall only present the basic statistical tables on the cycles of

migration of the country: one about the migratory balance in Portugal for the last four

censuses; the second one concerning the evolution, from 1980 to 1996, of foreigners

legally residing here; a third one about their age and gender makeup, by national group;

and the fourth showing their uneven geographical distribution throughout the country.









3

The administrative definition of the metropolitan area is broader here than the one we used before (it includes the

whole “distritos” of Lisbon and Setúbal), because it is based on another source, presenting data at a distrito level, thus

encompassing municipalities that by the first and more precise definition should be excluded.

4

The corresponding data for the foreigners living in Oeiras municipality are not available – the census data will not be

used because not only are they out-dated, but also very unreliable – see Cordeiro, 1997

7









Migratory balance in Portugal in the last four censuses

1960-1970 1970-1981 1981-1991

Total balance -278 267 1 221 889 29 526

Natural balance 1 080 419 783 819 353 334

Migratory balance -1 358 686 438 070 -323 808

Source: Barreto, A. and C. V. Preto (1996)





The straightforward interpretation of these data is that there is, at least until 1991, a

coexistence of the two movements: inward (immigration, mostly from the Portuguese

speaking African countries - see below) and outward (emigration of Portuguese toward

destinations outside the EU 5 ). The African de-colonisation in the seventies is

responsible for the large superavit recorded.



Evolution, from 1980 to 1997, of foreigners legally residing in Portugal

1980 1986 1997 growth annual rate

1986/97 of growth

1986/97

Total number 58 091 100 86 692 100 175 263 100 + 102% 9%

of foreigners

Africans 30 343 48 37 539 43 81 717 46.9 + 118% 11%

Asians 1 153 2 2 958 3 7 192 4.1 + 143% 13%

Europeans 17 706 30 24 040 28 49 747 27.4 + 107% 10%

North-Ameri 4 821 8 9 047 10 10 573 6.2 + 17% 2%

cans

South-Ameri 6 403 11 12 629 15 25 274 15 + 100% 9%

cans

Others 260 0 479 1 760 0.4 + 59% 5%

Source: SEF (1998) and SEF cit. in Cordeiro (1997) and Machado (1997)

Note: The data don‟t account for the whole number of requests presented in the extraordinary

legalisation process (which involved over 35 thousand legalisation processes).





This second table clearly evidences the rapid pace of immigration influx in Portugal,

during the last decade, and allows the identification of the major groups involved:

Africans, the bulk of whom comes from former Portuguese colonies, who represent in

1996 almost half of the total foreign population living in Portugal; Europeans come in

second place, but their relative weight is decreasing; and in third place come the

South-Americans, mostly Brazilians. The most impressive increase, however, comes

from Asians, and is composed mainly of Indians, Pakistanis and Chinese - the latter



5

Since those who move inside the EU perimeter are no longer counted as migrants, this is certainly an underscore of

emigration. Yet, all available estimates show that emigration is in a continuous process of reduction.

8







arriving in Portugal via Macao or directly from China (following more or less tortuous

paths).



Age and gender makeup, by selected national groups, of the foreigner population living

in Portugal (%)

AGE (1992*) 0-14 15-64 65+

Angola 6,0 89,9 4,1

Cape Verde 1,0 96,4 2,6

Guinea 2,4 96,6 1,0

Mozambique 4,0 91,4 4,6

São Tomé 2,0 95,0 3,0

Brazil 9,0 89,1 1,9

Europe 1,4 82,5 16,1

Total 2,9 89,8 7,3

SEX Male Female Total

(Average

1992/1996)

Angola 56,0 44,0 100,0

Cape Verde 61,2 38,8 100,0

Guinea 74,2 25,8 100,0

Mozambique 56,9 43,1 100,0

São Tomé 51,6 48,4 100,0

Brazil 54,7 45,3 100,0

Europe 53,7 46,3 100,0

Total 57,8 42,2 100,0

Source: SEF cit in Cordeiro (1997)

Note: * More recent SEF data were still unavailable, while writing the report.





These basic sociographic figures are typical of recently settled migrant populations: sex

ratios are all above unity (with most PSAC nationals well above it), and the average age

is relatively low, an evidence of the dominant economic motivation for immigrating.

However, some details which point to some inter-group heterogeneity deserve further

attention.





The data on age and sex makeup and on the recent evolution by national group suggest

two axes of differentiation: the first one being the dominant motivation for immigration

(economic versus other) and the second one, the different composition of the unit group

experiencing migration (isolated individuals versus family experiences). We have

therefore to distinguish between three groups: those who migrate for economic reasons

either individually (in the case of Cape Verdians, Guineans and Santomese) or in family

9







(in the cases of Brazilians, Mozambicans and Angolans), and those who migrate for

economic and other reasons, for instance retirement, which is the case of Europeans 6.





In fact, this heterogeneity has already been mentioned in earlier studies (e.g. Pires 1990;

Machado 1994; Cordeiro 1997 inter alia), and a rough categorisation of the last thirty

years should at least distinguish between a first period of heavy immigration from the

PSAC in the sixties (following an important shortage in national labour force to face the

investments in public works); a second one, following African de-colonisation, which

brought to Portugal a labour force qualified above the average (Pires et al. 1987); and a

third one, still going on, again associated with the intensification of public works, after

Portugal entered the European Community in 1986. This last one is, indeed, the period

which brought to Portugal the bulk of the populations usually grouped under the term of

immigrants.



Two further details should be kept in mind: the clear majority of Capeverdians among

immigrant populations, and the recent increase of Angolans, who, besides economic

motives, also frequently come to Portugal running away from civil war and a possible

military draft. Concerning the first aspect, it is interesting to notice that two studies of

the content of the national press showed similar results concerning the very infrequent

use, until very recently, of the term immigrant (indeed frequently confused with

emigrant - a still vivid reality in Portuguese society), and the common use of terms such

as Africans and Capeverdians as alternative synonyms (Guibentiff 1991). Concerning

the second remark, it will be shown later on that, although expulsion risks from

Portuguese soil for unlawful stay are slim, Angolans are, among the PSC, those who rate

higher (see also Baganha 1997; Seabra 1998; Justino et al. 1998).





Finally, although the settlement patterns of the various nationalities varies greatly, the

overwhelming African concentration in the LMA makes this region the second highest

concentration of foreigners in the whole territory - the first one being the southern

sunbelt (with a ratio of 5.4%) -, but certainly the first one in terms of economic

immigrants concentration.









6

In fact, as it will be shown later on, there is still another element of differentiation, related to academic and

occupational skills.

10









Foreigner population living in Portugal and in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area

Resident population Foreigner population Ratio (1) / (2)

(1) (2)

(1991) (1997)

LMA* 2.782.730 112 962 4%

Portugal 9.927.440 175.263 1,8 %

Source: SEF (1998) and INE cit in Cordeiro (1997)

Note: * these figures include the sum of the two distritos of Lisbon and Setúbal.





There are, however, other important data to describe the composition of foreign

populations in Portugal, so far ignored: those concerning their modes of economic

incorporation, and their social and cultural characteristics.





Capeverdians are not only the majority (about forty thousand), but indeed they were the

first immigrant community (in contemporary times) to settle in Portugal, in the sixties,

in order to fulfil the vacancies left by Portuguese emigration abroad and military draft

toward African colonial wars, and new opportunities opened by large public investments

made in public works (subway, bridge over the Tagus ...). Cape Verde, together with

São Tomé, were the only Portuguese African colonies which didn‟t put up a liberation

war against the Portuguese colonial presence, and people born there were indeed

frequently used, in the other colonies, as intermediary representatives of the colonial

authorities. Cape Verde became an independent nation, as the other African Portuguese

colonies, in 1975; unlike the others, it never experienced a military coup (which

occurred in Guinea and São Tomé), or a civil war (like in Angola and Mozambique),

and its political system is based on free direct elections, which occur normally in a

periodic consultation to voters, since 1991. Capeverdians are allowed to vote and be

elected in Portuguese local elections, and the reciprocal situation is also true. Most of

Cape Verdians settled in Portugal come from Santiago, the biggest island in the

archipelago, and are drafted directly from agricultural activities. Concerning their

cultural characteristics, their religion is overwhelmingly Christian Catholicism, the

language they speak is a Portuguese Creole, which differs slightly from island to island -

and this appears to be, in fact, one of the main differences among them: the island of

origin. One should however keep in mind the heterogeneous socioeconomic

composition of this community, whose higher strata, completely assimilated in

Portuguese society, generally have Portuguese nationality, and who hardly relate to the

bulk of the unskilled manual labour force 7.



7

Major researches made on this community: see references.

11









Brazilians also show evidences of little internal differentiation, even less than

Capeverdians in socioeconomic terms (although social stratification cleavages are

sharp): they all speak Portuguese, and are overwhelmingly affiliated with the Catholic

church - although they also bear the main responsibility for the proliferation of churches

and sects of Christian, but also African inspiration religions. Of course Brazil is a

quasi-continent, so it is more than natural that they present some differences in the

accent, their morphological traits, and other cultural aspects (e.g. gastronomy, music ...).

It should be stressed however that a sizeable part of them are of Portuguese origin

(second or third generation descendants of Portuguese emigrants to Brazil), and most of

them come from urban areas and the state of Minas Gerais. Finally, they are, with

Capeverdians, among the Portuguese speaking communities, the only two who share the

reciprocal possibility of electing and being elected in local elections.



The other national groups evidence a much higher degree of differentiation: be it of

religious or ethnic origin.





Let's start with people originated from Africa. Most of Angolans present in Portugal

come from Luanda and other urban areas. They have come to Portugal not only for

economic reasons, but a huge portion also fleeing civil war and (especially young men)

escaping military draft. For historical reasons, related to the colonial period, the memory

of past ethnic backgrounds of these urban populations sank into oblivion, and the huge

majority speaks only Portuguese and has a Christian religion (although Catholics are the

largest group). Related to the recent history of internal and external civil wars, there is

also a sizeable group of the so called (by Angolans) French-Angolans, mostly originated

from Zaire.





People coming from Guinea have much more heterogeneous backgrounds. It is possible

to distinguish grosso modo four groups. The first one, composed of people coming from

urban areas, is made of Guineans of Portuguese and Capeverdian origins, who speak

Portuguese and Creole, and who are Catholics. A second group, although a smaller one,

is made of Guineans who have their origins in French speaking countries (such as

Senegal, Guinea-Conakri and Mali), who can hardly speak Portuguese – thus possibly

unveiling dominant ethnic dynamics over administrative boundaries. Then come the

sizeable Muslim groups, of three particular ethnic groups (Fula, Mandinga and

Beafada), who are bilingual (while preserving their own languages, they also speak

Portuguese), and whose affiliation within the Islam overflows the religious sphere

12







(magic is an important source of legitimate authority, and the Moor has a specific role).

Finally, the followers of (native) African religions also represent a sizeable group (made

of Pepel, Manjaco and Brama or Mancanha ethnic groups), also bilingual 8.





Coming from Mozambique, there is a much smaller community. Most of the Black

Mozambicans 9 belong to the Maconde ethnic group. Since Portuguese colonial

presence in Mozambique was not so overwhelming as in Angola, uprooting of cultural

traditions is slimmer among this community. The religious affiliations of Mozambicans

are quite diversified: besides the Christian religions, there also are sizeable groups of

Muslim and African religion followers.





Finally the Santomese living in Portugal are a sort of an unbiased sample of their

origins. They can be divided in three groups: the native Santomese, the Santomese of

Capeverdian origin, and the Santomese of Angolan origin. They all speak Portuguese

and Creole and are overwhelmingly Catholic.





Concerning Asians, the largest group comes from India. Ávila & Alves (1993) and

Malheiros (1996), referring to ethnic associations‟ estimates, point to the Indian ethnic

group in Portugal to be about 33 thousand, 11 thousand of which are Goese and the

bulk of the rest are Gujratis. If these figures prove to be exact, Indians should be

considered as the third biggest ethnic group in Portugal (after Gypsies and

Capeverdians). A sizeable portion of them however has Portuguese nationality, some

inherited it from the past colonial presence of Portugal in India, others acquired it from

their stay in former African colonies (especially Mozambique), and still others coming

directly from India availing themselves of the family reunification opportunities. People

from Goa are in general Brahmans, having high socioeconomic status, they all speak

Portuguese and are of Catholic persuasion. The rest of the community is made of

Hindus, Ishmaelites and other Islamic groups, and their socioeconomic status are quite

differentiated 10.





Pakistanis are much less, and even among those who came from Mozambique, speaking

Portuguese is quite rare. They are however bilingual (speaking native languages and

English), and the large majority shares the same religion - Islam.









8

Major researches made on this community: see references.

9

The huge community of Asian Indians and Pakistanis who came, after independence, to Portugal will be addressed

elsewhere.

10

Major researches made on this community: see references.

13







Among the Chinese, one has to distinguish three groups: those who came from

Mozambique after independence, those who come from Macao and a third group

coming from Mainland China. The two first ones often have Portuguese nationality, the

others don't. Yet none of them fluently speaks Portuguese, and besides from the barely

spoken "business language" (English), Cantonese and Mandarin is preserved as the

community communication means. Concerning religion, it is difficult to ascertain, in the

absence of systematic observations, whether the traditional Buddhist cult is preserved,

or abandoned, and the extend of confucionist philosophy.





Finally, most of the Gypsies living in Portugal have Portuguese nationality. Estimates

point to a figure around forty thousand, about the same weight of the Capeverdian

community therefore, but unlike them, they are scattered all over the country. Some of

them still maintain a nomad style of life (even when they are housed in municipal

projects), for they carry on selling in open air markets (throughout the whole Iberian

peninsula). The major cleavages among them are between (extended) families11.





Concerning the modes of economic incorporation, we shall dwell on two indicators: the

occupations (according to the former CITP 12 classification scheme, still in use at the

SEF13) and the working status (wage earner or employer/self-employed).





The occupational structure reveals two major axes of differentiation: one concerning the

academic skills required for entering into some occupations (which clearly singles out

Brazilians and Europeans from the rest), the other one being the use of manual effort

(where, among the PSAC, Capeverdians, Guineans, and Santomese stand out as the

more heavily dependent upon the use of manual effort in their occupations). It is

therefore possible to identify three distinct occupational groups, the first one being

composed of the higher qualified segments of foreign labour force in Portugal

(Brazilians and Europeans) - which are also scattered all over the country; the second

one is made up of an heterogeneous amalgam of skilled, unqualified labour and business

owners (Mozambicans 14 ); and finally the third, gathering all the other nationalities,

heavily represented in manual labour, be it in public works and building, manufacture or

personal and domestic services (Angolans, Capeverdians, Guineans, and Santomese).

The bulk of the last two groups is heavily concentrated in the LMA. Finally, the scarce

volume of people employed in farming activities (in contrast, for instance, with the

situations observed in other South European countries) is also worth mentioning.

11

Major researches made on this community: see references.

12

Classification Internationale Type des Professions (1968).

13

Borders and Foreigners Service, the police department to whom the borders and foreigners control is committed.

14

Among Mozambicans, there is, however, a batch of Asian Indians who are either self-employed in commerce or

work as clerks.

14









Occupations for selected national communities - Average 1990-1996 (%)

Profes Direc Office Shop Perso Farmers Manual Total

sionals, tors, Clerks keepers nal and , fisher manufa

techni-c mana and domes men, cture

ians, gers sales tic manual labou

artists clerks services farm rers

labour

Angola 5,1 0,2 1,6 1,6 58,0 0,3 33,0 100,0

Cape Verde 1,5 0,1 3,3 0,6 5,5 0,6 88,0 100,0

Guinea 7,7 0,3 2,4 5,5 5,5 1,7 77,0 100,0

Mozambique 14,0 3,3 8,6 24,7 5,4 0,2 44,0 100,0

São Tomé 1,4 0,4 7,3 3,3 18,0 0,6 69,0 100,0

Brazil 46,0 4,6 8,0 10,7 5,1 0,9 24,0 100,0

Europe 41,0 15,0 4,9 11,9 5,0 1,7 20,0 100,0

Total 24,0 6,3 4,4 7,8 6,0 1,5 50,0 100,0

Source: SEF cit. in Cordeiro (1997)





The working status helps to clarify the image: the first group, and a sizeable part of the

second share a heavy presence among the employer/self-employed category 15; the third

one is essentially made of wage earners (all national groups exceed 90% in this

category).



Working status for selected national communities - Average 1990-1996

employer/self-e Wage earner Unknown Total

mployed

Angola 321 6,6 4 562 93,3 4,5 0,1 4 887,5 100,0

Cape Verde 219 1,1 19 137 98,8 23 0,1 19 367 100,0

Guinea 276 6,1 4 213,5 93,7 12 0,3 4 495,5 100,0

Mozambique 266,5 15,4 1 468,5 84,6 2 0,1 1 736 100,0

São Tomé 130,5 9,6 1 231,5 90,2 7 0,5 1 365,5 100,0

Brazil 2 310 32,0 4 894 67,8 25 0,3 7 220,5 100,0

Europe 9 022 43,3 11 781 56,5 88 0,4 20 847 100,0

Total 12 545 20,9 47 291 78,9 83 0,1 59 919 100,0

Source: SEF cit. in Cordeiro (1997)









15

Asian Indians and Chinese, not present in these statistical data, are heavily represented (in relative terms) among

this category.

15







Public opinion16



National surveys consistently show that Gypsies are traditionally the major

discriminated against group. Other communities, easier to identify with immigration

(Brazilians, Asian Indians) lag well behind in the polls, and even the Blacks, which rate

second in the public opinion sense of "excessive presence", are two and a half points

behind the Gypsies.



Attitudes toward immigrants and ethnic minorities (1995)

In Portugal are there too Yes No

many: (%) (%)

Gypsies 50,9 38,5

Blacks 48,3 40,9

Brazilians 39,5 49,0

Asian Indians 24,6 55,0

Europeans 17,3 64,1

Spaniards 10,9 73,0

Source: Público, August 2, 1995.





One should keep in mind that immigration upsurge in Portugal is a very recent

phenomenon. The term immigrant is therefore not easily interpreted correctly - and still

is sometimes confused with emigrants. On the other hand, being a mass tourism destiny

since the sixties, the concept of foreigner does not have the negative connotations it

assumes in other societies.

And indeed, according to Eurobarometer, the Portuguese society appears to be much

more tolerant than the rest of the EU - whether concerning nationality, race, or religion.



Percentage who find the presence of people of different nationality, race, or religion

disturbing

Nationality Race Religion

1989 1993 1997 1989 1993 1997 1989 1993 1997

Portugal 3 6 5 4 9 7 6 8 ---

EU 11 13 13 14 16 15 11 13 ---

Source: Eurobarometer Special Issue, 1989 cit. In Baganha (1996 : 86); and

Eurobarometer 39 (1993) and 48 (1998).





Moreover, when one considers the perception of the volumes involved in the migration

flows coming from outside the EU, the data corroborate the scenario of tolerance toward

foreign workers in Portugal, even if unfriendly attitudes keep rising (as the last





16

This is an abridged version of a previous paper (Marques 1997). See also the press analysis made by Guibentif

(1991) and Cunha (1996), and the thorough collection of poll data made by Baganha (1996).

16







Eurobarometer shows). However, it is most striking that the percentage of people

unaware of the presence of outside EU residents drops to one half in just seven years.





Attitudes towards non nationals of the EU (%)

1991 1993 1995 1997

There are too many Portugal 18 25 30 28

EU 50 52 43 45

There are a lot but Portugal 33 42 36 41

not too many EU 34 34 42 40

There are not many Portugal 28 19 26 20

EU 9 9 11 10

Don‟t know Portugal 21 14 8 11

EU 7 6 4 6

Source: Eurobarometer 35 (1991), 39 (1993), 42 (1995), and 48 (1998).





Concerning abstract and universalistic references, a poll made in the early nineties show

unequivocal results about the wide consensus on basic human rights principles,

revealing that the large majority (77%) of Portuguese think foreigners should be granted

the access to the same rights as the nationals, whereas only a small minority disagrees

(M. Villaverde Cabral 1997 : 107); Eurobarometer (#47.1, 1998) also presents the same

pattern of response, which holds for the rest of the EU.





Yet, the picture we get from another source (França 199317) is another one, and quite

different in fact.

Concerning sharing the neighbourhood with “others”, Portuguese clearly appear as

much less tolerant than the rest of the EU when a reference to race or religion is

involved, but more open-minded than the average when the question involves the

reference to foreign workers. The apparent dissonance these data reflect emerges

primarily from the fact that most of the immigrants in Portugal come from the former

African colonies, and belong to other races.



Acceptance of "others" as neighbours

Portugal EU *

other races 15 10

Muslims 18 17

Refuses having as neighbours (%) Immigrants- foreign workers 10 13

Jews 19 9

Hindus 17 11

Note: * 9 countries considered

Source: França et al. (1993 : 23, 28)



17

European Value Systems Study Group

17









Considering work, the ESSVG poll shows that Portuguese are much less prone to share

jobs (considered as scarce resources) with foreigners than the rest of EU.



Access to jobs

Portugal EU*

Agrees national citizens should be given priority in 86 62

access to jobs (%)

Note: * 9 countries considered

Source: França et al. (1993 : 53)





This result is confirmed in a nation-wide poll made in 1997 (Freire et al. 1998), 41% of

the interviewees of a sample of firms having stated that being Portuguese should be a

„very important criterion‟ of recruitment; and again in a nation-wide survey made in

1992, concerning the perceptions of the competition in the labour market from foreign

workers: in the Lisbon metropolitan area, more than half the respondents reveal an acute

feeling of insecurity crystallised in the presence of foreigners. This occurs in spite of

low rates of unemployment in Portugal.



Are the immigrants snatching the jobs away from national

citizens? (%)

Country LMA

Yes 42.6 50.3

Maybe 13.8 11.0

No 43.6 38.7

Source: Público, May 11th, 1992, p. 3





The large numbers involved allow us to think that it is indeed a collective sense of

insecurity which is here being expressed, possibly crossing different levels of

socioeconomic status, as the problems with Brazilian dentists, and the racial clashes of

the 80s between labourers in the highly depressed Setúbal industrial district suggest.





Is there to be expected a remake of situations occurred in the past in traditional

immigration societies, in spite of the differing conditions? Eurobarometer latest special

issue on racism and xenophobia shows that the figures in Portugal are, in the European

context, quite low, albeit growing18.









18

Baganha (1996), based on the polls she collected, suggests that Portuguese cannot be considered as

racist, rather as having a particular discriminating behaviour: „polite‟ on the public sphere but prejudiced

in the private sphere.

18







Immigration policies and the granting of civil rights and duties



Although the rising tide of immigration started in the mid-eighties, as discussed above,

only one decade after did the Portuguese government publicly accept to endorse the

label of country of immigration, and therefore started to put up an institutional and

juridical framework specifically designed to cope with this emerging phenomenon.





The figures involved in the first “special legalisation period” (Decree Law 212 of 1992)

don‟t mirror the real dimension of illegal residence of foreigners in the beginning of the

decade in Portugal.



Special legalization period 1992/93

Angola 12525

Brazil 5346

Cape Verde 6778

China 1352

Guinea-Bissau 6877

São Tomé e Princípe 1408

Senegal 1397

Others 3483

Total 39166

Source: SEF cit. In Ramos 1998: 11





This first “regularization process”, together with the Council of Ministers Resolution 38

of April 8th 1993, aiming at fighting immigrants' social exclusion, a task whose

co-ordination was committed to the Ministry of Employment, was the official

recognition of the problem. The creation of a High Commissioner for Immigration and

Ethnic Minorities in 1995 (by decree law 296-A), directly reporting to the prime

minister, was but the more visible part of that framework. Significantly, its creation

occurred only a few months after the Socialist party acceded to government,

overthrowing a decade long liberal (Social-democratic) one. The High Commissioner

was a member of the first Municipal Council for immigration and ethnic minorities

issues being created in Portugal, in Lisbon, where the Socialist party holds the Town

Hall since 1993.





Another measure adopted immediately after the Socialist government was elected, also

part of the promises made during the electoral campaign, was the second

“extraordinary process of immigrants legalisation” (Law 17 of May 24, 1996).

19







As was to be expected, people coming from the Portuguese speaking African countries

(PSAC) again made the bulk of the requests:







Legalisation requests presented under Law 17 of May 24, 1996 , by region where

request was presented

Lisbon Oporto Faro Total

PSAC 21 776 541 603 23 400

Brazil 1 398 474 170 2 330

Maghreb 361 95 63 585

Eastern Europe 449 28 28 541

Asia 4 338 384 152 5 029

Others 2 500 218 149 3 197

Total 30 822 1 790 1 165 35 082

Source: SEF, 1997





The law itself made a distinction between people coming from Portuguese speaking

countries (PSC) and the others 19, and as far as the simple reading of the data allows, it

is possible to conclude, by the number of processes submitted during the legalisation

process but refused, that that discrimination in favour of the PSC actually worked:



Legalisation requests: major national groups represented in processes not admitted for

approval

Total Pakistan India Bangladesh Portuguese

Speaking

Countries

3 965 1 364 625 599 70

100% 34% 16% 15% 0,2%

Source: SEF, 1997, cit. in Baganha (1996).





Other measures were, in the meanwhile, undertaken, and the specific framework for

handling the new public issue of immigration is being built creating anew the necessary

conditions now considered to be missing, but also adapting some of those already

existing. For instance, a new law concerning access to wage work was approved on May

12, this year, eliminating the restriction imposed by the former one (decree law 97 of

March 17, 1977), which prohibited the hiring of foreigners in firms having less than five

employees and the number of foreigners to exceed 10% of the total firm labour force.



19

It covered people coming from Portuguese speaking countries arrived until December 31st of 1995, and people from

other origins arrived till March 25th of that same year.

20







This legal constraint had become, in the last decade, the legitimating reference for the

fast growing of a vast informal economy of clandestine work, mainly of immigrant

labour force in the building and public works sector. Conversely, the decision for

adhering to the Schengen Convention is going to be respected, for it involves the

integration in the EU; and so will the policy of relative privilege in favour of people

coming from Portuguese speaking countries, included in the Constitution.





In order to facilitate the reading of the data, we have organised the detailed presentation

of the legal framework according to the three analytical dimensions suggested in the

MPMC project restatement of December 1997.





1. juridical-political rights





see synoptic table



This brief analysis of the evolution of the juridical-political rights granted to foreigners

reveals three aspects worth mentioning:

 the deliberately biased policy in favour of people coming from Portuguese speaking

countries (in Africa and Brazil);

 the recent change from jus soli to jus sanguinis, after Portuguese de-colonisation in

Africa, and a short while before Portugal joined the EU;

 the granting of political participation to foreigners in local elections, once reciprocity

is admitted 20 (Law 50 of September 4th 1996).



Concerning this last item, it is possible to see in the following table that participation in

the last local elections involving citizens from outside the EU (as recorded in the

electoral lists) was very shy. However, as the Capeverdian MP for the immigrants‟

constituency in Portugal signalled us, only around five thousand Capeverdians living in

Portugal registered for elections in Cape Verde, which suggests a higher participation of

this community in the host community local level, than in their homeland policy.





Since more precise data were not availed to us, it isn‟t possible to go any further in this

interpretation.









20

Since the set of countries (outside EU) meeting the criterion of reciprocity may change in time, a normative

document is published in the official paper before every local election listing the countries whose citizens can register

as electors. Among the nationalities present in the immigrant communities in Portugal, the 1996 local elections

recognised that right to Brazilians and Capeverdians.

21









Political participation in last local elections (1997)

Cape Brazil

Verde

PORTUGAL – Registers 9 572 732

LMAa - Registers 9 038 289

OEIRAS

Registers 1 378 23

Voters not not

available available

c

Elected - “Junta de 2 not

Freguesia” b available

Elected - “Concelho” b 1d 0

Source: STAPE 21

Notes: a) Lisbon and Setúbal distritos

b) Assembleia de Freguesia and Assembleia Municipal, parish and

local council assemblies.

c) But at least three ethnic minorities members have already had

that experience.

d) A member of the Socialist party.





In fact, political (other than formal) and civic participation in general are very modest in

Portuguese society. The feebleness of civil society, abundantly referred to in

sociological and political studies (vd. Braga da Cruz, Lucena, Sousa Santos, Villaverde

Cabral, inter alia), reflected in reduced mobilisation through organised collectives, the

dominance of particular over universal references, and the inability to engage in

negotiated changes in the different levels of collective decision, goes hand in hand with

strong suspicion toward formal institutions, namely the state and the political parties,

and collective organisation in general. This pervasive withdrawal from the formal public

sphere ends up making the public intervention „almost always necessary for everything‟

(Lucena). This is, in fact, the matrix that moulds the opportunity structure for

participation both for nationals and immigrants. And the local authorities at Oeiras

Town Hall are pretty much aware of it - as will be shown later on.





The acquisition of Portuguese nationality is mainly a matter dependent of the Ministry

for Home Affairs. Not only do they conduct the whole enquiry, but they are also in

charge of establishing whether the person is „well integrated in Portuguese society‟ or





21

STAPE is the central government department which centralises the whole information obtained directly from the

Town Halls; these, in turn, get the information from the Juntas de Freguesia.

22







not, one of the fundamental topics of the enquiry - which of course allows a large

discretionary power to the decision making.





The data on nationality acquisition from 1980 to 1985 clearly reveal the change in the

basic principle of the law (from jus soli – law 2098 of July 29, 1959 and decree law

308-A of July 24, 1975 - to jus sanguinis - Law 37 of October 3, 1981): in the

beginning, the total number of direct requests was equal to the total number of granted

requests; in 1983 the refusals jumped twenty-fold, and after 1983, the numbers of

naturalisations granted suddenly dropped. The reason for this is simple: in 1975, the

de-colonisation process in Africa began, and Portugal granted Portuguese nationality to

those who lived in those new nations who requested it (although it was assumed that

Africans would be granted the new nationality automatically, the same might not hold

true for the non Africans - for instance in the case of the many Asian Indians living in

Mozambique, specifically referred in the law). In 1981, five years before adhering to the

EEC, the Portuguese Parliament issued a new law, thus trying to keep in tune with what

was being done in the European Community (see also Franco 1991 and Carlos 1993).







Naturalisations

1980 1981 1982 1983 1985 1987

Refu Grants Refu Grants Refu Grants Refu Grants Refu Grants Refu Grants

Sals sals sals sals sals sals

0 68 6 84 2 74 40 97 23 32 27 26

Source: Franco (1991 : 129).





In the 1989-1992 period, it is possible to see two things: the booming of the total

number of requests (when compared with a decade sooner), and the slow and very

meagre process of granting Portuguese nationality.



Naturalisations granted

1989 1990 1991 1992

PSAC 153 86 51 11

Brazil 4 7 10 6

Asia 28 19 23 6

Others 26 14 15 6

Total 211 126 99 29

Source: SEF

23







A change in data presentation occurred in 1993. The data for the 1993-1997 period

evidence an abrupt upsurge in requests in 1994, but a stabilization from then on; and

erratic variations in granted and refused naturalizations. It is also possible to point to the

slow police decision process as the major cause for the small number of naturalisations

granted.



Naturalisations in 1996 and 1997

1993 1994 1995 1996 1997

Requests 243 802 783 918 866

Granted 12 144 30 147 153

Refused 0 29 692 6 2

Source: SEF, 1998





Specifying requests by nationality, as a percentage of the nationals residing in Portugal,

one can see two things: that the volumes involved are very small, and that citizens from

Portuguese speaking African countries and China rate above the average.





Rate of naturalization requests as a percentage of foreigners of each

nationality, by selected nationalities (1994-98)

Nationality 1994 1996 1997

Capeverdians 0,9 1,1 0,9

Mozambicans 1,6 1,5 1,0

Angolans 0,7 0,7 0,6

S. Tomese 1,4 1,1 1,7

Guineans 0,7 1,2 1,0

Chinese 1,9 0,7 0,7

Total number of foreigners 0,5 0,5 0,5

Source: SEF





Still there was a loophole in this new nationality law, which was widely used mainly by

football players coming from the East, in the beginning, as abundantly reported in the

mass media, and which consisted in the acquisition of nationality through marriage with

a Portuguese national (possible after a three years stay) 22. The data concerning 1996

(1411 naturalisations by marriage) show that this seems to be indeed a solution

preferred to direct request.









22

Some interviewees told us that it had become afterward a “business”, namely for some Pakistanis and Chinese who

wanted to guarantee their legal acceptance in the country.

24







In fact, direct request is but a small part of total requests. Naturalization via marriage is

indeed the main source of nationality acquisition in Portugal for more than 90% of the

candidates to Portuguese nationality. The evolution shows there has been no significant

changes in the last decade:





Number of naturalisations by marriage

1985 1987 1990 1993 1996

1607 196 1284 1554 1411

Source: Ralha et al. (forthcoming)





Specifying naturalizations via marriage as a percentage of nationals of the birthplace of

the applicants to Portuguese nationality, one can see that citizens born in China are the

major group – which is probably due to the Portuguese presence in Macao.





Naturalizations by marriage, 1993-96, as percentage of legally resident foreign

citizens by nationality and birthplace

1993 1994 1995 1996 1993-96

Cape-verdians 0,60 0,87 0,50 0,36 0,58

Mozambicans 1,36 1,39 0,78 0,75 1,05

Angolans 1,05 1,02 0,54 0,42 0,70

S. Tomese 0,93 0,98 0,91 0,50 0,81

Guineans 0,89 0,55 0,29 0,14 0,42

Brazilians 1,63 2,64 1,46 1,43 1,78

Chinese 14,94 22,41 12,53 13,82 15,76

Total number of foreigners 1,13 1,56 0,92 0,82 1,09

Source: Ralha et al. (forthcoming)







2. social and economic rights





see synoptic table





Except for the case of political rights (voting and being elected at levels other than

local), holding positions in government or the judicial system, including at the regional

level, and the military service, Portuguese Constitution inhibits any restriction of rights

to non nationals, as long as there is reciprocity between countries. Therefore, access to

health, education, professional training, social welfare and other public goods formally

has no restriction.

25









In fact, as some interviewees pointed us out, since in most of the sending countries there

is no such thing as a welfare policy, this reciprocity clause would inhibit wide segments

of the foreign population from benefiting of most of the public goods. However,

irrespective of this clause, the implementation of welfare policies (and indeed the

everyday practice of public institutions) does provide foreigners with these rights, which

hold even when clandestine immigrants are involved – for example, an agreement on

free healthcare for these foreigners was settled between a NGO (SANITAE), and Lisbon

Regional Health Administration, in August 1998 (see Público, August 27th 1998). The

Law 19A of July 29th 1996 refers to immigrants as priority addressees for minimum

public wage granting. A Secretariat for Multicultural Education was created in the realm

of the Ministry of Education, in 1991. The Constitution in fact commits to the state the

responsibility for creating the conditions for enacting the right to go to school for

immigrant children (Art 74)23. And in 1998, the Joint Dispatch #304 of March 31st

created the “cultural mediators” whose task is to facilitate ethnic minorities youths

integration in school. In sum, the granting of social and economic rights shows there is a

firm intention of public authorities not to discriminate against foreigners, and prevent

social exclusion.





Two exceptions to this broad definition of rights, however, are worth mentioning: those

concerning housing in public projects, and work as wage earner.





Respecting access to public housing, decree law 797 of November 6, 1976 explicitly

confines it to nationals. The context of the making of this law should be considered,

however:

 first, as stated earlier, in the second half of the seventies, the arrival of more than half

a million persons coming from the former African colonies was considered to be a

national problem, not an immigration issue;

 secondly, public decisions in 1976 still had that voluntary flavour of a period

immediately following a revolution, and it was intended, through this legal

framework, to definitely solve the “housing problem” (slums, shanty towns ..., not

only the housing of the people coming from the colonies) through the active

intervention of public institutions and funds, but guaranteeing an efficient and proper

allocation of resources.





23

This particular article of the Constitution stands as an example of the sort of policies the Socialist government is

committed to implement, since it is dated from 1997, and the previous formulation (dated from 1993) referred to

emigrant population.

26







Therefore, the lodging of people coming from Africa in public housing was considered

to be part of the solution for national citizens needs; the foreigners excluded by the law

had, by that time, no immigrant or ethnic connotation.





The SRP program (decree law 163 of May 7, 1993), however, doesn‟t mention any

restriction according to nationality. And as we shall see below, Oeiras Town Hall has

been re-housing in municipal projects both nationals and foreigners - and so do other

municipalities in the LMA. The weight of foreigners in the total number of families

encompassed by the program is, as shown in the table, quite high.



Families in the SRP census in Oeiras (1993), and in municipal re-housing projects

(1997)

Waiting to be re-housed Re-housed in public

projects

Total Foreigners* Foreigners*

Oeiras 3 165 34% 29%

Source: CMO

Note: * It should be kept in mind that some of those reported as nationals have foreign

origin.





About work, restrictions included in decree law 97 of 1977 (already mentioned) were

thought in the same vein: preventing employers from using foreign labour to counteract

the (by that time) very active and powerful trade unions. The two major limitations to

the use of foreign wage earners were therefore:

 that access to public functions was prohibited to foreigners, except in the case of

shortage of national professional and technical manpower - a large number of

nationals having departed abroad after 1974, and being labelled as related to

reactionary interests;

 and employment of foreigners was forbidden in firms under 5 workers and whenever

the percentage of national labour didn‟t reach 90%., in order to prevent harmful

decisions against Portuguese labour force.





Law 20 of May 12, 1998 revoked that decree: the second restriction (number of foreign

employees beyond 10%) was clearly dysfunctional (and even congenial to the

development of unlawful economic behaviour) in the context of heavy concentration of

immigrant labour in public works and building; the first one (foreign labour admitted

only in firms having more than five employees) disappeared. Moreover, the Home

Affairs Ministry has been dispossessed of the responsibility for the supervision of the

27







whole, which has now been turned over to the Secretary of Employment, and the

European Social Chart strongly influences new normative guidelines.





Furthermore, special training programs, especially for youth, have been designed to help

unskilled workers to adapt to changing labour market conditions, which often include an

explicit reference to immigrants and ethnic minorities as specific beneficiary targets.





There is no special reference to foreigners where self-employed and employers'

situations are concerned: they must comply with the same norms that rule the activities

of nationals.





Finally, the trade unions (CGTP and UGT) have also been very active, participating in

important issues concerning immigration and ethnic minorities, in spite of their delicate

situation: protecting foreigners without nationals disaffection. The first one (CGTP) has

Communist roots, while the latter positions are very much in tune with the Socialist

party; both have specific departments to handle immigration issues and problems. Two

such activities are worth mentioning: (1) they both took part in the lobbying activities of

an ad hoc Co-ordinating Secretariat for the Legalisation (SCAL) created in the early

90s, composed of religious organisations, immigrants national associations, prominent

members of opposition parties (namely the Socialist), and others, in order to achieve the

first legalisation process of undocumented immigrants, having in fact participated in the

second one as well; and (2) they collaborated in the making and implementing of the

guidelines concerning combat to racism and xenophobia in the working place and to

moonlighting inscribed in the State and social partners negotiated Strategic Agreement

(Acordo de Concertação Estratégica, signed in 1996). As noted earlier, this

participation was not without precautions, since immigrants' labour market participation

is a delicate issue. The rationale for campaigning against clandestine work was that it

was a sort of social dumping, pervasively hampering the normal functioning of labour

markets (the absence of restrictions in hiring might consolidate the building and public

works sectors as the turf of foreign more or less informal work, since this informality is

in fact the major asset the contractors are interested in). The defence of labour market

liberalisation would, therefore, be achieved through legalisation without jeopardising

regulation schemes.





Labour market and education and training are thus the two major opportunity structures

and the fundamental means of incorporation of immigrants and ethnic minorities in

Portuguese society. The creation in 1995 of the High Commissariat for Immigration and

Ethnic Minorities and the subsequent formation of a Consultative Council where

28







immigrants associations and other social partners are represented, trying to adapt the

„Dutch model‟ as an interviewee put it, stands as an initiative aiming at creating new

participation opportunities in Portuguese society, including the political sphere.





For the sake of some objectivity in dealing with these juridical-institutional issues, it

should however be reminded that reality doesn‟t always comply with the ideal world

implied in the norms ... And if, as previously noted, immigrants are over-represented in

slums and shanty towns, as well as in manual unskilled labour, which has to do with

their ability to face the new situation in the present; the high levels of drop outs from

school and lower rates of success among their youngsters are even more worrying, since

they entail their capacity of dealing with the future.



Success rates in mandatory schooling

1992/93 1996/97

Portugal LMA- Oeiras LMA-S Portugal LMA-N Oeiras LMA-S

North* Municipality outh** orth* Municipality outh**

Portuguese 87.3 85.9 88.4 84.6 83.5 83.4 82.5 82.9

Africans 83.8 82.2 80.6 87.0 77.6 76.8 74.9 79.4

Asians 87.3 84.9 88.5 93.3 86.0 85.9 68.0 84.6

Europeans 88.5 84.0 92.1 87.6 81.6 76.7 76.6 76.7

Others 89.1 87.6 89.0 89.0 84.0 80.1 86.1 85.1

Source: Entreculturas cit. in Cordeiro (1997)

Notes: * Lisbon distrito; ** Setúbal distrito.





As we can see from the data, this situation is worsened by the fact that the lowest rates

of success occur precisely in those areas where immigrant communities are larger -

namely the LMA and Oeiras municipality particularly.





When one looks at the occupational structure of immigrants this becomes even more

worrying, for it is by now clear that the second generation is going to face a whole

different structure of labour market, where the lack of academic or professional skills

will be severely at odds with the major recruitment needs of developing economic

sectors.





The different modes of economic incorporation presented earlier are unequivocally

interpretable: it is clear that the large majority of first generation immigrants from the

PSAC work in the secondary market (mainly building and public works for men, and

personal and domestic services for women), exposed to the host of uncertainties that

characterises it; but even if the large investments in public works carry on for some

more years, it is not very likely that the second generations, better educated, and

socialised among the Portuguese society, will be available to carry on their parents

29







„survival strategies‟ (Portes); while on the other hand, their comparatively low school

success rates and high drop out rates may prevent them from taking advantage of new

mobility ladders that rely heavily on education credentials.







3. cultural and religious rights





see synoptic table





There is no restriction impinging on the liberty of association, religion, and cultural

manifestations whatsoever. Furthermore, any religious persuasion can have its own

mass media, besides broadcasting rights in public television proportional to their

relative weight in the total number of believers. In fact, the only penalty present in the

law concerns the use of the freedom of speech and association in order to promote

racism, xenophobia and fascist ideals and propaganda.





A new law, specifically concerning immigrants‟ associations, is now being discussed;

the Socialist and the Communist parties presented, each, a law proposal on that topic.

While the Socialists (proposal #501/VII) want to enhance the articulation with the High

Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic Minorities (through the Consultative

Council), the Communists (proposal 533/VII) strongly oppose such a mediating

structure.





Catholics are the overwhelming majority in Portugal, and are therefore granted public

(including financial) support for their activities. Although other churches also benefit

from public support, it is now being discussed in further detail how representative they

are, comparing to Catholic church, in order to guarantee a more equitable distribution of

that support. Anyway, the local authorities also contribute with funding and other forms

of support to their activities (for instance, in Loures, the Town Hall granted municipal

soil to build a mosque).





Among the minority persuasions, one has to distinguish between those originated from

inside the communities (Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists...), and those brought from the

outside (namely various Protestant churches, some of them having a long experience of

Africa). The former are more reticent to any sort of articulating with the catholic church;

while the latter, being Christians, have been able to put up forms of collaboration,

mainly concerning interventions on the local level.

30







Clearly the nature of dominant activities (social support through food and clothes

distribution; exegesis of religious doctrines; decision partner or pressure group over

local or central authorities concerning issues related to immigration and ethnic

minorities), and the geographic scope of such interventions (local or supra-local) reveal

huge differences that should be appropriately set apart in order to understand the

functioning of such organisations. In a tentative essay at creating a typology of situations

according to the specific activities led by these religious organisations, one may

consider those two attributes as dichotomous (major intervention at local level or not;

dominant activity aimed at immigrant and ethnic policy goals or not), thus defining

three categories.







Typology of religious organisations interventions

religious exegesis/ social support decision partner/pressure group in

immigration and ethnic minorities

policy

local type 1 type 2

e.g. Centro Paroquial Cristo Rei,

e.g. Islamic and Protestant churches, Centro Paroquial do Prior Velho ...

supra-l Catholic missionaries, Caritas, ... type 3

ocal e.g. Obra Católica das Migrações,

Centro Padre Alves Correia





It should however be clear that all sorts of mixed situations can be found; for instance,

in type 1 the aim may dominantly be the religious exegesis, but in order to foster loyalty

and commitment to the organisation, it may be necessary to provide for tangible goods

(Olson), beyond the simple food and clothing support, and that might involve the claim

on local authorities for some public goods - for instance school facilities, public

sanitation, or even being considered in decisions about who gets re-housed where.





Besides the churches, there is also an important role in cultural intensification and

diffusion committed to the more educated segments of the immigrant communities -

often having double nationality. Immigrants' national associations typically begin with

such participants. These are, however, a minority among immigrants associations.

Having cross-checked several lists, from different sources 24, and made a direct contact

by mail with all of those listed in the LMA, the unanswered return rates were huge.





24

Coming from the Embassies, the High Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic Minorities, the Justice Department,

the CEPAC, and from some Town Halls.

31







Later on, it was possible to understand why: many had just disappeared, simply because

they never really existed at all. In fact, the general impression we have is one of an

enormous fragmentation, seasoned with personal dislikes, localism (in the origins), but

sometimes also a strategic behaviour in order to be granted supports. Anyway, and after

the series of interviews made, it seems obvious that coming in such a huge majority

from PSAC the immigrants communities are very much exposed not only to the

environment in the host society, as well as to the scrutiny and control of their home

countries - including both the political and the informal authorities.





One can grosso modo divide the existing national and ethnic associations into five

categories:

 those which have a strict local involvement - namely promoting sports, parties and

more generally other locally centred activities -; be they created by the local

authorities or not, their survival always depends on the more or less regular

attribution of public funding and other ways of public support; local youth

organisations are particular cases of this type (see further comments in the end of

this paper);

 those with supra-local involvement in Portuguese society, but having local references

of their country of origin (typically: “sons and friends of such and such district”),

which indicate the vivid presence of particularistic references among some immigrant

communities (mostly occurring among Continental Africans and Asian Indians);

 those having a religious background, either in communities where non-Christian

persuasions are dominant (typically, in Portugal, the Muslims) and have a

multi-stranded control over their communities (religious, political, and other aspects

of everyday life), or in communities where Christian persuasions are dominant, but

whose more or less isolated and segregated conditions (e.g. shanty towns) legitimate

churches to assume a multi-stranded intervention;

 those which have all encompassing aims, trying to work as representatives of the

whole community (and to monopolise its representation - e.g. Cape Verdean

Association, Guinean Association ...), and clearly assuming (and claiming) the status

and role of partner in all the negotiations with public authorities concerning not only

the specific national community, but sometimes even a broader definition of “alien

community” (until recently, Cape Verde, Guinea, and Brazil each had one single such

association; Angola, because of its internal political situation, didn‟t); some are quite

in tune with the government of origin (Cape Verde, Brazil), others aren‟t

(Guinea).The leaders of these associations generally are qualified above the average

of the community they represent and have Portuguese nationality (for instance, the

former and the present members of the Socialist Party who claim to be representing

32







immigrants interests in Parliament were leaders of national associations); in both

legalisation processes, in the political mobilisation for 1997 Portuguese local

elections, and during the process that led to the recent change in the law concerning

foreigners wage work, these associations had a very active intervention in the public

discussion of the issues at stake (and in making propositions about what should be

the alternative wage work law);

 and finally, those which aim at promoting and fostering the communities' cultural

identities, probably also working as lobbying structures (in the realms of politics,

economy, professions ...), normally led by people having Portuguese nationality (and,

when permitted, the nationality of origin) and assimilated in Portuguese society,

which seem to have a harder time in establishing links with the national or ethnic

community of origin, than with the Portuguese society (e.g. Goese, Capeverdian

professionals ...) 25 ; these structures frequently overlap with the former one (e.g.

Capeverdean Professionals Movement).



Recently, the building up of federations of national associations, as well as of European

level federations, is in the agenda of Capeverdians, and the Forum of the Capeverdian

Diaspora Associative Movement (in March 1998, in Lisbon) devoted one of its panels to

discuss this topic.





The creation of the Consultative Council to the High Commissioner for Immigration

and Ethnic Minorities, still on the making, which includes representatives of immigrants

and ethnic minorities communities, might well favour and consolidate that evolution 26.

The acknowledgement of the increasing importance of European Community in

defining guidelines and specific programs targeted at immigrants and ethnic minorities

on an European basis is also a favourable condition for the development of such more

encompassing forms of organisation 27.





Although there is a member of the Parliament, belonging to the Socialist group, who

was sometimes referred to us by some catholic and immigrants organisations members







25

We found one such association in the field work made at Oeiras, originating in the immigrant and ethnic

Capeverdian communities: the ECC-CO (Espaço da Comunidade Cabo-verdeana - Concelho de Oeiras). This is an

organisation still on the making, designed as a formal structure enabling the Capeverdian community initiatives (be it of

economic, cultural or political nature) with the necessary conditions to blossom and thrive. Most of its members are

qualified above the average of the Capeverdian community, and have Portuguese nationality (University students, civil

servants, military, business men ...).

26

It should be signalled that one such federation already exists (a Capeverdian one), but, as stated by a prominent

member of the Capeverdian association, who is also second to the High Commissioner, it is a weak one (see Carlos

Correia, "A orgânica das instituições associativas. Formas superiores de organização", Forum do Movimento

Associativo Caboverdeano na Diáspora, Lisbon, March 29, 1998, 11 pp.).

27

See also the same document by Carlos Correia.

33







as a “representative” of the immigrant and ethnic minorities 28, no clearly identifiable

political party can claim to monopolise their representation. Conversely, no pressure

group targeted at the immigrant and ethnic issues stands out in the political party system

in Portugal. The importance assumed by members of the Socialist party - or somehow

connected to it - in these issues is mainly the result of a decade long leading and rallying

civil society opposition to the social-democratic party in office (from 1985 to 1995).





The ability of being granted supports, being admitted as partners in all levels of decision

making, and mobilising strategic alliances is not, however, confined to the formal

political sphere. The Catholic church and some (related or not) non-governmental

organisations (NGO and others) play an important role which clearly extravasates the

limits of catholic solidarity and social support, and has other far reaching consequences

(e.g. Obra Católica das Migrações (OCM), Cáritas, CEPAC, ...). One of their most

visible interventions was during the second legalisation process of immigrants that took

place in 1996, when the High Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs and the

Home Affairs invited OCM to take part in the National Commission for Legalisation, as

a consequence of its prominent role co-ordinating the SCAL (Secretariado

Coordenador do Apoio à Legalização - Co-ordinating Secretariat for the Support of

Legalisation), which started functioning in the late eighties, as a pressure group,

congregating other organisations, maxime the national associations, in order to combat

the dramatic social exclusion experienced by undocumented immigrants.





Another critical issue where OCM participated, again with the same partners of the

SCAL, concerned the making of the new wage labour law (Law 20 of May 12, 1998).

Participating in the public discussion of the document allowed OCM to strengthen its

position as a fundamental partner of national associations and as a mediating structure

with the central government, very much at ease to function as a pressure group

concerning immigrants and ethnic minorities policies. However, the making of the new

law on entry, stay and expulsion of foreigners (Decree-Law 244 of August 8th 1998)

was done without public participation and away from social partners scrutiny, since the

Parliament granted a legislative authorisation to the government - which obliterates

public discussion.





Finally, there are the non-religious (SOS Racismo, Olho vivo, ...) and non-government

(NGO - e.g. Associação Mundo Unido, OIKOS ...) organisations, which have a more

28

To be sure, she is of Capeverdian origin, and a member of the Capeverdian Association. The member of the

Parliament she replaced is of Guinean origin, and a member of the Guinean Association. The references made to her

alternatively insist on the fact that she is African, or on her specific national origin.

It should also be mentioned that the inclusion of a member of major national associations in an eligible place of the

list for the Parliament was part of an agreement formally established in 1991 between the Socialist party and some

major national associations: Cape verde, Angola and Guinea, (see Machado 1992).

34







diffuse and encompassing intervention on the issues concerning immigrants and ethnic

minorities. They acquired high visibility among public opinion in 1996, when they

organised (and managed to have trade unions and other organisations participating in)

the only sizeable demonstration organised in Lisbon against racism and xenophobia,

following the death by spanking of a young man of Cape Verdian descent (of

Portuguese nationality) by skin heads. Otherwise, their action is clearly more directed

toward articulating with other organisations in order to have a more effective pressure

on decision making. Even when they have the participation of immigrant and ethnic

minorities members, these are organisations mainly originated among Portuguese

nationals - and the first ones have strong connections to the left political parties.





There are 45 NGO present in Portugal, which aim at issues directly linked to immigrant

and ethnic minorities; two of them are located in the municipality of Oeiras, but their

scope of intervention is well beyond the local.



NGO

Portugal LMA Oeiras

Acções para um Mundo

Working directly with Unido

immigrants and ethnic 15 14 Missão de Estudos para o 2

minorities Desenvolvimento e

Cooperação

Total 45 38 Idem 2

Source: Guide ONG 1998





A final note must be made, concerning the evolution of the number of foreigners

expelled from Portugal for unlawful stay. Considering a period covering the booming

influx of immigration of the second half of the eighties, until the second legalisation

process, one cannot help being surprised by the low figures presented by the Home

Affairs:



Number of foreigners expelled for unlawful stay *

1986 1988 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997

84 52 88 73 73 45 97 123 146 109

Source: Relatórios de Segurança Interna; SEF, Relatório Estatístico para o Ano de 1997,

cit. in Seabra (forthcoming).





These low figures, confronted with the total number of requests of legalisation presented

both in 1992-93 and 1996 (39 166 and 35 082), do speak loud, revealing the looseness

of the control over illegal foreigner stay by the Portuguese police authorities.

35









THE GENERAL SITUATION IN OEIRAS

Demographic, economic, and political evolution



Oeiras municipality lies in the immediate outskirts of the administrative Lisbon

perimeter, and has a huge waterfront along the transition from the Tagus river to the

Atlantic ocean. Its mild natural characteristics, along with the vicinity to the capital help

explain why it was still chosen, by the mid fifties, as a holiday and week-end resort for

Lisbon inhabitants. So, however low the densities of the waterfront are, they are still

higher than in the hinterland of the municipal territory, because the major urban

concentrations occurred along the Tagus bank. Afterwards, however, the influx of

populations of internal migrants, coming both from the North (maxime from Trás-os

Montes) and from the South (Alentejo) of the country, attracted towards the capital, and

of people “centrifuged” away from Lisbon29 forced the rapid increase in densities of soil

occupation, as well as the evolution toward another pattern of settlement, dominantly of

a suburban type. Yet recently, this tendency was clearly stopped, and the last rates of

growth recorded show a clear slowing down.



Demographic evolution in the last four censuses: annual growth rates

Portugal Lisbon distrito Oeiras

1960/70 -0,27 1,32 4,5

1970/81 1,17 2,50 7,4

1981/91 0,03 -0,10 1,35

Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997





Oeiras municipality has, by now, the (overall) best standard of living in the whole LMA,

it has become the siege of prestigious tertiary activities (e.g. high tech industries,

software, a University, and a technology park) and the occupational structure and

academic qualifications of its population (as well as the inherent taxes collected) show it

rises high above the average.



Some social and economic indicators: occupational structure and academic

qualifications

LMA LMA - LMA - Oeiras

North South

Labour force by Primary 1,84 1,17 4,0 0,51

economic sector Secondary 28,35 26,56 34,1 22,64



29

It should be kept in mind that the suburban growth pattern in Southern European countries differs from the Central

and Northern European one.

36





(%) Tertiary 69,8 72,27 61,9 76,85

Schooling (above High school 15,26 16,16 12,59 20.9

mandatory level - 9 Polytechnic & 6,34 7,32 3,43 11.26

years) (%) University

Sources: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997





Along with the suburbanisation process, came the frequently chaotic occupation of

former agricultural soils (Lisbon and its periphery had the richest soil in the whole

country), the intensification of the capital hypertrophy, the differentiation of the spaces

integrated into the conurbation, and eventually the need to make some territorial

administrative arrangements. In 1979, the Law 45 of September 11th amputated part of

Oeiras territory, in order to create a new municipality (Amadora). The alienated piece of

land lied in the North-East hinterland, in the vicinity of Lisbon administrative borders.



Geographic evolution: size and population

1970 Census 1981 Census 1991 Census

Area 62,22 km2 45,84 km2 45,84 km2

Population 68 265 149 328 151 342

Sources: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997





Following the administrative territorial rearrangements, the social-democrats have since

then, and until now, always been the major political force in Oeiras Town Hall.



Political vote in local elections for the last ten years

1976 1979 1982 1985 1989 1993 1997

Electio Electio Electio Electio Electio Electio Electio

n n n n n n n

Electors 190 024 99 298 105 365 111 729 ** 133 260 141 001

Political PPD/AD/ 14,4 45,3 39,7 44,4 43,6 39,1 48,3

local vote PSD

For three PS 38,9 22,7 26,8 15,7 28,5 33,1 29,5

Major PCP/APU/ 26,6 27,7 29,7 27,07 18,5 15,8 12,3

parties* PCP-PEV/

(%) CDU

Sources: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997; STAPE, 1998.

Notes: * political parties or coalitions where these parties were integrated.

** data not available



In the last elections, that majority was indeed reinforced 30 . However, among the

immigrants elected to the Assembleia Municipal and the Assembleias de Freguesia,



30

It should be signalled, however, that concerning the Assembleia de Freguesia, although the structure of vote is

unchanged, the relative values of the parties changed:

PPD/PSD PS PCP/PEV

37







although the information we have is scarce, it seems as if the lists opposing the

social-democratic party had some success, since the single African descent municipal

MP belongs to the Socialist party, in the opposition.









42% 32,6% 15,4%

38









Electoral registration of immigrants in last

local elections in Oeiras *

Freguesias Registrations

Algés 258

Barcarena 14

Carnaxide 427

Cruz Quebrada - Dafundo 61

Linda-a-Velha 490

Oeiras 87

Paço de Arcos 184

Porto Salvo 7

Queijas 59

Total 1 587

Source: Juntas de Freguesia - CMO

Note: * The figures are higher than the ones presented above, because

they come from a different source: Oeiras Town Hall. Since the

STAPE data initially shown record an insignificant number of

foreigners from nationalities not present among the immigrants and

ethnic minorities (four), we shall use the number of foreigners (from

outside the EU) given by Oeiras Town Hall as an estimate.





The stability in the leading political party of the Town Hall, and in the last four elections

of the head of the municipal government, allows conditions of stability well suited for

the continuity of local policies. One of the main reasons why the social-democratic

party, and indeed the Lord Mayor of Oeiras, are so popular lies in the fact that the Town

Hall has decided, since 1985, to implement (and intensify with the SRP) the municipal

housing program 31, which included re-housing of populations living in shanty towns,

the urbanisation of illegal settlements, and the easy access of youngsters and other

segments of the population to buy or rent municipal lodging. Immigrants were,

furthermore, granted the right to municipal re-housing independently of their legal

status.





Housing is indeed one of the major problems of municipalities in the region of Lisbon,

the other ones being the related basic needs (schools, transportation...), inevitable when

one bears in mind the macro-cephalic situation of the region of the capital. According to

the SRP census made in 1993, Oeiras had one of the biggest shares in barracks in the

LMA - above 10,5%.









31

In 1986, a new organic structure of the Town Hall granted further autonomy to the Housing Department - still

reinforced in subsequent years.

39









Housing

LMA LMA - North LMA - South Oeiras

(absolute values) % % %

number of 366 992 66,49 33,51 4,16

buildings

number of 1 083 457 73,62 26,38 5,96

houses

number of 30 016 84,96 15,04 10,54

barracks

(SRP census)

Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997





Although existing shanty towns have (or had) different sizes, the large majority of these

barracks were concentrated in five of these slums. In all of them, as will be shown later

on, the immigrants presence is huge.







Internal differentiation



Some of the inhabitants have been living in these precarious conditions for more than

thirty years: these are the internal migrants who never could afford moving away, into

the formal housing market, whose children, and sometimes grandchildren too, were and

are raised in an underclass environment. The first settlers came as manual labourers for

the execution of menial jobs in building and public works (men), and domestic service

(women), during the period of strong internal migrations of the fifties and the sixties

(the bulk of whom coming from Alentejo and Trás-os-Montes). Their settlement

occurred mainly along the administrative borders between Oeiras and Lisbon, on the

fringe of some of the main roads, and in some scattered locations, mostly near the

Lisbon border, in vacant former agricultural spaces.



Period of settlement in shanty towns

1935-1965 1966-1975 1976-1985 1986-1993

Total 427 690 1 374 710

Foreigners 7 180 556 370

Source: SRP census





Immigrants came much later, but were immediately channelled towards these slums,

where their dreams of a better life dramatically clash with the underclass exclusion. The

first ones came and settled in Oeiras in the late sixties, early seventies, and were

employed in building and public works (in the quarters of J. Pimenta, Miraflores ...).

40







Later on, in the eighties, with the massive immigration, the shanty towns boomed with

African colours. Although there is no accurate figure about how many there are, by

national group, all the interviewees in Oeiras municipality are positive about one thing:

Cape Verdeans are the larger community, and most of them come from the island of

Santiago. Our own observations corroborate this impression.





In this context, Oeiras is a sort of a cross-road of different internal and external

movements, which has reflects on the physical differentiation between the crowded

waterfront and the still dominantly green hinterland, but also between different

settlement patterns: higher densities and most of the shanty towns lying in the eastern

part of the municipality; while the west still maintains some of the traits of its former

tourist resort.





Oeiras Municipality territory









(Please insert map 2)









Source: Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997





Finally, the Gypsies are the only originally Portuguese ethnic minority group, but not

only are they scattered all over the country, as there are very few living in Oeiras. They

are, however, considered by the Town Hall officials we contacted as the more difficult

community: both in shanty towns, and in re-housing projects. The municipal guidelines

for their re-housing are to avoid concentration of families in the same buildings, and

even in the same neighbourhoods.

41









Making a rough estimate about how many immigrants there are in Oeiras





As mentioned before, there are no reliable demographic data available on foreigners at

municipal level. It is however of common knowledge that the vast majority of them

gathers in ran down slum areas, or in the City re-housing projects. Therefore, we shall

use the corresponding data in order to draw a rough estimate of the number of

immigrants living in Oeiras municipality.





It‟s difficult to make a typology of the informal housing and slum situations (which are

to be found scattered all over the metropolitan area). For the sake of some clarity in the

notions we shall be using, we shall refer to the types of situations according to two

criteria: the ownership of the soil and the making of the house. We found three types:



Typology of informal housing and slum situations

Soil / piece of land owned by the people living in there

Yes No

Type 1 Type 2

Shanty town (an extremely

heterogeneous aggregate of ad

yes Clandestine settlement 1 hoc made houses and barracks,

(detached houses, built in generally made of bricks and

non-urban areas, without any other materials – wood, metal

construction permit, and having ... – with very precarious

House built by no collective infrastructures - at collective infrastructures)

the people least in the beginning).

living Type 3

in there Clandestine settlement 2 (idem, Ran down areas (made of old

no but purchased from the original buildings, sometimes former

owners) farm buildings, very degraded,

rented to people who have to

pay all the uses made of the

facilities – water, electricity,

sanitation services ...)



The available list of all such quarters in Oeiras municipality, naturally incomplete and

out of date, as well of the number of persons living in there is the following:

42









Clandestine settlements – Type 1

Number of “houses” Number of people Immigrants

living presence

Pedreira Italiana 249 946 No, or scarce

Leião 59 268 No, or scarce

Marchante 45 180 No, or scarce

Ribeira da Laje 276 1 049 No, or scarce

Casal das Chocas 277 1 053 No, or scarce

Outeiro data not available data not available No, or scarce

Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997



The total amount of families involved in this housing situation is quite lower than the

one we found for families living in shanty town barracks. Although there are no exact

data on the presence of foreigners in these type 1 settlements, it is common knowledge

among Town Hall officials we contacted that their presence in these quarters is really

irrelevant.





This is not, however, the case for type 2 settlements: among the 3 165 families living in

barracks recorded in the SPR census in Oeiras, one third were headed by foreigner

citizens, three quarters of whom were concentrated in five nuclei 32.



Clandestine settlements – Type 2

Nuclei Nationalities present

Number of Percentage of Designation of the Total Portuguese Foreigners

nuclei families living in nuclei (%) (%) (%)

these nuclei

82 100% ----- 100 100 100

11 74% ----- ----- ----- -----

5 59% Alto dos Barronhos

Alto do Montijo

Qta. De Salregos e Qta. 59 52 75

De Sales

Alto de Sta. Catarina

Pedreira dos Húngaros

Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997; Divisão de Habitação,

CMO, 1998





We found no source availing the systematic listing of type 3 urban dwellings.





32

Which is considered to be an objective discrimination by some interviewees. As mentioned by a Capeverdian official

of the Embassy "it took two visits of the Capeverdian Prime Minister to Pedreira dos Húngaros before the Town Hall

started tearing it down".

43







The data available for municipal re-housing projects reflects a distribution by

nationalities very much similar to the one we found for the second type: nearly one third

of the inhabitants living in City Council re-housing projects are foreigners, the vast

majority of whom of Capeverdian nationality (16% of the total - not counting

Portuguese nationals of Capeverdian descent). The lowest (or nil) percentage of

immigrants corresponds to the older quarters, while the figures found for immigrants

living in the run down areas covered by the SRP program in Oeiras are homologous to

corresponding percentages of re-housed in recent ones (those built from 1985 to 1998).



Municipal re-housing projects

Number of Number of people People of foreign

houses/families living origin (%) (a)

(only in rented houses)

Outurela/Portela 128 397 38

Bugio 180 309 20

Medrosa 44 155 5

Moinho da Portela 90 354 35

Bairro do Pombal 326 1 091 33

Laveiras/Caxias (F.Sá 400 296 33

Carneiro)

Alto da Loba 440 220 34

Encosta da Portela 364 1 202 32

Quinta da Politeira 160 191 23

Ribeira da Lage 166 527 49

Bairro Bento Jesus 74 240 3

Caraça II

Bairro Bento Jesus 40 251 48

Caraça (PER)

Bairro Luta Pela Casa 100 data not available 0

Source: A geografia de Oeiras. Atlas municipal, CMO, 1997; Dez anos de habitação,

CMO,1997; Divisão de Habitação, CMO, 1998

Note: (a) according to "heads of household" (i.e. the holder of the municipal rental

contract) nationalities - which most certainly is an underestimation.





In sum, it is possible to coarsely estimate the foreign population living in Oeiras around

fifteen hundred families33, i.e. oscillating between six and eight thousand individuals34.

Bearing naturally in mind this is but a calculation exercise based on a (somewhat)

educated guess on immigrant and ethnic minorities family size, we may however say



33

I.e. families "headed" by a person not having Portuguese nationality.

34

I.e. including people living in mixed households, but headed by a person not having Portuguese nationality.

A tentative essay of a census made by a religious organisation (Centro de Estudos Padre Alves Correia) in

1994/1995 accounted, however, for 11.124 African individuals, irrespective of their nationality, in Oeiras municipality

(living in shanty towns and public re-housing projects). Considering the existence of mixed households headed by

Portuguese nationals (of foreign descent or not), this figure might well be considered as an upper limit of people of

African descent.

44







that these figures don‟t appear to be very far from what the experience we had, in direct

field intensive and extensive observation all around the municipal territory. In fact, a

foreign population around 5% of the total, amounting to one percentual point over the

average obtained in the LMA - although, as every average, this figure conceals the

heavy concentration of immigrants in some locals, and their near invisibility in others -,

can be considered as a conservative estimate.







Town Hall position toward immigration



Oeiras being a municipality of immigration (by national standards), what is the position

of the Town Hall in this respect: should there be municipal policies specifically oriented

to immigrants and ethnic minorities?; should the status of “Benetton city”, as the black

youngsters proclaim, be recognised, and a multicultural model of reference adopted?, or

should there prevail, instead, an assimilationist view as the only way to guarantee equal

rights and opportunities to all?





As far as the plain official rhetoric allows us to see, the philosophical guidelines of the

Town Hall elected representatives confer the focal role to the individual, assuming this

is the only right democratic position to escape patronising and naive attitudes. These,

maxime quotas creation and other such positive discrimination measures, are refused on

the basis that it only leads to the crystallisation both of stigmatising tendencies steaming

from outside (white, lower classes of Portuguese descent), and of the internal

stratification cleavages of immigrants and ethnic minorities, where only the better

positioned can avail themselves of these exceptional opportunities created.





A strong opposition to the setting up of a specific institutional frame for dealing with

immigration and ethnic minorities issues is therefore the key note. The main argument

runs like this: there are no specific group problems, at least as much as the Town Hall is

concerned, there are only individual problems – e.g., and foremost, the inability to

accede to the housing market. Thus, the experiences of institutional representation of

immigrant and ethnic minorities and its interweaving with public officials in designing

and implementing Town Hall decisions or guidelines concerning specific issues (e.g. the

Conselhos Municipais created in Lisbon and Amadora) are rejected as pure (and

absolutely ineffective) propaganda. The individual is the sole interlocutor of the City

Hall, and the relations between Town Hall and local inhabitants, whether national or

not, are therefore personal and direct: independently of passport register, every resident

is a "municipal citizen" and must be faced as such. Therefore, labour market and

45







education are the major opportunity structures guaranteeing everybody's incorporation –

be they national or foreign.





The Town Hall officials having technical and management functions are aware of these

philosophical guidelines, some agree with it, others don't, but their contact with

everyday problems, and experience of concrete situations gives them a much more

pragmatic perspective on immigrants and ethnic minorities. Yet, since they are oriented

toward handling specific local situations, it ends up reinforcing that stress on the

individual. Furthermore, the intense working schedules and diversified concrete

situations they have to handle daily also function a contrario of a general perspective

(and this is a common complain during interviews). On the other hand, however, the

concrete experience they have, and the pragmatic positions they assume lead to the

recognition of some specific immigrant and ethnic minorities situations; this in turn is

reinforced by the intermediate levels of local public administration (heads of

department), in charge of co-ordinating specific departments, and therefore translating

general policies philosophical guidelines into concrete municipal interventions, which

often reflect a de facto recognition of cultural differentiation and specificity.





Concrete situations of this line of action are the support (funding, availing facilities, ...)

of local immigrants and ethnic minorities associations (on the only condition that they

have a formal planning of their activities) and initiatives (e.g. a fashion show organised

in 1997, and the creation of a football school in Outurela/Portela), the facilitation of

contacts with supra-local institutions (public employment agency, national

associations,...), and the attraction of cultural manifestations of their countries of origin

in Town Hall facilities (e.g. an exhibition of African art in 1998). It should however be

stressed that this kind of initiatives has the full support of the City Hall - and namely the

enthusiastic personal adhesion of the Lord Mayor. In fact, in spite of the official rhetoric

initially mentioned, the politicians do accept that the only way to counter the

stigmatisation of immigrants and ethnic minorities is using (even manipulating) the

cultural diversity of the municipality as one of its distinctive symbols.





Cultural participation by these populations is, however, generally very low. A sharp

limitation to its increase lies in the deficient (or even lacking altogether) connection

with the specialised Tow Hall Department of Cultural Affairs, which has a two-fold

program, based on top-down initiatives (paintings exhibition, classical music ...),

generally of the so called erudite culture, and on bottom-top propositions, which are

only very seldom expressed by immigrants and ethnic minorities.

46







Another critical issue, as previously shown, concerns housing. As mentioned above,

Gypsies are considered a very special community. The strong ties their networks are

made of facilitate their existence as a community, but sometimes also pervasively

facilitate the reproduction of decades long hates between families. So, the guidelines for

their re-housing in municipal projects are specific, and consist in lodging them in

ground floors, with direct access to the streets, and scattering them in different

neighbourhoods. This is not, however, the general orientation followed towards

immigrants and ethnic minorities re-housing - or towards re-housed populations in

general. Furthermore, the materials used and inner lodging arrangements, as well as the

exterior settlement outlook are decided exclusively by the Town Hall officials. If and

when claims are made to participate in these decision processes (by local associations of

residents, local parishes, ...), they are generally disregarded: this is considered as the

exclusive turf of Town Hall, in order to guarantee a systematic implementation of

norms.



The establishment of privileged inter-city relations with municipalities in PSC is also

part of the Town Hall strategy of action. In this context, among the existing six twin

partners of Oeiras, four belong to PSC (Cape Verde, São Tomé, Angola, and Brazil),

and co-operation is very intense (including the donation of goods, the funding of

development programs, and the granting of scholarships and lodging to students coming

to Portuguese universities); the three twinning processes now being prepared concern

only PSC cities (in Mozambique, Guinea, and Brazil). Other international participation

in inter-city networks include European Forum for Urban Security; INTA (International

Association for Urban Development); UIOF (International Union of Family

Organisations); OICI (Ibero-American Organisation of Inter-Municipal Co-operation);

FMCU (World Federation of United Cities); UCCLA (Luso-Afro-American-Asian

Union of Capital Cities); and FIHUAT (International Federation of Housing, Urbanism,

and Urban Planning).







Relations between local and other levels of government



The (implicit) acceptance, since the mid eighties, of an ongoing influx of immigrants,

necessary to meet the schedules of public investments in public works, and the

residential centrifugation of immigrants and ethnic minorities to Lisbon periphery

makes the relations between local and central governments, and between local

governments of the LMA themselves a central issue.

47







Oeiras Town Hall officials contacted, whether holding elected offices, or occupying

plain technical and professional or higher level management functions, are unanimous in

considering that there are hardly any relations with central government concerning

immigrants and ethnic minorities. The general idea, as an interviewee put it, is that “they

[central government] let them in, and we [Town Hall] have to take care of the rest” -

meaning by that providing houses, places in schools, in sum, availing all sorts of

municipal facilities; but also deciding which course of action is better to face situations

that the municipal organisation is not used to handle - however “simple” they may

appear to an external observer (e.g. what is the better way to combat low school success

rates: creating specific classes for the children of immigrants, or mixing them with the

others?).





In order to exchange and share experiences and to stabilise a common set of knowledge

and guidelines, specialised commissions were created, with the participation of central

government and municipal officials, in areas such as: children in risk situations, drug

and alcohol abuse, school drop outs, poverty, old people, guaranteed minimum income,

etc. - which are not areas uniquely affecting immigrants and ethnic minorities

communities. This initiative aimed, furthermore, at decentralising some of the functions

committed to central government institutions (e.g. finding foster homes for children in

risk situations), and was proven useful in sharing experiences, and creating

supra-municipal networks of people intervening in the same areas. However, since

decentralisation of functions and implementation of decisions negotiated in different

government levels involves availing resources, which often entails decisions at other

levels, the effectiveness of these commissions has until now been meagre. The creation

of cultural mediators, a measure recently taken (in June 1998) by the High

Commissioner for Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities, aiming at facilitating the

communication between local schools and immigrants communities (an experience

intended to be used in other areas, if proven useful), may be a step toward strengthening

the relations between local and middle and central levels of decision.





Besides, connections hardly exist between municipalities themselves, in the LMA. Since

the Junta Metropolitana was created, in the beginning of the decade, no really important

decision, concerning public investments in Lisbon metropolitan territory, was taken

outside central government. Moreover, since the major City Hall sanction mechanism

are local elections every four years, it is generally the municipal interests that prevail in

decisions concerning bilateral or multi-lateral municipal issues.

48







But even within the municipal services, as frequently repeated to us by the interviewees,

the lack of horizontal articulation between different services is the key note. For

instance, since the bottom-top propositions made to the Department of Cultural Affairs

are so meagre, maybe a different interweaving with other departments having more field

experience (e.g. Housing, Social Affairs, and Youth Departments) could be useful.

These in turn would like to avail themselves of the Department of Cultural Affairs

resources in order to better support their intervention.





Finally, concerning Oeiras Town Hall relations with supra-local organisations (religious

and other), and local associations involved in immigrants and ethnic minorities issues,

the general idea is that the main policy guidelines are established by the elected

municipal government, and are in no way negotiable. Furthermore, the Town Hall

public position being that there are no specific group issues, maxime immigrants and

ethnic minorities, but only municipal problems, doesn‟t recognise these organisations,

whether local or supra-local, the status of collective interests mediators. (As will be

shown later, the implementation of URBAN project is, however, somewhat at odds with

this official norm). Therefore, Oeiras doesn‟t accept the making of a Municipal Council

on immigrants and ethnic minorities issues. As previously mentioned, however, Town

Hall officials (social workers, psychologists, architects...) pragmatism sometimes

reflects a de facto recognition of cultural specificity concerning practical issues.







Relations between local level of government and immigrants and ethnic minorities

interests mediating organisations



Two strategic issues for immigrants and ethnic minorities integration in Portuguese

society will be analysed here: the collaboration between Town Hall and collective

interests mediating organisations mobilising immigrants and ethnic minorities for (i) the

two periods of special legalisation, and (ii) the electoral registration and participation in

local 1997 elections. Further on, we shall try to present and characterise the local

associative experience.





Concerning the extraordinary legalisation processes, the first one occurred during a

social-democrat government 35 , and was an exclusively top-down initiative; many

organisations and opposition parties publicly pointed this out (in newspapers, television

...) as the main cause for what they consider to have been a plain flop. The second



35

The Home Affairs Secretary, Mr. Dias Loureiro, was convinced that, since unlawful presence in Portuguese soil was

a police issue, then it would have to be treated as such, and committed the charge of co-ordinating and implementing

the whole legalisation process to the SEF, in spite of the claims made by some organisations (maxime national

associations) to be a part of it.

49







legalisation process, under the by then recently elected socialist government, was

designed to incorporate the national associations and other organisations directly

working in the realm of immigration and ethnic minorities integration. Indeed, as

previously reported, the religious organisation Obra Católica das Migrações was part of

the National Commission for legalisation, which carried out the whole process, and had

the participation of national associations and other organisations. The municipalities

were also asked to collaborate, mainly by facilitating the contacts with immigrant

communities and turning the necessary means available.



1996 Legalisation process

Total number of Requests not Requests granted

requests admitted

Legalisation process of 1996 35 082 3 965 22 245 *

Source: ACIME; SEF, 1997

Note: * by the end 1997.





The first registration of immigrant political electors occurred in 1996 (the first local

elections where they could participate) and, once more, the Town Halls participation,

besides from the other organisations working specifically with immigrants, was

considered to be essential. Concerning Oeiras, the interviews we made conveyed to us

the idea that, in the first year of the new institutional framework, that co-operation was

indeed important. However, regrets were expressed that the effort is no longer visible

(there were, for instance, no outdoors calling immigrants to register as electors in 1997

and 1998), and it was suggested that it might be because of the fact that next local

elections are only due in 2001...





However, political participation was, as previously noted, low, in 1997 local elections -

not only in Oeiras, but everywhere.

The absence of recognition by Oeiras Town Hall of formal intermediary immigrants and

ethnic minorities representative bodies is a favourable condition for the burgeoning of a

myriad of small and very diversified associations36. These generally benefit of several

forms of support from Oeiras Town Hall (including municipal facilities), and are funded

as any other (Portuguese) local association.





Let‟s now take a look at the existing associations in Oeiras municipality 37.







36

Which also occurs with nationals' voluntary associations.

37

As initially noted, Lisbon concentrates most of the sieges in the metropolitan area. Therefore, we shall not present

the data in the context of the LMA, for it would really have little meaning.

50









Associations in Oeiras: total and with immigrant and ethnic participation

Places/Freguesias Total Having dominant immigrant and ethnic minorities

participation

1. Outurela/Portela 8 Associação de Moradores da Outurela/Portela

(founded in 1995)

Clube Desportivo Veteranas de Angola * 5

Espaço da Comunidade Caboverdiana - Concelho de

Oeiras

União dos Estudantes Cabo-verdianos de Lisboa

União Desportiva de Barronhos

2. Carnaxide 7 --- 0

3. Linda-a-Velha 16 Associação Cultural e Desportiva da Pedreira dos

Húngaros

Cabojovem 6

Associação Fúnebre da Pedreira dos Húngaros

Associação Juvenil Luso-Africana

Associação de Moradores Bento Gonçalves

Comissão para um Realojamento Condigno **

4. Algés 13 Associação dos Amigos da Mulher Angolana

Associação dos Naturais e Amigos do Bié e Anabié 3

Grupo Cultural Cristo Rei – Centro Social e

Paroquial

5. Linda-a-Pastora 3 --- 0

6. Dafundo 3 --- 0

7. Cruz Quebrada 3 Associação de Solidariedade Social Assomada *** 1

8. Oeiras 15 --- 0

9. Paço de Arcos 11 --- 0

10. Porto Salvo 13 --- 0

11. Barcarena 8 --- 0

12. Valejas 1 --- 0

13. Talaíde 1 --- 0

Oeiras 102 --- 15

Sources: Embassy of Cape Verde; High Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic

Minorities; Oeiras Town Hall.

Notes:

* In spite of the reference to Angola, this Veteran Women Sporting Club is mostly

composed of white women.

** Pressure group composed by local associations leaders (from a shanty town known as

Pedreira dos Húngaros).

*** Since the whole population living in the shanty town was re-housed, this

association still has no formal quarters.





We find here four of the five types identified above (see Immigration policies and the

granting of civil rights and duties - 3 cultural and religious rights). The only one missing

is the fourth one, concerning national associations (all of them in fact have their sieges

51







in Lisbon). Their full characterisation is not possible, for the time being; the available

information gives the following picture:



Characteristics of associations in Oeiras having immigrant and ethnic participation a

Activities

Sport Culture Pressu Other

re interests

group

Outurela/Portela Associação de Moradores da X X X ---

Outurela/Portela

Clube Desportivo Veteranas de X X --- ---

Angola

Espaço da Comunidade X X X economic

Caboverdiana - Concelho de

Oeiras

União Desportiva de Barronhos --- X --- parties

União dos Estudantes --- X --- ---

Cabo-verdianos de Lisboa

Linda-a-Velha Associação Cultural e Desportiva X --- --- ---

da Pedreira dos Húngaros

Cabojovem b b b b

Associação Fúnebre da Pedreira --- --- --- burials

dos Húngaros

Associação Juvenil Luso-Africana b b b b

Associação de Moradores Bento b b b b

Gonçalves

Comissão para um Realojamento --- --- X ---

Condigno

Algés Associação dos Amigos da Mulher b b b b

Angolana

Associação dos Naturais e Amigos b b b b

do Bié e Anabié

Grupo Cultural Cristo Rei – Centro --- X X religious

Social e Paroquial

Cruz Quebrada Associação de Solidariedade X --- --- school for

Social Assomada adults

Sources: idem ibidem; and local observation.

Note: a - Specific information given in Town Hall listings are biased underestimation,

because they only count those that submitted a plan of activities for 1998, therefore

characterising the nature of activities involved, in order to receive municipal funding

support. It does not therefore completely overlap with our own local observations.

b - data are still being gathered.





Insofar as this incomplete information allows us to interpret, the dominant activities are

related to sports and (popular) culture, which is congruent with the local down-rooting

52







of the majority of these associations; there are however (at least) four which play a role

as pressure groups: the first and the third ones being local residents associations; the

second one, a supra-local organisation of the fifth type described above; and the fourth

one, a coral group created along the regular activities of a parish among the population

of a shanty town (Pedreira dos Húngaros) 38.







39

Civic participation in re-housing context



With this short comparative description of civic participation in post 1985 public

re-housing projects in Oeiras municipality, we aim at presenting an overview of social

participation practices in contexts of social exclusion. The situations in focus involve

both Portuguese descent underclass and lower classes, and ethnic minorities

populations, encompassed in public policies directed towards fighting exclusion. Are

there significant differences in participation due to ethnic belonging or immigrant status,

or should the recorded differences be committed to other non-individual, contextual

factors?



The observation was made in seven such municipal re-housing projects, and covered

724 cases. All the samples are representative on their own right, and their characteristics

are as follows.



Ethnic presence in municipal re-housing projects (sample respondents)

Pombal Laveiras Quinta da Alto da Bº Jesus Bugio Outurela

Caxias Politeira Loba Caraça Portela

Ethnic * 49 45.0 51 43.6 41 45.1 38 32.8 28 28.9 38 39.6 63 64.3

minority

Ethnic 60 55.0 58 49.6 46 50.5 69 59.5 69 71.1 54 56.3 35 35.7

majority

Unknow - - 8 6.8 4 4.4 9 7.8 - - 4 4.2 - -

n **

Total 109 100 117 100 91 100 116 100 97 100 96 100 98 100

Source: Socinova

Notes: * this is a mixed attribute, which includes phenotypic, as well as cultural

(language spoken, and place of birth of ego and his close kin) traits. Therefore, ethnic

stands here, and in the following tables, as a token for ethnic and immigrant.

** Unknown refers to the cases where we were unable to collect all the

necessary information to establish ethnic belonging.



38

Of the second type in the typology of religious organisations having an active intervention among immigrants and

ethnic minorities (see above: Immigration policies and the granting of civil rights and duties - 3 cultural and religious

rights.

39

This is an adaptation of a previous paper (Ralha 1998). We thank Oeiras municipality Town Hall for letting us use

these data gathered in the realm of Renovação Urbana project.

53







As formerly mentioned, ethnic minorities are heavily represented in all these municipal

neighbourhoods (their weight oscillates between under one third and nearly two thirds

of the total), and just as white families cannot all be labelled as underclass, it should be

signalled that not all of the immigrants were re-housed by public intervention as poor.

Nevertheless, they all share a common feature: they are all dependent on public

subsidising in order to access formal housing. Therefore, one should expect the

economic insertion description to somehow reflect this diversity.



Occupations for ethnic and non ethnic populations (%)

Professio- Directors, Office Shopkeepe Personal Farmers, Manual

nals, managers Clerks rs and and fishermen, manufac

medium sales domestic manual ture

level clerks services farm labourers

techni-cian labour

s, artists

Pombal Ethnic 1.6 4.8 7.1 - 42.9 - 42.9

minority

Ethnic 2.9 5.7 8.6 5.7 37.1 2.9 37.1

majority

Laveiras Ethnic 14.7 5.9 8.8 2.9 26.5 5.9 35.3

Caxias minority

Ethnic - 5.4 5.4 5.4 40.5 8.1 35.1

majority

Quinta da Ethnic - - 3.6 3.6 50.0 3.6 50.0

Politeira minority

Ethnic - - 5.0 10.0 40.0 - 45.0

majority

Alto da Ethnic - 13.0 4.3 - 47.8 4.3 30.4

Loba minority

Ethnic 21.6 5.9 17.6 3.9 21.6 2.0 27.5

majority

Bº Jesus Ethnic 5.6 - 5.6 - 38.9 - 50.0

Caraça minority

Ethnic 10.8 2.7 16.2 8.1 29.7 2.7 29.7

majority

Bugio Ethnic - 4.8 14.3 4.8 42.9 - 33.3

minority

Ethnic 16.2 5.4 21.6 2.7 35.1 - 18.9

majority

Outurela Ethnic 7.3 2.4 - 4.9 43.9 - 41.5

Portela minority

Ethnic - - 9.1 9.1 54.5 - 27.3

majority

Source: Socinova







A major feature of these populations is, as shown, its heavy concentration in low skilled

occupations. Nevertheless, ethnic minorities evidence a lower differentiation than

Portuguese descent interviewees, reflecting the heavy presence among them of

immigrants of still recent arrival in Portugal (and the therefore dominant „survival

54







strategies‟ of economic incorporation [Portes]). One could predict that this mode of

incorporation negatively extravasates on other levels of participation - given the strain

imposed by survival on resources availability (time as well as material and

psychological ones). Conversely, should one find that participation is independent of

ethnic attributes, then one should admit the incapacity of individual level factors to

explain this behaviour, and look at the macro level institutional framework in order to

find a plausible explanation.





Following Hirschman's (1970) scheme, we asked whether municipal authorities could

be influenced (if not, exit), should be controlled (voice), or should be left alone in doing

their tasks (loyalty). The results obtained contradict the first prediction (ethnic

minorities are indeed those who make more claims and are more critical toward

municipal power), and therefore grant more credibility to the alternative interpretation.





Attitudes towards political power: city hall (%)

they do whatever they must be they must be left Tot

they want, one controlled, so alone, for they al

cannot influence they don't mess know what they

power up are doing

Pombal Ethnic minority 20.5 63.6 15.9 100

Ethnic majority 25.9 48.1 25.9 100

Laveiras Ethnic minority 20.4 61.2 18.4 100

Ethnic majority 31.6 54.4 14.0 100

Qt Politeira Ethnic minority 23.1 51.3 25.6 100

Ethnic majority 19.6 45.7 34.8 100

Alto Loba Ethnic minority 18.2 66.7 15.2 100

Ethnic majority 7.4 67.6 25.0 100

Bº J. Caraça Ethnic minority 32.1 46.4 21.4 100

Ethnic majority 20.6 48.5 30.9 100

Bugio Ethnic minority 14.3 54.3 31.4 100

Ethnic majority 26.0 52.0 22.0 100

Outurela Ethnic minority 28.3 54.7 17.0 100

Portela Ethnic majority 22.6 45.2 32.3 100

Source: Socinova





Voluntary associations participation evidences a huge overload on the bottom rows of

the table: membership in voluntary associations can widely vary; however, non

participation is clearly dominant. On the other hand, no clear cut pattern distinguishing

ethnic minorities from ethnic majority emerges from the data: participation as collective

interest representation is meagre, and associations are a myriad of small, horizontal, and

limited in scope forms of local mobilisation. Competition between them at the local

55







level can, therefore, be sometimes ferocious, disputing public mobilisation and access to

public funding and other resources.



Voluntary associations membership (%)

Pombal Laveira Politeira A. Loba Bº Bugio Outurela

J.Caraç Portela

a

Yes E. minority 9,8 16,3 10,5 7,4 30,2 15,8 27,5

E. majority 15,2 8,3 17,4 24,2 22,9 16,7 17,2

No E. minority 90,2 83,7 89,5 92,6 69,8 84,2 72,5

E. majority 84,8 91,7 82,6 75,8 77,1 83,3 82,8

Source: Socinova





This crumbed framework of voluntary associations is best portrayed by the clear

dominance of structures promoting segmented local activities (sports, culture,

humanitarian ...), over organisations aiming at mobilising and representing the

communities at top levels of political decision (regional/national associations, residents

committee, political parties ...) as shown in the following table:



Voluntary associations activities

School Sports Cultur Region Religio Reside Human Politic Profess

activiti Activit al al us nts itarian al ional

es ies activiti /Natio affairs commi

es nal ttees

Pombal E. minority

- 2 2 4 - - 1 - 1



E. majority 1 2 2 - - - - - -

Laveiras E. minority

1 8 4 1 - - 2 1 -

E. majority 1 8 2 - 1 1 1 - 1

Politeira E. minority

1 2 - - - - 1 - -

E. majority 1 4 2 - - - 4 - -

A. Loba E. minority

1 1 1 - - - 1 - -

E. majority 1 3 2 - 1 1 3 1 2

Bº Jesus E. minority

1 1 - - - - - - -

Caraça

E. majority 1 9 6 1 2 - 9 - -

Bugio E. minority

1 4 2 - - - - - -

E. majority 2 3 1 - - - 3 - 2

Outurela E. minority

- 6 3 - 1 11 - - -

Portela

E. majority - 2 - 2 - 4 2 - -

Source: Socinova

56









Therefore, attitudes toward organisation frequently reflect suspicion, estrangement, and

even conflict among particular interests. Looking at the table below, the higher

concentration of the cases in two first rows points in that direction. The results

furthermore suggest wider differences among municipal neighbourhoods, than a clear

differentiation between the answers of ethnic minorities‟ and ethnic majority‟s

respondents.



Power in voluntary associations (%)

Pombal Lavei-r Quinta Alto da Bº Bugio Outure-

as da Loba Jesus la

Caxias Politeir Caraça Portela

a

There is Ethnic 46,2 57,1 45,5 32,1 38,0 36,4 23,4

always someone minority

aiming at Ethnic 62,2 45,8 35,5 50,7 60,0 42,6 41,2

gaining power majority

at the expense

of the rest

When someone Ethnic 35,9 14,3 24,2 17,9 18,0 27,3 36,2

wants to minority

exercise power

it is a relief for Ethnic 28,9 22,9 22,6 20,9 16,0 19,1 27,5

the others majority

If someone Ethnic 17,9 28,6 30,3 50,0 44,0 36,4 40,4

wants to minority

exercise Ethnic 8,9 31,3 41,9 28,4 24,0 38,3 31,4

power, one has majority

to counteract

Source: Socinova





So, once again individual factors related to ethnic belonging appear to be insufficient to

understand the results obtained via direct observation, and contextual factors seem to

be indeed more powerful in explaining how the prevailing institutional matrix affects

both national majority and ethnic minorities participation as well.





However, when asked what would be the best way to solve problems (whether

individually or collectively), ethnic belonging indeed makes a difference: ethnic

minorities‟ members appear to prefer collective solutions, while ethnic majority

respondents‟ answers reveal a much more balanced position between the two poles -

individual and collective

57









The best way to solve problems (%)

Pombal Laveira Quinta Alto da Bº Bugio Outurel

s da Loba Jesus a

Caxias Politeir Caraça Portela

a

Individuall Ethnic 14.9 31.4 25.7 25.7 39.3 21.6 18.5

y minority

Ethnic 30.0 60.3 55.6 32.8 45.6 42.3 46.7

majority

Collectivel Ethnic 85.1 68.6 74.3 74.3 60.7 78.4 81.5

y minority

Ethnic 70.0 39.7 44.4 67.2 54.4 57.7 53.3

majority

Source: Socinova



It should be kept in mind the heavy presence of underclass families among ethnic

majority and therefore admitted that individual, here, has a traditional meaning, together

with a modern, meritocratic connotation. Admitting that the bulk of ethnic minorities

populations overlap with immigrants communities, the experience of poverty may be

perceived as affecting only momentarily a path which is conducive to upper layers of

opportunity. Therefore, different social positions may be the sole responsible for the

observed differences in attitudes.







The URBAN program



Along with the re-housing program of which we wrote above, there is an important

ongoing initiative that targets the same populations in a specific area – the Northern area

of the Vale de Algés - where they concentrate in large numbers: the Oeiras URBAN

subprogram, a part of the European URBAN program. Its aims are both physical

rehabilitation of degraded urban areas and social promotion of populations at risk of

exclusion, namely those who have been re-lodged in the public housing projects. Thus,

while migrant or ethnic minorities are not its sole or main concern, their presence has to

be acknowledged as one of the major social features of the overall populations being

dealt with, an issue clearly reflected in URBAN program guidelines for the past years in

actions such as creating and fostering local organisations that promote intercultural

conviviality, or interventions into the school to promote multicultural approaches.





According to the subprogram's basic philosophy, re-housing, as a process aiming at

social inclusion and the making of a „new life project‟, entails involving target groups in

58







decision-making because a new perspective on communication and participation is

considered as the sine qua non condition for success. Communication because

re-housing implies adaptation to new architectural forms, transmitting new uses of the

space, new norms, references and life styles, both inside the house and in the

neighbourhood. But the bottom-top feed back is also necessary, because, in order to

guarantee the success of the operation, the targeted groups have to participate, therefore

sharing responsibilities in the process. The issue, therefore, is how do these two

information flows interact, knowing as we do that participation in civic associations

rates very low among these populations?





Understanding local participation involves, as many of the interviewees reminded us,

distinguishing between local and extra-local initiatives, and whether or not they have a

link to the local community. Crossing these two attributes, we get the following

typology:



Local associations

Associations built up by local Associations coming from

inhabitants “outside”

Embedded in local Type 1 Type 2

community

Associação de Moradores da Outurela / Associação Portuguesa para a

activities Portela Defesa dos Menores e da Família

Associação de Moradores 18 de Maio Apoio

Soc. Musical Aliança Operária Futebol Ludoteca

Club da Outurela Clube de Jovens (includes

Soc. Musical Simpatia e Gratidão Associação Olho Vivo* and

Marco Aurélio football school)

Having scarce (or Type 3

no) links with local

Cl. Desp. Veteranas de Angola

community ------------ Espaço da Comunidade

Caboverdiana

União dos Estudantes

Cabo-verdianos

Ajuda Internacional

UNIAP

Narcóticos Anónimos

Note * an antiracist organisation





For instance, the Associação de Moradores da Outurela/Portela (a neighbourhood

association, aiming to promote the inhabitants' interests in their relationship with the

Town Hall), when claiming for municipal local facilities to install their siege, used the

59







legitimising argument of being a local initiative, by people living in the neighbourhood,

whereas other organisations had been granted municipal local facilities, although their

members came from “outside”.





Espaço da Comunidade Caboverdiana - Concelho de Oeiras (ECC-CO, an association of

Capeverdian nationals) was granted municipal local facilities through the Urban

program, because, being composed by people with qualifications above the local

community average (middle class professionals and others), municipal officials thought

it would be a way of promoting Capeverdian culture diffusion among a community

where the presence of the Capeverdians is huge. This illustrates one of the possible

top-down strategies for fostering local interlocutors that may function as channels into

the larger immigrant community and possibly as a representative dialogue partner. The

organisation was in fact expected to act as a local institution, one which could promote

initiatives in order to maintain and diffuse Capeverdian culture - especially among

Capeverdian youth, maxime second generation youngsters -, mostly bringing to them the

cultural manifestations they are unaware of: Capeverdian literature, painting, theatre...





Most of the local interviewees who had heard of it, however, considered it to be a type 3

association, and, assuming the facilities were granted to all local Capeverdians,

complained the organisation acted as if it was their restricted turf, not paying any

attention to local inhabitants. Public Town Hall officials echoed the population

disillusion, based on the acknowledgement of the inability so far evidenced to articulate

with local community.



In contrast, another initiative generated from above but with a rather different scope

registered what seems to be a remarkable success. Marco Aurélio, a renowned first

league Brazilian football player was granted the use of local facilities in order to create a

football school for youngsters from the neighbourhood and surrounding places. URBAN

program support of this activity is anchored in the same logic: creating the opportunities

for African descent, but also Portuguese majority youth to interact and to experience

diversity in an integrative way. Adherents were queuing for inscription, and there is now

a more or less stabilised public of around two hundred youngsters. The Marco Aurélio

football school, contrary to the ECC-CO experience, is considered by URBAN team as a

success, and by local community as a type 2 institution. This kind of association,

however, successful as it may be in promoting sociability among different segments of

the population, can hardly be expected to lead to local representation, nor to an

organised participation of migrant groups or ethnic-cultural minorities.

60







In fact, although a general philosophy of organised participation by local populations,

including a multicultural dimension, may contrast the URBAN approach to that of the

Town Hall - which, as we have seen, does not encourage nor indeed recognise interest

group mediation between local government and the individuals or families composing

the population -, its implementation seems to be hindered by the lack of orientation

towards associative participation that we have seen as characterising the population, as

well as by the effective weakness of such direct participation traditions in Portuguese

society and political system 40.





Furthermore, concerning the specific issue of immigrants' and ethnic or cultural

minority groups' participation and representation, it may be noted that none of the type 1

organisations listed above has that kind of functions, most of them having in fact

generated in the local community long before immigrant presence began to be felt - the

only exception being the above mentioned Associação de Moradores da

Outurela/Portela; type 2 organisations, whose creation or local presence directly derive

from URBAN activities, have an important local role, but their relation to

multiculturality, as defined by the URBAN sources, has more to do with intercultural

mingling and conviviality than with multicultural civic participation, representation and

modes of incorporation, and are in fact experiencing difficulties in establishing some

kind of self-sustained leadership - people do participate in the activities, but scarcely in

their organisational and leadership tasks, the ones that might be more conducive to civic

participation. In fact, all of the organisations with foreign national references that we

find in location fit into type 3, even those that benefited from URBAN support: not only

were they "imported", but they have scarce links with local immigrant or immigrant

descent populations and are in fact rather estranged by them.









40

See Y. Soysal (1994) argument on this topic.

61







List of the interviews made:



1. With central government appointed officials and national MP

Name Place Date

High Commissioner for Immigration and Av. Columbano Bordallo May 27 1998

Ethnic Minorities Pinheiro, 86-8 (Lisbon)

Socialist party MP Parliament Nov 11 1998

2. With local government and other municipal elected officials

Name Place Date

Oeiras Lord Mayor Oeiras Town Hall Apr 27 1998

Oeiras Deputy Mayor - Housing Oeiras Town Hall Apr 11 1998

Oeiras Deputy Mayor - Culture Oeiras Town Hall June 2 1998

Presidente da Junta de Freguesia de Carnaxide Junta de Freguesia de May 26 1998

Carnaxide

Socialist party municipal MP FCSH - UNL Dec 16 1998





3. With municipal officials with management and technical responsibilities

Name Place Date

Director of URBAN project URBAN siege May 5 1998

Head of Oeiras Town Hall Housing Department Town Hall facilities - May 20 1998

Bairro de Pombal

Head of Oeiras Town Hall Culture Department Town Hall facilities - May 18 1998

Fundição de Oeiras

Head of Oeiras Town Hall Social Affairs Town Hall facilities - June 2 1998

Department Fundição de Oeiras

Head of Oeiras Town Hall Youth Department Town Hall facilities - June 9 1998

Fundição de Oeiras





4. With municipal officials with technical responsibilities

Name Place Date

Technician of the Housing Department FCSH - UNL Apr 20 1998

Technician of the URBAN Department Encosta da Portela August 1997

Technician of the URBAN Department Town Hall facilities – Nov. 1998

URBAN

Technician of the URBAN Department Town Hall facilities – Dec. 1998

URBAN





5. With Embassies and foreign elected officials

Name Place Date

Ambassador of India Embassy - Rua Pêro da May 14 1998

Covilhã, 16

Head of Community Affairs - Embassy of Cape Av. do Restelo, 33 Apr 29 1998

Verde

Cultural Attaché - Embassy of Brazil Sete Rios May 6 1998

62





General Consul of Brazil Pr. Luís de Camões June 7 1998

Capeverdian MP for the constituency in Rua de Buenos Aires Aug 28 1998

Portugal





6. With international organisations

Name Place Date

International Organisation for Migrations Praça dos Restauradores June 15

1998





7. With trade unions representatives

Name Place Date

UGT Rua de Buenos Aires Aug 28 1998





8. With representatives of nation-wide and international groups of interests concerning

immigration and ethnic minorities issues

Name Place Date

Obra Católica das Migrações Campo Mártires da Pátria June 8 1998





9. With representatives of nation-wide associations of immigrants and ethnic minorities

Name Place Date

Associação Guineense Zona J - Chelas May 19 1998

Associação Caboverdeana Rua Duque de Palmela, 2 Nov. 1998

Casa do Brasil Rua S. Pedro de Alcântara Aug 21 1998





10. With representatives of national and local groups of interests concerning

immigration and ethnic minorities issues

Name Place Date

Espaço da Comunidade Caboverdiana - Outurela/Portela May 27 1998

Concelho de Oeiras





11. With representatives of local associations dealing with immigrants and ethnic

minorities issues

Name Place Date

Associação de Moradores da Outurela/Portela Outurela/Portela May 23 1998

Associação das Veteranas de Angola Outurela/Portela May 25 1998

Clube de Jovens Outurela/Portela August 1997

Ludoteca Outurela/Portela August 1997

União Desportiva dos Barronhos * Outurela/Portela May 23 1998

APOIO Outurela/Portela Apr 29 1998

Ajuda Internacional Outurela/Portela May 27 1998

BIOS FCSH - UNL Dec 12 1998

Note: * This one was in fact a very informal conversation

63









SOURCES AND REFERENCES:







1. Studies on immigration





1.1. In general:

AAVV (1975), Imigração e associação, Lisbon, Cadernos CEPAC 1





AAVV (1975), Os números da imigração africana, Lisbon, Cadernos CEPAC 2





Baganha, M. (1997 & 1998), Migrants insertion in the informal economy. The

Portuguese case, Lisbon, mimeo reports (vol.1&2).





Capucha, Luis (1990), Associativismo e modos de vida num bairro de habitação social,

Sociologia - Problemas e Práticas nº8, pp29-41.





Castro, P. & M. J. Freitas (1991), Contributos para o estudo de grupos étnicos

residentes na cidade de Lisboa - Vale do Areeiro, um estudo de caso, Lisbon,

GES-LNEC





Cordeiro, Ana Rita (1997), Immigrants in Portuguese society. Some sociographic

figures, Lisbon, SOCINOVA Working Papers 4, FCSH-UNL





Cordeiro, Ana Rita (1998), Participação cívica das minorias étnicas no Vale de Algés

(Ethnic Minorities Civic Participation in Vale de Algés), Lisbon, FCSH-UNL, MA

dissertation, mimeo.





Cunha, I. F. et al. (1996), Os africanos na imprensa portuguesa: 1993-1995, Lisbon,

CIDAC





Esteves, M. do Céu (org.) (1991), Portugal, país de imigração, Lisbon, IED, Nº22





Fonseca, M. Lucinda (1997), The Geography of Recent Immigration to Portugal,

Centro de Estudos Geográficos, Universidade de Lisboa

64







Guibentiff, P. (1991), "A opinião pública face aos estrangeiros" in M. C. Esteves,

Portugal, país de imigração, Lisboa, IED pp. 63-74.





Guibentiff, P. (1996), "Le Portugal face à l'immigration", Revue Européenne des

Migrations Internationales, 12 (1), pp. 121-140.





Justino, D. et al. (1998), Integração, práticas de identidade e exclusão social no Vale

de Algés, Lisbon, mimeo report, SociNova, FCSH-UNL.





Machado, F. L. (1992) “Etnicidade em Portugal: contrastes e politização”, Sociologia,

problemas e práticas, 12, pp. 123-136.





Machado, F. L. (1993), "Etnicidade em Portugal: o grau zero de politização" in Actas do

Colóquio: Emigração, imigração em Portugal, Lisbon, Ed. Fragmentos, pp. 407-414



Machado, F. L. (1994) “Luso-africanos em Portugal: nas margens da etnicidade”,

Sociologia, problemas e práticas, 16, pp. 111-134.





Machado, F. L. (1997) “Contornos e especificidades da imigração em Portugal”

(Contours and specificities of immigration in Portugal), Sociologia, problemas e

práticas, 27, pp. 9-44.





Marques, M. M. (1997), Who gets blamed when unemployment rises?, Lisbon,

SociNova Working Paper 2, FCSH-UNL.



Marques, M. M. and T. Santos (1997), Redistributing platform or immigration

society? Some tests and some hypotheses, Lisbon, SociNova Working Paper 3,

FCSH-UNL.





Pires, R. Pena (1990), "Semi-periferia versus polarização? Os equívocos do modelo

trimodal" (Semi-periphery versus polarization? The ambiguities of the trimodal model),

Sociologia, problemas e práticas, 8, pp. 81-90





Pires, R. Pena (1993), “Immigration in Portugal: a typology” in M. B. R. Trindade (ed.)

Recent Migration Trends in Europe, Lisbon, Universidade Aberta, pp. 179-194.





Ralha, Tiago (1998), Participação cívica em contexto de realojamento - Concelho de

Oeiras (Civic Participation in Re-housing Context - Oeiras Municipality), Lisbon,

FCSH-UNL, Graduation dissertation, mimeo.

65









Ralha, T., C. Oliveira & A. Inácio (forthcoming), Naturalizations in Portugal

(1985-1996), Lisbon, SociNova Working Papers #11, FCSH-UNL





Ramos, M C P (1998), L´intégration économique du Portugal dans L´Union

Européenne et ses effets sur les investissements directs étrangers, les migrations et

l´emploi, Paper presented at the OECD Conférence Internationale sur la Mondialisation,

les Migrations et le Dévelopement, Lisbon, November, 25pp.





Seabra, H. (forthcoming), Desviantes ou desviados? Abordagem exploratória da

participação dos imigrantes em práticas criminosas (Being deviant or being

deviated? Exploratory approach to immigrants‟ participation in criminal practices),

Lisbon, SociNova Working Papers 8, FCSH-UNL



Trindade, M. B. Rocha (org.) (1995), Sociologia das migrações (Migration Sociology),

Lisbon, Universidade Aberta









1.1. Studies on Guineans:

Machado, F. L. (1991) Etnicidade em Portugal. aproximação ao caso guineense

(Ethnicity in Portugal. An approach to the Guinean case), Lisbon, ISCTE, mimeo report







1.2. Studies on Cape Verdians:

Caria, C. and V. Rosendo (1993), "Associativismo cabo-verdeano em Portugal"

(Capeverdian associations in Portugal), Sociologia, problemas e práticas, 13, pp.

135-152





França, L. de (coord.) (1992), A comunidade caboverdeana em Portugal (The

Capeverdean community in Portugal), Lisbon, IED, Nº 23





Saint-Maurice, A de (1997), Identidades reconstruídas. Caboverdianos em Portugal

(Rebuilt identities. Capeverdians in Portugal), Lisbon, Celta







1.3. Studies on Indians:

66







Alves, M. & P. Ávila (1994), "Indianos em Portugal: processos de (re)construção da

identidade" (Indians in Portugal: rebuilding identity processes), Actas do Encontro de

Vila do Conde da APS, Lisbon, APS, pp. 285-297.





Ávila, P. & M. Alves (1993) "Da Índia a Portugal: trajectórias sociais e estratégias

colectivas dos comerciantes indianos" (From India to Portugal: social trajectories and

collective strategies of Indian business owners), Sociologia, problemas e práticas, Nº

13, pp. 115-133.





Ávila, P. (1994), Indianos comerciantes na cidade de Lisboa (Indian business owners in

Lisbon), in Actas do Colóquio Minorias Étnicas- A participação na vida da cidade,

Lisbon, pp. 33-37.





Bastos, S. P. (1990), "Espaço doméstico, espaço simbólico e identidade - um olhar sobre

o viver indiano na cidade" (Domestic space, symbolic space and identity – taking a look

into Indian living in Lisbon), Actas do Colóquio Viver (n)a Cidade, GES - LNEC, pp.

17-31.





Freitas, M. J. & P. Castro (1993), "Vale do Areeiro. Reflexões acerca de uma realidade

multiétnica" (Vale do Areeiro. Reflections about a multi-ethnic reality), Actas do II

Congresso Português de Sociologia, Vol. I, Lisbon, Fragmentos, pp. 960-981.





Malheiros, J. M. (1996), Imigrantes na região de Lisboa: os anos da mudança

(Immigrants in Lisbon: the years of change), Lisbon, Colibri



Martinho, J, M. A., P. Ávila & R. Mauriti (1990), Indianos em Portugal: que

inserção? (Indians in Portugal: how they get integrated) , Lisbon, ISCTE, mimeo







1.4. Studies on Gypsies:

AAVV (1997), Relatório do grupo de trabalho para a igualdade e inserção dos

ciganos (Report of the group working on Gypsies‟ equality and integration), ACIME,

January 1997





AAVV (1998), Relatório do grupo de trabalho para a igualdade e inserção dos

ciganos (Report of the group working on Gypsies‟ equality and integration),, ACIME,

March 1998-06-23

67







AAVV (1996), Comunidade cigana na diocese de Lisboa (Gypsy community in

Lisbon Diocese), Secretariado Diocesano de Lisboa, Obra Nacional para a Pastoral dos

Ciganos







1.5. Studies on Chinese:

Cabral, J. P. and N. Lourenço (1993), Em terra de tufões: dinâmicas da etnicidade

macaense (In the land of Hurricanes: dynamics of Macao ethnicity), Instituto Cultural

de Macau, Documentos e Ensaios





Teixeira, Ana (1997), “Entrepreneurs of the Chinese community in Portugal”, in

Benton, G. & F. Pieke (eds.), The Chinese in Europe, Macmillan Press





Teixeira, Ana (1995), Diáspora e cultura empresarial: os empresários da

comunidade chinesa em Portugal (Diaspora and entrepreneurial culture: entrepreneurs

of the Chinese community in Portugal), Lisbon, MA dissertation mimeo., Universidade

Aberta







2. Other references made in the text:





2.1. On legislation

Amaral, A., J. Nunes & P. Costa (1997), Colectânea de direito de Estrangeiros,

Lisbon, SOS Racismo



Carlos, L. P. (1993), “Imigração e integração“ (Immigration and integration) in M. B.

Silva et al. (org.), Emigração imigração em Portugal, Lisbon, Fragmentos, pp.

415-421.





Franco, V. (1991), “A aquisição da nacionalidade portuguesa” (Portuguese nationality

acquisition), in M. C. Esteves (ed) Portugal, país de imigração, Lisbon, IED, pp.

119-143.







2.2. In general

Barreto, A. and C. V. Preto (org.) (1996), A situação social em Portugal 1960-1995

(Social situation in Portugal 1960-1995), Lisboa, ICS-UL

68







Braga da Cruz, M. (1995), "Processos sociais e políticos em Portugal" (Social and

political processes in Portugal) in Instituições políticas e processos sociais, Lisbon,

Bertrand Ed., pp.299-503





European Commission (1998), Eurobarometer Special issue on Racism and

xenophobia, Nº 47.1





European Commission (1991, 1993, 1995, 1998) Eurobarometer 35, 39, 42, 48





França, L. (org.) (1993), Portugal: valores europeus, identidade cultural (Portugal:

European values, cultural identity), Lisbon, IED



Freire, J. et al. (1998), Atitudes face ao emprego, trabalho e tempo livre (Attitudes

toward employment, work, and leisure), Lisbon: IESE and Observatório do Emprego e

Formação Profissional, mimeographed report.





Lucena, M. (1982), "Transformações do Estado português nas suas relações com a

sociedade civil" (Transformations of the relations between the Portuguese state and civil

society), Análise Social, XVIII (72-73-74), pp. 897-926.





Lucena, M. (1985), "Neocorporativismo? Conceito, interesses e aplicação ao caso

português" (Neo-corporatism? Concept, interests, and use in the Portuguese case),

Análise Social, XXI (87-88-89), pp. 819-865.





Pires, R. Pena et al. (1987), Os retornados. Um estudo sociográfico (The people who

returned. Sociographic study), Lisboa, IED





Silva, M. et al. (1989), Pobreza urbana em Portugal (Urban poverty in Portugal),

Lisbon, Centro de Reflexão Cristã





SOPEMI (1995), Trends in international migration. Annual report, OECD





SOPEMI (1998), Trends in international migration. Annual report, OECD





Sousa Santos, B. (1990), O Estado e a sociedade em Portugal (1974-1988) (State and

society in Portugal), Porto, Afrontamento

69







Sousa Santos, B. (1994), Pela mão de Alice. O social e o político na

pós-modernidade (The social and the policy in post-modern times), Porto,

Afrontamento





Villaverde Cabral, M. (1997), "Equidade, Estado-providência e sistema fiscal. Atitudes

e percepções da população portuguesa" (Equity, welfare state and fiscal system.

Attitudes and perceptions of the Portuguese population) in Cidadania política e

equidade social em Portugal, Lisboa, Celta, pp. 99-121