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					                                                      Quiz 2

                  Notes: One Year to One Year Six Months: Prerepresentational Phonology

    1st 50 word period
   This period presystematic, i.e. child's productions lack sound contrasts and/or consistent rules or
    processes, and has great phonetic variability.
   Children appear to produce whole words rather than dividing words into their component segments.
   They are using sounds phonetically, but not necessarily contrastively, e.g. we may hear [ba] and [da]
    and assume that the child has mastered the phonemic contrast /b/ and /d/, but if we listen further we
    may see that the child is using the two sounds interchangeably when referring to the same object, e.g.
    both [ba] and [da] for "daddy".
   1st words characterized by simple syllable structures, typically CV (consonant-vowel) and VC, and
    some CVC syllables; some show a great deal of syllable reduplication in CVCV productions.
   Phonetic repertoire consists primarily of the manners of production of stops, nasals, glides; place of
    articulation is commonly labials and alveolars, which are more common than palatals and velars.
    Preferred vowels seem to be concentrated on the basic vowel triangle of [i] (i.e. "eee"), [a] (i.e. "ah"),
    and [u] (i.e. "ooo").
   Also, begin to see selectivity or avoidance patterns: attempts at word productions based upon the
    word's phonological characteristics. Patterns of selection / avoidance are regulated by particular
    phonemes, consonant clusters, or the length of target words. This is referred to as "lexical selection,"
    and considered a problem solving activity for managing the challenge of the phonology.

    Systematic Development: Representational Phonology
   Phonemic Development (1 year 6 months to 4 years):
   Clinically, our detection and treatment planning for speech sound disorders is most often based on the
    order of acquisition of phonemes and age norms in development. Researchers in phonological
    development develop tables of normative data regarding the ages at which children develop aspects
    of the phonology by testing the consonant phonemes (and sometimes the vowels) and reporting the
    percentage of children that produce the adult target sounds accurately at a specific age.
   Studies demonstrate the same pattern over and over again in that stops, nasals and glides are
    mastered earlier, and are followed by liquids, fricatives and affricates.
   However, differences in age norms are observed when comparing studies. This is partly due to the
    criteria used to define "acquired."
    o   Some studies (Templin, 1957; Prather, et. al., 1975) considered a sound as acquired when it is
        produced correctly by 75% of the subjects at any age level. On the other hand, Poole (1934)
        required 100% of subjects as the criterion.
    o   Another reason for the differences in the reported data is the word positions considered by the
        investigators: Templin (1957) required accuracy of production in all 3 word positions (initial word
        position, medial word position, final word position) whereas Prather looked at only initial and final
    o   Yet another reason for the differences in reported data comes from the fact that different
        researchers required different degrees of phonetic accuracy of the production. /s/ a good example:
        if strict criterion for phonetic accuracy is applied, /s/ would be considered a late acquisition, as
        children take some time for a fully accurate production of this phoneme. On the other hand,
        children reveal their awareness of this phoneme by approximating its production rather early
        despite their difficulties in its phonetic implementation. Thus, it might be considered an early
        acquisition if we disregard the imperfections in the productions. It has been suggested that
        phonemic acquisition is ahead of phonetic acquisition for fricatives, i.e. children are aware of the
        meaning contrasts before they produce them accurately.
    o   Another variable contributing to the lack of agreement among normative studies: types of
        utterances used in testing. Some studies sampled speech sounds in the production of isolated
        words, others studies in connected speech; length of words differed; stress patterns differed, word
        familiarity differed, number of words tested for each word position differed, the effects of sounds in
        words such as assimilation an unaccounted for variable; and, the conditions under which data was
        collected differed—all are potentially influential factors in the resulting generalizations.
   Consonant Clusters: a late development, but some develop earlier than others.
    o   /s+nasal/, /s+stop, and /stop+liquid or glide/ clusters developed earlier in the initial position of
    o   The final position favors the combinations of /nasal or liquid + voiceless stop/ and /stop + stop/ or
        /stop + fricative/.
    o   2 member clusters acquired earlier than 3 member (e.g. /st-/ before /str-/.
   Vowels are generally mastered by 3-4 years; r-colored vowels (e.g. "er" or "ir" as in "bird) acquired

    Years 4-7: Phonetic Inventory Completion
   certain contrasts such as fricatives and affricates stabilized
   by end of this period, child capable of producing all of the English sounds
   still has difficulty with longer words such as "thermometer," "vegetable."
   morphophonemic development also begins in some structures, e.g. /s/ and /z/ for the plural morpheme
    are developed.
   The final stage of phonological development relates to the acquisition of a system of rules for the
    combination of morphemes, e.g. vowel alternations such as sane-sanity, succeed-success, decide-
    decision, tone-tonic. Also acquire stress alterations important for distinguishing compounds, e.g. `im-
    port vs. im-`port, etc.

    Natural Phonology
A "natural" theory of phonology in that it presents the sound system of the language as a natural reflection
of the needs, capacities, and world of its users rather than as a merely conventional institution.
   Based on the notion that some phonemes are more natural to the organism than others, therefore
    they will appear earlier in development and in more languages across the world.
Phonological Processes: operations that affect sound change, both within individual language users and
within the history of a particular language. Affect classes of sounds. Phonological processes are used by
children to "simplify" the sound system until they develop the capacity to better produce the adult model of
the system. For example, a child may substitute /w/ for /r/ for some time during development, as in the
production of "wabbit" for "rabbit." Later, the child replaces the /w/ with the target /r/. It is said that during
the production of w/r, he is engaged in the use of the phonological process of "gliding," i.e. substituting a
glide for the rhotic /r/.
   Naturalness: more natural sounds appear before other sounds in language development; are heard
    more often universally across languages.
   Markedness: more marked sounds occur later in language development, and appear less often in
   Assimilatory processes: processes in which a sound changes to become more similar to another

    Some Theories of Phonological Development
Behaviorist theory
   Mower, 1952 & 1960; Olmstead, 1966 & 1971.
   Emphasizes the role of contingent reinforcement in phonological acquisition.
Natural Phonology theory
   Stampe, 1969 & 1973
   Proposes that children do not actually acquire or develop a phonological system; instead, they learn to
    suppress or constrain processes that do not occur in the language.
Cognitive theory
   Macken & Ferguson, 1983; Menn, 1983
   Point out that other theories don't account for individual variability in children acquiring the same
   Children are active problem solvers
Biological theory
   Locke, 1983 & 1990
   3 basic premises:
    o   Prelinguistic vocalizations of infants are universal
    o   Phonological patterns of early meaningful speech closely resemble those of late babbling
    o   Substitutions are usually frequently occuring sounds in babbling repertoire
Stages in Biological theory
1. a prelinguistic stage: includes proto-words
2. child attempts to produce conventional words
3. increased similarity to adult speech with increased phonological complexity
Connectionist Model
   Developmental speech sound errors made as a result of "weak connections" between target sounds
    and needed features for their production.
                                                   Module 7
                                         Notes: Lexical Development
   Lexicon: our mental dictionary in which knowledge of words and their meanings is kept. Average 1st
    grader maintains about 14,000 lexical items; average English-speaking college student around
   What is a word?
    o   A word is a sign that signifies a referent, but the referent is not the meaning of the word. If you say
        to a child, ―Look at the kitty,‖ the referent—the actual cat—is not the meaning of kitty; if the cat ran
        away, the word would still have meaning because meaning is an act of cognition.
    o   Cats can be called a number of words, depending upon the language spoken. There is nothing
        intrinsic to cats that makes one or another name more appropriate—the relationship between the
        names and the thing is thus arbitrary; it is by social convention in a particular language that
        speakers agree to call the animal by a particular word. This arbitrary relationship between the
        referent (the cat) and the sign for it (the word cat) is symbolic. Nonverbal signs can also be
        symbolic, e.g. we could agree that a blue light means stop and change all the red lights to blue.
    o   In a few words, the relation between word and referent is not so arbitrary, e.g. thud, cuckoo clock.
        Note that many of children‘s earliest words or protowords have a less-than-arbitrary relation to
        their referents, e.g. clocks are called tick-tock, and painful bumps are called owies.
   One of the child‘s primary tasks in semantic development is to acquire categorical concepts (e.g. to
    learn that the word dog refers to a whole class of animals). There are three theories regarding how
    children acquire categorical concepts.
    o   The semantic feature view: children learn a set of distinguishing features for each categorical
        concept. When a child learns a new word, it is in the context of a specific situation, e.g. the word
        ―dog‖ may at first be understood to apply only to the child‘s own dog, and only later comes the
        understanding that other creatures may also be called ―dog‖ so long as they share the same
        critical features that uniquely define the category: alive, warm-blooded, have 4 legs, bark, covered
        with hair. Overextensions occur when the child infers a word belongs to a category from a partial
        match of features, e.g. a toddler may refer to a moose as a ―doggie,‖ because both animals have
        hair and 4 legs. According to feature theory, the child in this case does not yet know that antlers
        disqualify an animal from membership in the dog category.
    o   It may be that children acquire probabilistic concepts: most birds have feathers and beaks, fly,
        chirp, etc., but not all do; e.g. kiwi is a nonflying bird, as is a penguin. Conclusions regarding
        reference are based upon probability.
           Some examples of probabilistic concepts have more of the qualities of the concept than others,
            e.g. a robin has more typical ―bird‖ characteristics than does a penguin—therefore, people see
            robins as better examples of birds, and they also classify them faster when asked if a robin is a
            bird. These typical examples of the category, or prototypes, are more accessible in memory in
            adult subjects. According to prototype theory, children acquire these core concepts when they
            acquire meaning and only later come to recognize members of that category that are distant
            from the prototypes.

    The Course of Early Lexical Development
   First Words
    o   Produced between 10 & 15 months of age. Often hard to distinguish from protowords; even though
        protowords appear to have consistent meaning for children, the sounds of them don‘t relate to real
        words in the language. In contrast, true first words are approximations of words in the target
        language, even if rough.
    o   Many first words are context-bound, e.g. text example of Allison Bloom producing the word ―car‖
        only when looking out her apartment window to the street, but not when seeing a picture of one or
        when up close to one; the child presumed to have identified one particular event in the context of
        which it was appropriate for her to produce the word ―car.‖ Other examples: ―more‖ might be used
        only as a request and not to comment on recurrence, and ―no‖ might be used only as a refusal.
        This is situation-specific or function-specific word use, very different from adult representations.
    o   Some researchers argue that context-bound words appear first and that truly referential words
        must await some cognitive development in the child. Other suggest otherwise.
    o   First words can be referential. Harris and colleagues found that the largest category of words
        produced was context-bound (22 of the first 40 words). The next was contextually flexible nominals
        (names of things) accounting for 14/40; there were also 4 contextually flexible words that were not
        nominals, e.g. more, yes, no.
    o   Why are some context-bound and some referential? Children seem not to make use of the full
        range of their linguistic experience.
    o   Context-bound words become decontextualized.
   From first words to 50 words
    o   Reach 50 around 18 months, range 15-24 months. Nelson classified these into 6 categories:
           Specific nominals, e.g. Mommy, Daddy, Rover
           General nominals, e.g. dog, ball, milk, he, this
           Action words, e.g. go, up, look
           Modifiers, e.g. big, all gone, outside, mine
           Personal social words, e.g. no, want, please
           Grammatical function words, e.g. what, is, for
    o   both specific and general nominals most common
    o   Most frequent nouns include names of people, food, body parts; also, words for clothing, animals,
        household items involved in child‘s daily routines. Not universal, though; e.g., verbs are more
        prevalent in Korean, and other East Asian cultures the nouns, which are more common in Western
    o   In noun-heavy early vocabularies, it was thought that object labels were easier to learn because
        verbs express relationships among things, requiring more sophisticated cognitive function.
        However, according to cross-linguistic and cross-cultural studies, in the Asian languages verbs
        often come at the ends of sentences, so more salient; also, these languages allow noun dropping,
        making verbs relatively more frequent in the language. Also, in American culture, caregivers spend
        a lot of time labeling things for their babies. Also, nonlinguistic context provides more information
        about noun meaning than about verb meaning.
   At the 50 words stage and beyond
    o   lexical development shifts into a different gear at around 50 words. Rate at which they learn new
        words increases from about 8-11 per month to now 22-37 per month. Word spurt.
    o   In English, it is a spurt primarily in the acquisition of object labels. Likely that this occurs because:
        1. reaching 50 words gives the child a basis for figuring out principles of how a lexicon works, 2.
        phonological abilities influence spurt, 3. ongoing cognitive development.
    o   Evidence for word comprehension begins at age 5 months; respond first to their own name; 8
        months understand a few phrases; at 16 months, comprehension vocabulary of 90 to over 300
   Individual differences in lexical development
    o   Input important: when words are taught as labels and given explicit definitions, they are more likely
        to be used referentially from the beginning than those the child picks up from context; if a word
        used is almost exclusively in a single context, the child has no basis for figuring out the more
        generalizable meaning.
    o   Child‘s approach to the language acquisition task constitutes individual differences as well: some
        are more analytic than others; risk-takers; how social they are.
    o   Nelson described children with more object labels in their vocabularies as referential, whereas
        others have more personal-social words: they are expressive. Most children fall in-between. May
        depend on how mothers teach. Also, inherent differences in children: some more interested in
        objects, others more interested in social interaction. Or may be an analytical vs. holistic distinction
        (analytic being more referential).
    o   Regarding rate of lexical development:
           Phonological memory as a cognitive skill
           Gender: girls faster than boys (small difference)
           Differences in temperament: outgoing child may elicit more input from others
           The environment
               First-born may have slight advantage; mothers talk more
               More educated parents talk more to children
               When rich in structural cues
   How are new words learned?
    o   Speech segmentation issue: how does the child isolate ―cup‖ from ―Thisisacup‖? Stress and
        rhythm good markers of word boundaries. In English, a stressed syllable is likely to signal the
        beginning of a new word; so, if child pays attention to the contrast between stressed and
        unstressed syllables in the speech they hear, they will be able to identify word boundaries. Child-
        directed speech important.
    o   The mapping problem: how does child develop a concept of word meaning? What about the cup
        makes cupness? There are an infinitie number of possibilities. Fast-mapping: between a new word
        they hear and a likely candidate meaning. Develop hypothesis. Use assumptions that constrain the
        number of possibilities.
           The whole-object assumption: words refer to whole objects. E.g., ―hot‖ refers to stove.
           The taxonomic assumption: words refer to things that are of the same kind. A taxonomy is a
            system of classifying things into categories. When the child hears ―dog‖ in the presence of a
            dog (and assumes that the whole object is being referred to), then the taxonomic assumption
            leads the child to think that dog will also refer to other dogs but not to things that are
            thematically related to dogs, such as collars, leashes. Children know that words work this way,
            not e.g. toys, which they prefer to sort associatively, e.g. car gets grouped with person, not
            other vehicles.
           The mutual exclusivity assumption: different words refer to different kinds of things. So,
            members of the category ―dog‖ don‘t overlap with members of the category ―cow‖.
    o   Pragmatic principles as a source of support
           Principle of conventionality: the meaning of a word is determined by convention
           Principle of contrast: different words have different meanings (different from mutual exclusivity
            because it allows an object to have more than one label with different meanings, e.g. dog and
    o   Input as a source of support
           Speech directed toward young children is in the here-and-now. So, very little ambiguity. Adults
            follow the children‘s attentional focus and encode what they‘re attending to.
    o   Sociopragmatic cues to word meaning
           Children match words with speakers‘ intended meanings. The child may follow the speaker‘s
    o   General learning processes as the basis for word learning
           General processes of attention and learning can explain what constraints and sociopragmatics
            intend to explain. Attend to similar characteristics (shape), salient things, and attach words to
    o   Syntax as a clue to word meaning
           Once children have acquired enough grammar to identify nouns, verbs and adjectives, they can
            use the grammar as a clue to meaning, e.g. –ing likely a verb, prior article indicating noun, verb
            between subject and object, etc. This is the syntactic bootstrapping hypothesis: the assumption
            that knowledge of language structure is generally useful for learning new verbs.

    The Relation of Words to Concepts
   Have discussed how words become related to concepts the child may already possess. But, how do
    concepts themselves develop?
   Meanings of words come from the concepts they encode.
   We most commonly view the task of the child as mapping the words heard onto a preexisting
    conceptual structure; so, the kinds of word meanings children attend to are a function of the mental
    categories children have.
   Children possess ontological categories: mental categories from which they organize the world and
    word meanings, e.g. substance vs. object categories to guide their inductions of word meaning;
    cognitive categories as a basis for inferring word meanings.
   But, lexical organization is different from conceptual organization, i.e. words do not always map onto
    concepts one to one. Words mark some but not all conceptually available distinctions, e.g. Spanish
    has no distinction in words for fingers and toes; some languages have fewer than 6 color terms.
   So, when children are learning the lexicons of their languages, they must determine which cognitive
    distinctions are marked in their language and which are not.
    o   The level of organizing the world that mediates between cognitive organization and language is
        called semantic organization.
    o   Early, fast mapping occurs: only a partial mapping of the new word onto a conceptual domain. May
        know that a thing has its own name even though they don‘t know the name. This is very early
    o   In Spanish, motion verbs generally encode path of motion, whereas in English they encode
        manner (e.g. leaving vs. running)
    o   In English, we describe path of motion with a different word, e.g. I fell down, whereas in Korean the
        direction of motion is part of the meaning of the verb (like ascend and descend): path is lexicalized
        along with path; in English, path is lexicalized independent of path.
    o   These are examples that kids must figure out (and they do, very early) how words divide meaning
        into lexical components.
   Do words influence conceptual development?
    o   E.g. Spanish does not have different words for fingers and toes. Do Spanish speakers think of
        fingers and toes as more similar than English speakers do? Perhaps cognitive organization doesn‘t
        always come first; language might influence cognition.
    o   This is the linguistic relativity hypothesis, or the Worfian hypothesis (Benjamin Lee Worf): the
        way our language ―carves up‖ the world influences how we think about the world. Studies
        regarding the thought processes of people who speak different languages resulted. Some studies
        have shown that characteristics of the language children are acquiring exert an influence on their
        cognitive development.
    o   Some languages may make it easier to learn verbs than others, e.g. Korean and Japanese, since
        verbs more frequent and salient. So, these children, according to the hypothesis, should acquire
        concepts encoded by verbs at a younger age.
    o   Brown demonstrated that parents responding to the child‘s ―What‘s this?‖ with ―maple‖, ―dogwood‖
        or ―oak‖ rather than ―tree‖ may develop more differentiated mental categories of trees.
    o   Also, labels may be invitations to form categories.
   Probably, words and concepts develop together
    o   Concepts don‘t develop and wait for words; nor do words prompt the development of the concepts.
    o   Close relationship between when children develop a correspondence between the appearance of
        words that encode disappearance, e.g. ―gone‖, and the age at which children understand that
        objects are permanent.
    o   Gopnik and Meltzoff proposed that children acquire words that encode concepts they have just
        developed or are in the process of developing.
    o   Perhaps even the beginning of word learning itself coincides with the infant‘s mental individuation
        of the different sorts of objects they encounter. E.g. study in text that suggested that 10 month olds
        perceive things as ―objects‖ but not as separate objects, whereas 12 month olds did (cup and book
        behind screen example)
   Later Lexical Development
    o   After early childhood, 1. growth in vocabulary size, 2. growth in knowledge of word formation
        processes, 3. increasing ability and importance of being able to learn new words from context.
    o   Regarding growth in vocabulary size:
           Grade 1: over 10, 000 words
           Grade 3: nearly 20,000 words
           Grade 5: 40,000 words
           Accounting for this growth: 1. root words; 2. inflected words: root plus a grammatical inflection,
            e.g. boys, soaking; 3. derived words: roots plus an affix, e.g. sadness, preacher; 4. compounds,
            e.g. payday, milk cow; 5. idioms, e.g. carrying on as meaning ―misbehaving.‖ Big increase from
            3rd to 5th grade in derived words (recognition). This does not reflect an increase in number of
            words known; rather, it reflects an increase in the child‘s ability to figure out words they have
            never heard before, using their knowledge of root and affix meanings. So, the most important
            development here is in morphological knowledge.
           E.g. Berko‘s ―wug‖. Plural is ―wugs‖; past tense of ―rik‖ is ―riked‖ (study 4-7 years old). So, she
            tested inflectional morphology. If you asked a child of this age what you call a tiny wug (wuggie,
            wuglet, wugling), more difficulty, since this involves derivational morphology. Inflectional
            morphemes add to a word; derivational morphemes make a new word: knowing how to build
            new words by adding morphemes to other words, or knowing how to interpret newly
            encountered words by recognizing their component parts. Creating ―wughouse‖, compounding
            word-formation process, requires knowledge of how to combine 2 existing words.
           Children possess these abilities early, but do not possess full control. Knowledge of
            derivational morphology appears later than compounding.
           Children know that inflectional morphemes are added to words after derivational morphemes
            but not the other way around. E.g. what do you call someone who eats rats? Rat-eater, not
            rats-eater, as you can‘t have a plural inside a compound. Can make mice-eater, though.
   Learning words from context
    o   Incidental learning: 5-year-olds benefit from incidental exposure, not 3-year-olds. Better at
        reference; 3-year-olds need a present reference.
    o   Learning words from context involves identifying all the relevant cues to converge on a definition of
        an unknown word, and drawing on background knowledge.
    o   Could also use explicit vocabulary instruction.

                                                    Module 8
                                  Syntactic and Morphological Development
   After first words develop, vocabulary begins to grow quite rapidly, and children begin to use their first
    words in a variety of contexts, but their messages are limited to speaking one word at a time.
   Usually in the latter half of the second year, they reach next important milestone: they begin to put
    words together to form the first "sentences."
   This is a critical turning point; even the simplest two word utterances show evidence of syntax: the
    child combines words to create sentences following certain rules rather than in random fashion.
   Syntax is the component of grammar that governs the ordering of words in sentences.
   Takes place with no explicit instruction; parents more focused on what the child is saying rather than
    how he says it.
   The most influential linguistic frameworks characterizing the rules that underlie the well-formed
    sentences of adult language users - the natural end point of the acquisition process - developed by
    Noam Chomsky, called Universal Grammar.
    o   Began developing it in 1957
    o   Several revisions since
    o   Current version known as government and binding theory (1981)
    o   Any theory of grammar must be universal, and must meet the goal of learnability, i.e. that children
        worldwide acquire the grammar of their language within a few short years and without explicit
        training or correction.
    o   A theory of how we represent language as a set of principles in our mind. Chomsky believes our
        mental representation of grammar is autonomous of other cognitive systems; so, the principles and
        rules of grammar are highly specialized.
   Central to this theory is that there are several components of the grammar that are linked at different
    levels of representation.
    o   Of key interest are 2 levels: 1. deep structure, capturing the underlying relationships between
        subject and object in a sentence, and 2. surface structure, capturing the surface linear
        arrangements of words in a sentence.
    o   Example: John is eager to please; John is easy to please.
           Both sentences have virtually the same surface structures: noun-verb-adjective-infinitive verb.
            But they mean quite different things. The subject of the verb "to please" is John in the first
            sentence, but someone else in the second. This difference in the underlying grammatical
            relationships of subject, predicate, and so forth would be captured by very different deep
   So, how do children come to grasp the underlying grammatical relations of sentences they hear (deep
    structures) when they are only presented with surface structures?
   Each structure level has several components.
    o   Surface structure has 2 parts: phonetic form (the actual sound structure of the language) and
        logical form (capturing the meaning of sentences, connecting grammar to other aspects of
    o   Deep structure also has 2 parts: phrase structure rules, capturing the basic subject/predicate
        structure of a sentence; and the lexicon, specifying morphological and syntactic features for each
        lexical item in a sentence. Together, the lexicon and phrase structure rules generate the deep
        structure of a sentence.
   Phrase structures are often represented in tree-diagrams. They specify the underlying relationships of
    parts or phrases of the sentence, e.g. noun phrases, verb phrases, adjectival phrases, etc.
    o   includes some additional syntactic elements such as complementizers (that, what), which
        introduces each sentence, and an inflectional category, which holds the auxiliary verb (do, will,
        may, etc.) and carries information about tense.
    o   Thus, the basic structure of the sentence is organized in the deep structure by the phrase structure
    o   And within these phrases, 2 types of categories:
           Lexical category: headed by lexical forms such as nouns or verbs
          Functional category: a grammatical category, such as inflectional or complementizer.
   the lexicon provides the specific words that get inserted at the end of the phrase structure trees.
    Contains information for each item about its syntactic category (e.g. is it a noun, verb, adjective, etc.),
    and contains information about what kinds of sentence structures the item requires, especially
    important for verbs (e.g. "run" only requires a subject; "see requires both a subject and an object; "put"
    requires a subject and object, and also requires a location to be specified.
   The deep structure is connected to the surface structure by a rule that reorders the elements of the
    phrase structure into the linear arrangement of the surface form. This is called a transformational rule.
    This moving around rule important in English, e.g. for making questions.
   Grammar also has to have constraints regarding which elements can be moved and which can't be,
    as well as where they can be moved to.

    Measuring Syntactic Growth
   Age itself is not a good predictor of language, especially syntactic, development since children
    develop at vastly different rates.
   The length of a child's utterances seems to be an excellent indicator of syntactic development; each
    new element of syntactic knowledge adds length to a child's utterance.
   Roger Brown (1973) introduced the major measure of syntactic development: the mean length of
    utterance (MLU), based on the average length of a child's sentences scored on language transcripts.
   Length determined by the number of meaningful units in the sentence: morphemes, rather than words.
   Morphemes include simple content words, e.g. cat, play, do, red; function words e.g. no, the, you, this;
    and affixes or grammatical inflections e.g. un-, -s, -ed, etc.
   The addition of each morpheme (or minimal unit carrying meaning) reflects the acquisition of new
    linguistic knowledge. So, children who have similar MLUs are at the same level of linguistic maturity,
    and their language is considered to be at the same level of complexity.
   In longitudinal studies, MLUs calculated at successive points in time gradually increase. Grows at
    different rates in different children.
   According to Miller and Chapman's norms (1981), Adam and Sarah about normal for their age.
   Using MLU, Brown subdivided the major period of syntactic growth into 5 stages, beginning with stage
    I when the MLU is between 1.0 and 2.0. Successive stages are marked by increments of .5; thus,
    stage II goes from 2.0-2.5, and so forth up to stage V. Beyond an MLU of 4.0 some of the
    assumptions on which the measure is based are no longer valid, and longer sentences do not simply
    reflect what the child knows about language; so MLU loses value as an index of language
    development after this stage.
   Considerable problems are encountered in measuring the MLU in foreign languages, especially highly
    inflected and synthetic languages such as German, Russian or Hebrew. Becomes difficult to decide
    what functions as a morpheme in the child's speech, and it is easy to obtain inflated numbers.
   The units that are combined in language are smaller than words themselves; they are morphemes. 2
    o   Bound morphemes: morphemes that don't stand by themselves
    o   Free morphemes: units that can stand alone
    o   Inflectional morphemes add grammatical information to words, but don't change meanings of
    o   Derivational morphemes form new words, e.g. the –er in dancer, the –ish in smallish. Word type
    o   Other languages have much more complex morphology.
   descriptive rules: linguists take whatever people do as "correct" and try to describe the patterns in it;
    way of studying language acquisition. Prescriptive rules are grammar rules teachers teach us. So,
    how do children learn these descriptive rules?
   Children's first word combinations are simple, active, declarative structures; missing function words
    and bound morphemes. Negative sentences and questions come later. Lastly, multiclause sentences
    appear. Process relatively complete around age 4.
                                                   Module 8
                                            Syntax & Morphology II

    Asking questions
   2 types: yes/no and wh- (including "how")
    o   1st yes/no marked by intonation only, e.g. "More juice?" for "May I have more juice?"
    o   wh- questions really a statement with a wh- word attached to the beginning, e.g. "What that is?"
        (i.e. no reversal)
    o   Next, add auxiliaries to beginning of yes/no questions, e.g. "Will it fit in there?" wh- questions do
        not yet invert the subject and auxiliary, e.g. "What a doctor can do?"

    Development of complex sentences
   Late. There are different types.
   First complex sentences appear around four-word utterances, around age 2 and up. Most of the types
    used by age 4.

    Individual differences in grammatical development
   Children differ in both rate and course. Rate differences are the clearest.
   Some use multiword utterances at 18 months; others begin 2 years. Some are unanalyzed wholes,
    rote-learned; others use separate words from the beginning.
   As discussed in other contexts, children have different approaches to acquiring syntax. This may
    originate in differences in what children attend to, so how they perceive the speech they hear.
    o   Some attend more to syllables and phonemes, others more to the prosodic contour, prosodic
        "tune." This is a holistic approach, top-down, resulting in perceiving unanalyzed chunks; these kids
        may produce long utterances, but have little combinatorial ability. Others are more analytical,
        bottom-up. The holistic kids eventually identify slots in phrases that can be occupied by other
        lexical items, e.g. There's the xxx; Me got xxx; Wanna xxx. Most children use both bottom up and
        top down strategies, but vary in reliance on one or other.

    Measuring grammatical development
   With increments in syntax mastery comes increasing utterance length. Length in morphemes is a
    good index of the grammatical complexity of an utterance.
   MLU better than age as an indicator of grammatical development. Once beyond 3.0 or 4.0, not so
    good an indicator.
   Brown's stages
    o   I: MLU 1.01-1.99: begin to combine words
    o   II: MLU 2.00-2.49: begin to add grammatical morphemes to word combos.
    o   III: 2.50-2.99: begin to use different sentence modalities, e.g. negative and question forms.
    o   IV: 3.00 and up: begin to use complex sentences.
    o   V: marked by the appearance of new complex sentence forms. Age norms Table 6.1.

    Development of comprehension of structured speech
   Harder to study. If ask parents, they say their children understand "everything."
   Strategies children use:
    o   Response strategies: enable them to respond to speech they only partially understand. Have
        learned to respond to speech by doing something, so that when parent asks, e.g., "Why don't you
        play with your blocks?", the child tending to blocks will indicate to parent child understood the
        whole thing.
    o   If try to trip them up, may reveal lack of full comprehension. Child may be deriving sentence
        meaning from knowledge about the world (single word comprehension) rather than knowledge of
        syntactic structure. For example, if using word order strategy for "The swing bumps the kitty,"
        doesn't work for the passive "The kitty was bumped by the swing." Or order-of-mention for complex
        sentences, e.g. ‗John played before Mary sang" doesn't work for "John played after Mary sang."
        Use probable event strategy, e.g. "The mouse was chased by the cat."
    o   Children do know more about their grammar than they reveal in spontaneous productions.

    Comprehension of relational meanings in word combinations
   Children at one word stage demonstrate an understanding of relational meanings beyond the
    meanings of the words individually, e.g. "She's kissing the keys," and shown tapes simultaneously of a
    woman kissing keys and holding up a ball, and a woman kissing a ball and holding up keys.
    Comprehension of meaning in the structure of word combinations
   At one word, children demonstrate understanding that meaning carried by word order.
    o   At 12-14 months, but not at 10 months, preferred to listen to sentences presented in normal word
        order over scrambled word order, and specifically in their language; not necessarily understanding.
    o   At 16-18 months, distinguished word order "Where is Cookie Monster washing Big Bird" and
        "Where is Big Bird washing Cookie Monster."
    o   28 months, distinguish "Find Cookie Monster and Big Bird turning" and "Look, Cookie Monster is
        turning Big Bird." Subject and object changes. Same vocabulary, but who is turning? At this stage,
        only say things like "I watching cars."
    o   Same with grammatical development.
    o   So, the sequence of grammatical development occurring in comprehension is the same as
        expression, but earlier. The duration of the lag is different for different children, thus an individual
        child's comprehension skills are not a good predictor of that child's level of productive grammar.
    o   Also, grammar is accomplished quickly by very young children. Continue to learn about the
        grammar, though, after age 5 years.

    Children know the grammatical rules
   As evidenced by
    o   Overregularization errors: they make mistakes in spontaneous speech that seem to be over-
        applications of rules. Example in text: the child who said "amn't I" as in "I'm a good boy, amn't I" as
        an over-application of the rule forming a tag question by inverting the subject and the form of the
        verb to be. We say "aren't you" and "isn't he", but "amn't I" is an exception to the rule. In this case
        the child has learned the rule but not the exception. Also often seen in overuse of grammatical
        morphemes, e.g. "foots", "tooths", "goed." Evidence that they know the exception to the rule but
        don't apply it, child making an irregular part of the language regular. Some overregularize more
        than others
    o   Also, children able to use novel forms, e.g. wugs, and blicked.

    Regarding theories
See text

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