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Post-Stalin

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Post-Stalin “Normalization:” A

“Precarious Stalemate”

Lecture on April 20

Lecture Overview

• General characteristics of „mature‟

communism in Eastern Europe

• Specific trajectories

• Significant legacy effects? Have the

decades of communist rule left a

measurable imprint on post-communist

political development?

I. General Characteristics: What changes

after Stalin across the region?

• The interlocking system of control, discipline and

punishment breaks down as punishment is minimized:

-- purges, mass deportations and imprisonment called off

-- secret police is curtailed

-- terror replaced by regime harassment of dissidents

-- rule of law somewhat restored; greater predictability, less

arbitrary abuse of the justice system

* Pervasive cynicism, corruption and opportunism follow

even as the communist regimes attempt to undertake

persistent reform/modernization efforts. Why do post-

Stalin reform efforts fail to produce more positive

results?

Shift to „modernization‟

Jowitt suggests that after Stalin‟s death, the

communist regimes attempted to move to a

more conciliatory stance of „modernization‟ i.e.,

“the regime‟s attempt to develop more empirical

and less dogmatic definitions of problems and

policy, a formal, procedural approach rather than

a substantive, arbitrary approach to the solution

of problems, and an understanding of the

executive function that stresses leadership

rather than command competences.” (p.57)

This, in turn, required

…”a rather significant redefinition of the relationship

between regime and society from mutual hostility and

avoidance to the regime‟s selective recognition and

managed acceptance of society.”

In this process, however, the Party lost its sense of

purpose and transformatory mission; its “combat ethos,”

as Jowitt puts it. The sense of “charismatic correctness”

maintained under Lenin and Stalin (albeit through terror)

has been lost and political corruption increases as

austere Stalinists like Rajk and sincere reform

communists like Nagy and Dubcek are replaced by

“traditional-type patrons and „big men.‟” (p.127)

A hybrid system evolves with modern

features consistently constrained by

traditional characteristics

This system…”recognizes methodical economic

action but favors „heroic‟ storming; values

professionals but subordinates them to tribute-

demanding apparatchik „notables‟; attempts to

upgrade contract as a mode of economic

predictability but debilitates its institutional

integrity with blat; strives for a scientific industrial

economy but approaches it „arithmatically‟;

emphasizes the mass scope of its democracy

but operates it secretively; asserts it has

substantively freed the individual but captures

him in the kollectiv.” (p. 139)

The result: Neo-traditionalism

Like traditional peasant/noble societies, tribute, bribery and

blat now constitute the principal modes of interaction

between regime and society:

“Money is rubbish. Power gives the right to everything. Now

women come to me.” A party commissar to a worker. (p.

129)

Blat typically refers to ties of reciprocity, not to impersonal,

strictly accountable, exchanges of standardized value.

In this respect, Soviet social organization broadly

resembles primitive economies where „reciprocity

demands adequacy of response not mathematical

equality,‟ and traditional peasant communities where

“reciprocal favors are so dissimilar in quality that

accountancy is difficult.” (p. 131)

The Party cadres are thereby

transformed

Into a “closed political status group” reinforced by the

adoption of corrupt practices …“that on balance sustain

the politically superior and economically privileged

position of the elite cadre”…(p. 149)

Potentially destabilizing this privileged group‟s hold on

political power are a number of key risks (p. 151):

1. Social anger of those excluded from the privileged

access structure of Party patronage;

2. The political anger of „citizens‟ who resent its very

existence;

3. Mobility demands of lower-level cadres

4. Alienating cadres that wish to restore the Party‟s

organizational integrity

Political Culture Legacies of

Stalinism

Why does corruption become so pervasive, so

quickly once punishment is removed from the

system and modernizing reforms initiated?

Jowitt argues that the political culture of the

Stalinist years reinforced traditional cultural

orientations to produce “the reinforcement of a

status ordering of regime and society” (p. 63)

and a “dichotomous structure of privileged

versus unprivileged” (p. 64) maintained through

the “regime‟s explicit and persistent use of

coercion in relations with society and within the

regime itself.” (p. 69)

Accordingly,

“It is significant that the tendency to

dichotomize elite and non-elite

membership during the dictatorship of the

proletariat has reinforced the political

culture that existed prior to the rule of the

Communist Party, a political culture in

which the elite sector was distinct in

character and prerogative, not simply in

role.”(p. 65)

Social Responses to

dichotomization and coercion

• Some degree of stability accorded to the

communist regime not through legitimacy

but through familiarity – social acceptance

of patterns of authority and privilege

consistent with the past

• Fostering of „pull‟ or „connections‟ as “a

means of decreasing the uncertainty and

anxiety” of encounters with those in

authority (p. 66)

Social Responses, cont.

• Adopting a “split posture” of public compliance v.

private skepticism or rejection – a “ghetto

political culture” (p. 70)

• Estrangement and alienation from authority

• Instrumental use of public offices and state

resources

• Withholding of critical information from superiors

• Dissimulation – deceptive manipulation, the

conscious adoption of false appearances

• Responsibility defined “as the avoidance of

public initiative.” (p. 76)

Rothschild also stresses

continuities with the past

It is therefore important to take note of “…the

survival and resurgence of political continuities

from the interwar period in such dimensions as

the styles and degrees of political participation,

the operational codes and cultures of political

elites, the processes of recruiting these political

elites, their definitions of economic priorities, and

so forth.” (p. 178)

…”political patterns in the 1980‟s looked more

continuous with those of the 1930‟s than

seemed conceivable in the midst of the

revolutionary decades of the 1940‟s and 1950‟s.”

Key continuities with the 1930‟s

• Ritualistic political behavior – ritualistic, symbolic overt even

pretended gestures of ratification sufficient; pervasive

“depoliticization of public life”

• New ruling class consolidated (“socially closed nature of this self-

protecting and self-replicating elite” maintained by “patterns of

access to higher education”) but took on the “styles, traits and

values of the interwar elites”

• Economic policy similar = development via heavy industry at the

expense of agriculture and consumption and with the help of foreign

credits

• Pervasive nationalism

• Political contestation = “the communist apparatchiks inherited…a

deplorable tradition of conducting domestic politics not as an

exercise in compromise and consensus building among fellow

citizens but as a mode of warfare against enemies.” (p. 180)

II. Differentiation: Specific

trajectories

• Most obviously, East European countries diverged in their

experiences of „mature‟ communism with the GDR, the CSSR and

Bulgaria remaining hard-line; Hungary and Poland moving to „soft‟

authoritarianism; Romania developing a „clan‟ based dictatorship

under Ceausescu.

• Less obvious, but important to note are differences within society.

As Jowitt notes, internally societies could be differentiated into

three zones (p. 81):

1. Poor rural communities –characterized by the persistence of

traditional peasant culture

2. Urban industrial settings – characterized by a greater degree of

modernization

3. Mixed sectors (services and commercial sectors) – characterized

by extensive corruption but also some entrepreneurship as

individuals took risks by engaging in the second economy

III. Legacy Effects

Clearly, analysts are now seeing more

continuities than revolutionary „breaks‟ in

the political development of Eastern

Europe. Based on this summary of Jowitt

+ Rothschild, what kind of continuities or

legacy effects from the pre-communist and

communist past would you expect to find

in contemporary East European politics?



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