Hines by liamei12345

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									      A few of my favorite things.
        James Hines, University of Michigan

   Paying taxes is not the same as bearing tax
    burdens.
   Capital taxes are the most distortionary of all.
   Efficient tax policies make everyone better
    off.
   Markets work; the economy is in general
    equilibrium.
   Broad-based, low-rate tax systems are not
    optimal.

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1. Paying taxes is not the
same as bearing tax burdens.
   Why the difference? Because taxes affect prices, and
    price movements impose burdens.
       Hence, for example, sellers bear part of the burden of a
        sales tax increase if it forces them to reduce their prices.
       The extent to which tax burdens are shifted depends on
        supply and demand throughout the economy.
   Example: Social Security taxes – are they really paid
    half by employers and half by employees? Well, no.
    And the burden on employees would be completely
    unaffected if the employer instead paid 75 percent or
    100 percent of the Social Security taxes (with
    compensating adjustment in the benefit schedule).

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Implications.
   The distributional effects of taxes may look
    very different than how they are commonly
    conceived and measured. The actual tax
    burden is not a function of who remits money
    to the government.
   For example, the burden of a source-based
    capital income tax in an open economy falls
    entirely on fixed factors (primarily labor).
    This effect is quite real, even though it is
    invisible to any single individual or company.

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2. Capital taxes are the most
distortionary of all.
   The effects of capital taxes compound over
    time, making these taxes extremely costly.
       Even a low rate of capital tax imposes a huge
        wedge between consumption now and
        consumption 30 years from now.
       No other tax has this compounding feature. There
        is something deceptive about the real burden in a
        setting with compounding.
   The cost is greatest in an open economy,
    since the supply of capital is so elastic.

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Implications.
   If the goal is to impose greater tax burdens on the
    rich than on other income groups, then capital
    income taxation is a terribly inefficient way to achieve
    this goal.
       Much better would be to adopt sharply progressive
        consumption taxes, for example.
   If the goal is to impose greater tax burdens on
    foreigners, then capital income taxes will not achieve
    that goal. Instead, capital income taxes significantly
    reduce local incomes by distorting the economy and
    thereby reducing the productivity of local labor and
    other productive factors.

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3. Efficient tax policies make
everyone better off.
   Efficient tax policies minimize distortions to resource
    allocation.
   Often there are apparent conflicts between efficiency
    objectives and distributional objectives.
   These conflicts can be real, but may be misplaced in
    evaluating particular taxes, since there is more than
    one way to redistribute income.
   Generally speaking, governments should redistribute
    income in the most efficient manner, and not by any
    possible means and with every available tax.


                                                        6
Implications.
   For example, taxes that might be attractive because
    they help to protect the environment or correct other
    problems may be undesirable on distributional
    grounds.
   The distributional consequences of environmental
    taxes can be remedied in other ways, notably,
    through changes in income tax schedules.
   An efficient system is one that pursues every goal
    efficiently, which then offers more for everyone,
    including more effective pursuit of efficiency and
    distributional objectives.


                                                      7
4. Markets work; the economy
is in general equilibrium.
   All markets clear in general equilibrium,
    which implies that everything affects
    everything else.
   There is evidence that not all markets
    work perfectly all of the time, but these
    deviations from market efficiency –
    which are of great interest to academics
    – tend to be very small.
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Implications.
   Economic adjustments, including bankruptcies and
    plant closings, can be signs of economic health.
    When some firms close, others open using the freed
    resources.
       This is progress; this is why we are not all still farmers.
   Practical applications of general equilibrium:
       Imposing a much higher tax on gasoline reduces consumer
        purchases in Detroit, and thereby reduces state sales tax
        collections in Michigan.
       The principle that markets work – the “law of one price” -
        implies that VAT border adjustments do not stimulate
        greater exports.


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5. Broad-based, low-rate tax
systems are not optimal.
   Many bad tax systems share the attribute of having
    narrow bases and high rates.
   It does not, however, follow that broad-based, low-
    rate systems are optimal. (Though they may be
    better than various bad alternatives.)
   Economic theory indicates that price-insensitive
    activities should be taxed at higher rates than price-
    sensitive activities. And economic theory calls for low
    capital tax rates. There is no theoretical case for
    broad-based low-rate tax systems.



                                                       10
Implications.
   The idea that all income should be taxed at
    the same rate may have political or other
    practical appeal, but such policies are costly
    in economic terms.
   One might want to distinguish:
       Capital and labor income.
       Domestic and foreign income.
       Capital gains and ordinary income.
       Other forms of income that differ in their price
        sensitivities.

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